The history of the Execrable Irish Rebellion

Trac’d from many preceding ACTS
TO THE
Grand Eruption
The 23 of October, 1641.
And thence pursued to the
Act of Settlement,

MDCLXII.

Spartanos (genus est audax,
Avidumque ferae) nodo cautus
Propiore liga.
Sen. Hippolytus.

LONDON,
Printed for Robert Clavel, in St. Paul’s Churchyard.
MDCLXXX.

TO THE READER.

Reader,

I Am not ignorant that he exposes himself (as a publick mark) to many inconveniencies, who appears in Print; Yet there hath been so long an expectation of the Proceedings of the whole War of Ireland, as (by an evil silence) some interpretately question, whether there was any such thing or no? Whereby those Pamphlets, the Roman Catholicks of Ireland, have dispersed through Europe, get Credit and Reputation; That his Majesties Protestant Subjects, first fell upon and murther’d them; which being so openly and frequently asserted (even on the very Place) where those dire Tragedies were acted, and that averr’d also in a time when many are yet living, who have seen and felt those miseries in themselves, and their Relations, I could not but let that drop from me, which might flow from others, niceness in this Case being the next degree to unfaithfulness; Yet I cannot say, what I have persued here is not to be cavell’d at, no! that were to presume my fate were happier than others; but I may aver, that nothing is imposed on the Reader, but what I have either Records, publick Evidences, credible Relations, or my own knowledge for its Ground; searching the best Intelligence I could reach to, though in clearing some doubts, I have encountred Obstacles, I could not rationally have expected, which I impute to my own misfortune, no ones Design; None (treated with) being so little affected, as not frequently to desire the digestion of a History, the English Interest in Ireland was not less concern’d in, then Humanity it self: The horror and cruelty (there committed) bidding defiance to whatsoever before had been acted in the World.

—Hinc Terras Cruor
Inficit omnes fusus & rubuit mare.

So that after all, if there be any Deficiency in what I shall relate, it may well be pardon’d, where there hath been as much Artifice to parget Truths, as Countenance could reach to; though as to what may be objected, (in reference to my Relation) I have been so cautious, that in Disputes I have not let Interest biass me: no! where I have found any Humanity, though it may be conjectur’d to proceed from self-Interest, that it may be return’d in gratitude, I have not designedly let it o’re-slip me; but of this nature there hath been little: indeed the whole Scene hath been so barbarous, as I have scarce found any into whose wound the Traveller hath pour’d Oyl: and yet willingly (more then what a just account of the Business requires) I would not fester the least Soar; However I expect all will not think so, ’tis natural for the Wasp to be angry; yet when it shall be weighed on what little reason the Irish more then the English, (equally, if not beyond them, concern’d in all Levies, Oppressions, and Grievances,) had to be enraged, pretending to be held in with a ruder Bit, I doubt not but the more Intelligent will allow them no common Sinners.

I am not ignorant what examples (some say) they had to encourage them to their Insurrection; though that encouragement (how confidently soever affirmed to be their Guide) never commenc’d in Blood, or march’d on in Murthers and Surprisals, of an innocent, naked, and unarm’d People, or (at first) seiz’d on those (much less murther’d them) who contrary to their Judgment, lived peaceably amongst them: However it is not my intention, to mitigate the flame they light their Torches by; all Rebellions being detestable; But certainly the Copy exceeded the Original, and what they would solely intitle to their Religion, (as interdicted by the Age) more justly is to be imputed, to their Detestation of the English Government and Nation, which from the Conquest to this instant, hath been the grounds for all Rebellions, even when both Nations were drunk with the Wine of Romes Fornication; So that though some (to mitigate the Result of so horrid a Rebellion) place the grounds of it on Religion, which (as my Lord Bacon observes) Erects a Monarchy in the minds of Men, by which they would enforce all to that yoke; Yet it is evident, they never had so free an exercise of their Religion, (under Pretexts of Civil Contracts, and Politick Agreements,) as when the Troubles began; not so much then as the least Violence being offer’d to their Diana, nor afterwards, till they made it one of their principal Demands; so that if at any time (since or before) they found a check, That must be attributed to the rude and boisterous behaviour (as a Statist seasonably notes) of some of them, who disturb’d the happy Calm they all enjoy’d, rather then to any willing severity in the State, whose bounty and generosity towards them, hath (by their ill usage of the Indulgence) been interpreted a Product of the Kings Affection to their Religion, not his charity and compassion towards their Persons; That thence some have proceeded to Acts, which have alienated the affections of those, who desired they should not have been disquieted; Till Recusancy began over-boldly to look Government in the Face; in as much as thence some have suspected whether Hannibal were not at the Gates: Else could any vaunt at home? as others write to their Friends abroad, that they hope all will be well, and doubt not to prevail and win ground upon us; in as much as (meerly from this encouragement) a Romanist (well observ’d by the Silver-Mouth Trumpet) not long since congratulated in Print, That the Face of our Church began to alter, and the Language of our Religion to change; (saith Sancta Clara) So as if a Synod were held non intermixtis Puritanis, (O those are Pestilent fellows!) our Articles and their Religion would soon be agreed. Upon which and other Circumstances, the learned and foreseeing Primate, Archbishop Usher, once in an Assembly of the whole Nation, averr’d, That the Magistrates yielding to meet the Papists, as far as they might in their own way, in the first Reformation in England, had (upon the experience of many years) rather hardned them in their Errors, then brought them to a liking of our Religion. This being their usual saying, If our Flesh be not good, why do you drink of our Broth? The consideration of which, made King James of blessed memory, take notice, That having after some time spent in setling the Politck Affairs of this Realm, of late bestowed no small labour, in composing certain differencies we found amongst our Clergy, about Rites and Ceremonies, heretofore Established in this Church of England, and reduc’d the same to such an Order and Form, as we doubt not, but every Spirit that is led only with Piety, and not with Humour, shall be therein satisfied. It appear’d unto us in the debating of those Matters, that a greater Contagion to our Religion, then could arise from those light differencies, was imminent by Persons, common Enemies to them both; namely, the great number of Priests, both Seminaries and Jesuits, abounding in this Realm, as well of such as were here before our coming to this Crown, as of such as have resorted hither since; using their Functions and Professions with greater liberty, then heretofore they durst have done, partly upon a vain confidence of some Innovation in matter of Religion, to be done by us, which we never intended, nor gave any man cause to expect, and partly upon the assurance of our general Pardon, granted according to the custom of our Progenitors, at our Coronation, for offences past, in the days of the late Queen, which Pardons, many of the said Priests have procur’d under our great Seal, and holding themselves thereby free from the danger of the Laws, do with great Audacity, exercise all Offices of their Profession, both saying Masses, perswading our Subjects from the Religion Established, and reconciling them to the Church of Rome, and by consequence, seducing them from the true perswasion, which all Subjects ought to have of their Duty and Obedience to Us; Of which though I might urge more, I have no itch to enlarge, their own Scourge may be their Punishment, Saepe in Magistrum scelera redierunt sua: Certain it was, the Irish hop’d to shake off the English Government by that attempt; but how improbable, a Series of 500 years Succession, sufficiently evinces, every defection in the People having rooted the Prince more intire; that at length (methinks) they should be wean’d from further Assays of that nature; though where there are a People who look towards Egypt, there will not want some to cry out for a Captain to lead them.

But to descant hereupon, is not my design, being willing to believe that Janus’s Gates may henceforth be shut, Allegiance being the aim, not the pretence of their present Submission:

What I here endeavour, is to clear by what Steps the late Rebellion arrived at its Height, and how it came (in so short a time) to sweep all before it.

In handling of which, I shall first shew the Condition of the Kingdom some years before the Rebellion.

Then I shall speak of the preliminary Acts thereunto, and therein detect the vanity of those who would fix the Rebellion at first, upon a few discontented inconsiderable Persons, a Rable (Authors of all the Civil War that followed) in Ulster onely; when the Plot was a long laid Design, determin’d by the main Body of the Nation; as Rory-Mac-Guire ingenuously told Colonel Audley Mervin, That this great undertaking, was never the Act of one or 2 giddy fellows: We have (said he) our Party in England, we have our Party in Scotland, that will keep such (as would oppose us) busy from sending you any Aid: in as much, as I could tell you, who the Persons were that were designed for the Surprisal of all the Places of Strength; And in the Declaration of the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates of Ireland, at Jamestown, the 12. of August, 1650. It is there acknowledged, That the Catholick People of Ireland, (so not the Rable) in the year 1641. were forc’d to take up Arms for the defence of Holy Religion, their Lives and Liberties, which some (very industriously) would fain wipe off, as being too undeniable an evidence of their inclinations, before those vain pretences they fly to, (as their main Subterfuge) drove them into the Net with others; Yet we shall herein so clear the folly of what they would have the World believe, as their Excuse serves mainly to aggravate their Crime.

Mens Impudicam facere, non casus, Solet.

Afterwards I will fall on the Subject, till the Cessation, manag’d by subtil Instruments of State; Yet not without great Disgusts to some, highly improv’d to the event of what afterwards ensued.

Then we shall proceed to the Conclusion, which (betwixt the Cessation and that) will appear to have many notable changes, such as though some Histories may lead you through many varieties, this more.

In clearing of which, I should have been glad of more Originals than I could meet with, especially such as might have detected the whole Proceedings at Kilkenny, where the Design was so closely anvil’d, as all things afterwards were found there in defiance of his Majesties Authority: There first the Clergy compact a General Congregation, which summon’d a General Assembly, equivalent (in their Veneration) to a Parliament; and that Established a Supream Council of the Confederate Catholicks, which received from them Sanction and Laws, by which Coin was stamped, National and Provincial Court, Established, Estates setled, their Clergy Re-established, the Popes Nuncio receiv’d Ambassadors sent thence, and others entertain’d from Foraign Princes; all under a Soveraign Seal of their own, and what else might bespeak them independent on any, but their own Power: But the Evidence of these and some other Records, being the Treasure of fearful men, (whom a specious Artifice had charm’d) easy Keys o• Interest could not freely purchase. The Records however of that presumptious Assembly, are (notwithstanding the unfortunateness of the Age) yet secur’d in his Library, which (though before it wanted little to make it venerable) will in future Ages be resorted to, as a Treasure invaluable, securing those Secrets, which the malice of so potent an Enemy would have improv’d, to the ruine of an Empire: Yet (as I have already said) I ground little, (if any thing) but on Proofs; Nay! I have so well sifted Kilkenny it self, (though no Art hath been omitted to shuffle up the Proceeding there) as the Original Progress and State of that Conclave, is not without faithful and notable Remarks, more being under the Vizard, than appear’d in the Disguise; though the Retirement I have now betook my self to, (suitable to the effects of so disconsolate a Rebellion) deprives me of those Councils and Societies, which (by a free’r Commerce) might have rectified either my Sence or Stile.

For the most part, I have in the Appendix set down Copies of the weightiest Records, they carrying so much (even of the History) in them, as they eas’d me in the Story: I should have been forward to have enlarg’d more, nothing of that nature being otherwise than important; But in that, his Majesty’s Works, Sir John Temple, of the Irish Rebellion, Husbands Collections of Orders, Ordinances and Declarations of both Houses of Parliament, the Commissioners of Ireland’s Remonstrance to the House of Commons in England, of the condition of the Clergy and Protestants, the Speeches of several Members, Diurnals, Walshes Loyal Formulary, the Answer to the Irish Remonstrance, presented at Trim, 1642. And other Prints being extant, I have rather chose to refer the Reader often thither, then engage him in too Voluminous a Tract; though where any Relation, act, or other Material Instrument makes up the Story, (not without injury to be abreviated) we have tied our selves to the Words. It was my happiness (I must acknowledge) to meet with a Manuscript, whence I was supplied with much of the latter part of this History, though a part of it was so weaved, as if Justice could not have been done to some, without mutchthing of others, which we had reason to wave; and if there be any obstinacy in that Particular, we are ready to clear the truth.

In handling of which, I have insisted on the Proceedings of the King and Parliament too long, (I suspect) some will judge, considering the diversity of the Subject; but when it shall be weighed, how jointly they were interessed in the prosecution of the War against the Irish, and that the unfortunate difference betwixt them, retarded the success in Ireland; I fear not that any ingenious Person should esteem this addition Alien: However the affections of the King (whom some have traduced) were so legible to chastise the Rebels, as without injury to his Sacred Memory, less could not be collected for Posterity, least the Irish by their Pamphlets, (plentifully scattered at home and abroad) should entitle the Parliament, more then his Majesty, to their just Correction; The bleeding Iphigenia, being forward to cast more upon a Malignant Part of the Council, (whom he would have the World believe, misinform’d his Majesty) then his Majesty of himself was really sensible of: A Consideration so important, as he abuses Posterity, who delivers not the Truth intire. And that we may yet further assume this Particular, I must affirm, That when the Confederates Agents insisted passionately, why Ordinances of Parliament should be in force against them? It was most judicially answer’d by the Committee (then managing that Affair) that the constitution of our Laws, (indeed) receive their Essence from the Royal Assent: but yet when they perus’d the Act 17. Car. 1. wherein a particular Trust is in an extraordinary, and unusual manner, devolv’d unto the Lords and Commons in Parliament; It is possible, that such Ordinance or Ordinances may equitably continue, when others are justly laid aside; And tis observable, that during the time of the unhappy and unnatural War betwixt his late Majesty and his two Houses; That his Majesty was so far from discountenancing any Ordinances or Proceedings of them, in order to the War of Ireland, that his Majesty (in all his Condemnation of the Injustice of that War, betwixt himself and them) laid it as an aggravation of their Fault, that (by such Diversion) his Protestant Subjects of Ireland, (the care of whom he had intrusted them withall) were exposed to the Butchery and Rapine of their merciless Enemies: Nor would his Majesty have charg’d them, for not affording Protection to his said Subjects, if the onely Mediums for effecting it, viz. Their Ordinances had been unjust, irregular, or unreasonable; as is evident in his Answer, the 5. of May, 1643. to a Bill brought him to Oxford, by Commissioners for the Service of Ireland, could they have secur’d the Ends, his Majesty desir’d might be observ’d in that Bill.

I had thought (for the fuller Illustration of the History) to have inserted constantly the Articles on the delivery of each Place, but finding those sometimes many, I rather chose to exemplifie a few, that thence the scope of the rest might be conceiv’d, that (which in the whole) was most considerable, was, That none who Contrived the Rebellion, or had a hand in the first years Murthers, were ever to have any other Conditions, then to be left to Justice.

It must be confessed, I have missed it some times in the Synerisis, as in such variety and confusion of Matter, it is imposible to be exact; But then considering that Relative Affairs are brought sooner under on Head.

The Descrepancy of the other may be better excused.

I shall find it a hard task to run the Gantlet, for that several have (in their Prints abroad) vented already their venom, not only as to what may skreen the Rebellion, but on the proceedings of the State before; So Carue in his Annals of Ireland, 1603. insinuates, That when King James had forgiven Tyrone, he says, Quidem sub specie (observe the Rancour of the Author) In Anglia omnia condonavit sed cum in Hiberniam rediisset ac Dublinium devenisset, confestim omnis rei seriem & Catastrophen in se molita percepit, Then which, a greater Calumny could not be cast upon a Prince, imposing on the World a Belief; That though in England he favour’d Tyrone, yet clandestinely, he took all advantages to undo him; Which Tyrone perceiving, Clanculò (writes this Author) In Ultoniam, deinde desertis omnibus suis ditionibus in Galliam, post vero in Flandriam, & demum Romam perexit ubi ultimum diem vitae exul terminavit, Whereas in truth, going out again into Rebellion, (through his detestation of the English Government) he was forced to sly, being absolutely routed by the Kings Forces.

If I should plead for what my self apprehends amiss in this Work, (much more others) I should too long fix the Reader here: I shall therefore submit to the fate of Books liable to the Capacity of the Reader, to whom I must affirm, that if some of these Transactions had not been (through the Providence and Integrity of a Reverend and eminent Person) prevented to have fallen into his hands, who (if he plead not for it now?) was no mean Instrument of the Rebellion; And that one under the Title of the bleeding Iphigenia, (a virulent and scurrilous Piece) had not of late (viz. 23. of December, 1674.) aspersed the State; I should willingly have excused my self. That

Me dulcis saturet Quies
Obscuro positus Loco
Leni persruar Otio.

But considering what Glosses, what Depravations of credible Witnesses, and expurgation of their own, what Evasions, what leavings out, and Insertions would have happen’d, had this History (in his hand) proceeded: I rather chose to expose my Weakness, than leave Truths (of this consequence) nipt and sullied to Posterity, not much valuing whose Teeth corrode most, Truth being in its Lenith.

And truly when I consider how many are excellently skilled in Foraign Histories, who scarce know our common occurrences at home, I think their omission hardly pardonable, A man (as one well observes) being most morally edified by reading such Men, and Matters as are his own Contemporaries; the Recitement of those things, which come nearest to our times, being of most force and efficacy to instruct and delight us: A sence of which made a most Reverend, and Intelligent Person (some months since) so apprehensive of this Story, to be necessarily writ, that (upon Discourse) he professed his observing so little of it before, became his wonder, having satisfied himself (as most do, where the Concern touches the State, not their Personal Interest) with the bare sound of the thing, rather then enquire into the Nature, Growth, and Virulency thereof, (the Commons crying loud) which throughly considered, is the import of the Nation; Though when such designs are blasted, as the present tremendous Plot against his Sacred Majesty, and the constituted Government, some often undervalue them as foolishly laid, and weakly attempted, though that was not (as it seems) to determin here, but (as a place more combustible and fit for fewel) to extend to Ireland, carefully provided against by Proclamations, (if not since relaxed?)

The Management of which Affairs fell to be very difficult on those then at the Helm, which I cannot but say, some might have more easily carried on; yet when it shall be impartially considered, I believe the caution and prudence of the State, then will in their Acts to Posterity, appear more significant and valuable, than Malice or ingratitude can justly sully them with: Besides, what Exigences? what Misapprehensions? what Straights? did these daily encounter in their own, and the State Affairs, (supportable by none that had not been of an even and great Courage) is not to be passed over: Yet as to the Integrity of their Service, few ever waded through their Task with greater Acquiescency, what ever hath been their misfortune to be censur’d at Pleasure, That being their aim, which was their Glory, His Majesties Honour, and the Protestants Support, how slenderly soever the Merit of that Service hath been since looked on, in their Posterity; To whom little hath been indulg’d, Praeter Nomen & Famam & ea quoque a multis calcata.

And as then, so since, the State hath labour’d under great Difficulties, (many pangs and throws) to Establish the Settlement of Ireland, witness all those Interests, which his Majesty (in his Declaration for the Settlement of Ireland) crouding one upon another, carefully and with singular caution, as well provided for, as could reasonably be expected after so great Troubles and Confusions, and such blessed Circumstances of his Restauration: Though how observed by the Court of Claims, is not my work to insist on, that having been (with singular Perspicuity and Judgment) spoken to at large by the Speaker of the House of Commons in Ireland, and since then, by the Adventurers Case Stated, &c.

The state of the Question arising chiefly from the distinction of Nocent and Innocent: In reference whereunto; First, some were to be considered, as fit to be restored to their Estates, who not only gave early evidences of their Crimes, but also persever’d in their Loyalty; As 2. others who submitted to the Peace without Apostacy; And 3. such as being transported into Foraign Parts, united and served his Majesty through many difficulties, and accepted not of other satisfaction; As 4. others who in an especial manner merited the restoring of their Estates, which Grace and unparalel’d Favour (whether sufficiently refflected or no by the Confederates) took off many of those, who by the Declaration were to be Nocent, as all of the Rebels Party before 1643. As also such as enjoy’d their Estates in the Rebels Quarters, except the Inhabitants of Cork, and Youghall, or those who entred into the Roman Catholick Confederacy before the Peace, 1648. adhering to the Nuncio, opposing the Kings Authority, Excommunicating such as adhered to the King, impowering Commissioners to treat with any Papal Power, or bringing into Ireland Foraign Forces; As also such as had been Wood Kerns, or Tories before the Marquess of Clanrikards leaving the Government, on whom the Letter of Condemnation is writ in their foreheads, as having been not only eminently Guilty of that horrid and unprovoked Rebellion, but also active in the very Conduct of it, as Generals, Lieutenants, and Major Generals, Councellors in the Supream Assembly, &c. though many of these since enjoy a plentiful Estate.

In this War the Souldiers were forced on many sad inevitable streights; Yet their Gallantry, Courage, and Patience, carried them on so unanimously, as in all the Encounters they had with the Rebels, (as far as an honourable Person writ) they never (writes he) receiv’d any Scorn or Defeat, and (what was more) without any assistance either from the meer Irish, or English Irish, that were Gentlemen of Quality; In as much as one (who knew as well the Genius as the Progress of the Irish in his excellent Speech to the Lord Lieutenant, (since publisht in Print) thought it no Scandal to affirm, That amongst all the Persons that have been restored, (as Innocent) we cannot) saith he) understand of one, neither can we say upon our own knowledge, (and we come from all parts of the Kingdom) that any one of them from the 23. of October, 1641. to September, 1653. ever drew a Sword against the Irish in Rebellion, or ever assisted our English Forces in prosecution of them. Nor is it to be thought strange, That none of the Irish gave any assistance to his Majesties Forces, for that (besides those Decrees of Salamanca, &c. Cited by Philip Sullevan,mention’d in our State of Ireland before the Insurrection? To this History) Mahony in his Disputatio Apologetica. Pag. 43. (having sullied much Paper in quoting Bulls against English Hereticks invading Ireland) there insists upon it. That it was then also to be added, (as altogether certain) that the Irish are engaged by a Divine, Human, and Natural Precept, unanimously to joyn to extirpate Hereticks, and to shun Communion with them, and much more to be obliged not to assist them with Aid, Councel, Favour, Arms, or any Accommodation, &c. against Catholicks; which Principle of Mahony, Walsh Fol. 741. tells us, with his Book was condemned to be burn’d, by order of the Supream Council of the Confederates at Kilkenny; Yet we do not find, whilst the Irish were themselves, that (in Detestation to Mahony’s Principle) they ever assisted the English, nay! Father Nich. Redmond Secretary to the Congregation, (giving Walsh an account of the Acts of that Congregation) tells him, That they were never formal ones, seriously digested and couched by select Committees, nor were they the Principal Scope of that meeting; whereby it may be conjectured (without violence to their good Intentions) that their Censure (on Mahony’s Book) was rather a Fucus cast on their present Complexion, than any abhorrency thereof; what at other times they Solemnly intended, being ever seriously digested.

And for those who joyn’d with his Excellency after the Peace of 1646. (who would be thought to have merited thereby, after they had assumed a Contradistinct Government; and in defence thereof, maintain’d a War, and (which is worse) a Cessation with Detention of his Majesties Forts, and the Inheritances of his Subjects) It cannot be said (without the forfeiture of our Reason) that their pure Loyalty (but self-preservation) engaged them thereunto: For seeing how resolute the Parliament of England was to pursue that War, their security could be no where, but in siding with the King; And that this (not affection or sence of what they had done) was the grounds of that Compliance, appears in their subsequent Acts, shamefully afterwards diserting the Marquess of Ormond, fixing upon him incredible Scandals, when he had exposed himself (at their request) to all the inconveniencies imaginable, for their Peace and his Majesties Interest; First, parting with the English under his Command, (an evidence that those were they whom they still endeavoured to root out) and then ordering their Bishops and Commissioners of Trust, to share in his Councels, and the management of Affairs; At last ejecting him as questionable before his Majesty, for his injuries to them, and his ill Government; whilst they assumed the Management of all, in acting, That no Temporal Government or Jurisdiction, should be assumed, kept, or executed in that Kingdom, or any Province or County thereof, other then what is approved or instituted by their General Assembly or Supream Council, which was indeed the first Common-Wealth set up in his Majesties Empire: And yet these are those who were receiv’d as Penitents to Mercy, strange Penitents! Who after so much blood, and spoil of Innocents, such sins against Indulgence, and Oaths of Obedience and Submission, were so far from satisfying their wrong doings, that they were never brought to profess themselves Guilty, whose Penitence seems to be only, in that they fail’d to accomplish their evil in fulness: Twice Conspir’d they a Peace, the better to accomplish (to the utmost) what they might not need further Penitence, thereby foolishly forfeiting all the Grace which they might have expected from his Majesty; though amongst the General, there were some, who upon the Peace made with them, honestly perform’d what they had promised to him, though with inconveniency enough to themselves, whose demeanour could not but be thought very worthy of his Protection, Justice, and Favour, as they find fully enlarg’d in the Act of Settlement.

And here I cannot but take notice, that though some would impute the Irregularity of these Proceedings to the Clergy only, (who indeed were the main spoak in the Wheel) yet some of the Committee of Trust, and of the Nobility, (who ever else were free?) were also privy thereunto, (how close soever they behav’d themselves) as appears in their cherishing privately the ill Humors and Jealousies of the People, and their averseness to punish the greatest exorbitancy, wherein the Clergy were concern’d without the Cooperation of the Bishops, whose consent they were sure never to have: Indeed I dare not but say, (having it from an excellent Pen) that some of the Irish Discent have in the late Troubles (as in all Ages) well deserv’d of the Crown, though it may wrack the Memory of the strictest observer to enumerate many, few having assisted the Protestants against the Mighty.

However great strugling there hath been, That the Peace of 1648. should be inviolable, whereas besides other important Reasons referring to their abominable Reservation; That if those Articles of Peace were not in every particular for their Advantage performed, they would not be concluded thereby: It must be considered, that when the King was necessitated to comply with the Rebels, he was then under sad streights; The odious Court (by which his Sacred Life was afterwards taken away) being then erected: So as no body could wonder, that he desir’d (though upon difficult Conditions) to get such an united Power of his own Subjects, as might have been able with Gods blessing, to have prevented that infamous and horrible Parricide; Yet then in that Article of time, the Irish prest for the conclusion of the Peace: Whereas if they had been truly Loyal and Unanimous? Generous Souls, would never have took that opportunity to have enhaunc’d their Price: But (in submission to what Grace they might afterwards find) freely have waded through the difficulties they were call’d to, having long before promised a vigorous Assistance, which they never attempted: Though many of these since, must confess, that they have been as well provided for, as after so great Troubles and Confusions, and such blessed Circumstances of his Majesties Restauration, they could reasonably expect; And yet the bleeding Iphigenia (that piece of Ingratitude and Scandal) will tell you, That the Body of a noble, antient, Catholick Nation, (Ireland) clad all in red Robes, is not now to be offer’d up as Victime, but is already Sacrificed; not to a Prophane Diety, but to the living God for Holy Religion, As if after all the Indulgence, (which hath been and is vouchsaf’d, that Nation) nothing attends it but Misery and Ruine, a Trumpet certainly to another Insurrection.

But to proceed, the success of our Armies (considering the numbers they often oppos’d) exceeds a common Belief; in as much, as some have extenuated the Glory of their Service, by the Cowardliness of the Enemy, who seldom made a noble or brave Defence, save where an extremity reduced them to an exigence, or a surprize made them cruel: But on this subject Sir Francis Bacon (in a Letter to the Earl of Essex, going for Ireland) observes, That the justest Triumphs that the Romans in their greatest Greatness did obtain, and that whereof the Emperors in their Stiles took Additions and Denominations, were of such an Enemy, that is, People barbarous, and not reduced to Civility; magnifying a kind of Lawless Liberty, Prodigal of Life, hardness in Body, fortified in Woods and Bogs, placing both Justice and Felicity in the sharpness of their Swords: It being a higher Point of Honour to reduce such to Civility, than to be enrich’d by a Praeditory War.

I am sensible that the undertaking of this War hath passed with many, as an opportunity to enrich the Servitour; nor can it be denied, but that reward is the just expectation of Merit: But when it shall be consider’d at what rates Debenters were paid off, what hardship the Souldiers encountred, how many in Rebellion shar’d the mercy of a Gracious Prince, what were the Difficulties attended all in Government; it cannot be denied, but more then a Praeditory War, even the Establishment of a Religion and Nation the Irish would have extirpated, the settling of his Majesties Rights, and the reducing of a People (loose in their Principles) to Civility, were the main Ends of this War, to which his Majesty was forc’d by the causeless and inhuman Insurrection of the Irish: In reference to which, the Rebels (being before prepar’d thereunto) soon Marshall’d a considerable Force; But though it was for their Altars and Inheritance (as they pretended,) never any Nation fell under greater Pusillanimity, which some impute to their want of Warlick Provisions; their ignorance in the Discipline of their Army, the lack of unity amongst themselves; and the Supplies of the English ever found of all necessaries: But certainly the greatest Defect was in the badness of their Cause, which Conor O Mahon in his Disputatio Apologetica urges from an Ethnick Poet, (led meerly by the light of Nature) is most material.

Frangit & attollit vires milite Causa
Quae nisi justa subest, excutit Arma Pudor.

For it must be allowed, (not to be denied by the Ingenious) that the Natives have Courage and Abilities sufficient, few (in their Imployments abroad) proving better Souldiers, more temperate, better vers’d in the World, or readier to be put on the forwardest Action.

Here I might enlarge much in the Encomiums of those who so vigorously oppos’d them, though at length the Irish got Courage, or rather (from the certainty of what they were sure to suffer) grew desperate; extremity forcing that, no sence of Honour before could Animate; And yet then, the Conduct and vigor of the English appear’d such, as the Rebels though in some skirmishes (assisted by surprisals) prevail’d, they could never arrive at a perfect Defeat: Here though I am sometimes lead to mention eminent Persons in their Places, I am yet forced to omit many, whose Offices and Names I cannot attain to, which by their Prowess and Virtue, would have added Date to the History; And yet I know some Persons are so apprehensive of their Merits, that not to express them in Terms aequivalent, may be worse than to omit them; willingly I insist on None, with a Disrespect to others.

Here I cannot (without injury to a Reverend Prelate) but take notice, what I find clearly, and most eloquently exprest by Dr. Loftus, Vicar-General of Ireland, in a Speech at a Visitation in the Diocess of Clogher, touching Dr. John Lesley, Lord Bishop of Clogher, who (during the first fury of the Rebellion in Ireland) vigorously oppos’d the Rebels; and when Sir Ralph Gore (a worthy Servitor) at Machrebeg, and many other British Inhabitants, were reduced to great extremity by a long Siege, and necessity of a suddain Surrender of themselves, without hope of Quarter to the enraged Cruelty of the Irish; He sallied forth amidst the Flames of the whole Country, and reliev’d him at that time reduc’d to such Streights, as they were forc’d to cast their dishes into Ball; And the Laggan Forces (consisting of three Regiments) refus’d to hazard them for the Relief of the Besieged, whilst the Bishop (with his Company, Tenants and Friends) attempted their Relief and perfected it, evidencing at that instant as much Personal Valour, as Regular Conduct, yet mention’d with much astonishment.

Affairs thus carried on, its evident how the Royal Throne (by whom the Army advanc’d) is justly to be vindicated from those Calumnies some would asperse it with; as if they had not proceeded by his Majesties Command; So impudently did these Rebels affront, not his Authority only in his Instruments at the Helm, but thereby gave his Proclamation, Speeches, Acts, and Vows, the Contradiction; And when his Execellency had made the first Peace with them, notwithstanding his Majesties Letter, To proceed no further in Treaty with the Rebels, that Letter (as Pernachief well observes) having been sollicited by the Scots (in whose Power he was then) to make their War more valuable. The Irish yet so ill managed that condescention, as nothing in History equals their ingratitude, that thence the Integrity of the Prime Minister of State being to them, and his Master Signal their Defection, remains a Blot to Posterity: Indeed it is seldom seen that where a People (by Insurrection) obtain their first pretentions, but they aspire to greater; Whence it is observed of Hen. 7. that he was ever in the Head of his Army, lest Rebels prevailing, (at the beginning) they might soon rowl into an Hoast: Nor is it found that ever he complied with their requests, how plausible soever, least they might be thought to purchase that by their Insurrection, which they did not dare to impetrate by their Prayers; Upon which Account it may be thought his late Majesty desired to go for Ireland, Conceiving that the Rebels were capable of no greater Terrour, than by the Presence of their Lawful King in the Head of an Army, to chastize them, though the consequence of it were otherwise apprehended, and his Journey stay’d thereupon, He not being so weary of his Life as to hazard it impertinently, whereby the Parliament conceiving (by a Commission under the great Seal of England) that they had Power to Advise Order, and Dispose of all things concerning the Government and Defence of Ireland, wholly applied themselves to that Work, till the unhappy Difference betwixt his Majesty and them fell so considerable, as though they sent (sometimes) scattering Supplies, the wants of the Army grew clamorous; Yet in the end, they so far prevail’d, as to declare the Rebels subdued: In accomplishing of which, so many changes, such variety of matter, and several alterations of Scenes happen’d,as a Pen (arm’d with the Rhethorick of the best Historian) is but sufficient to Register them to Posterity; Inferior Pens being probable to lessen so considerable a Story; However it is now fallen to my Lot, (it may be thought voluntarily) indeed thus much I must alledge for my self, that besides a strong impulse, so many (and considerable Persons) have drawn me to it, that without a more than ordinary Hardiesse, I could not well resist their Importunity, which if any judge too easie a Flexibility, I submit to their Censure, so they think the Work (shun’d by many) really necessary, considering the affront some bold Pens have offer’d to the Sincerity of the State and their Gallantry, who (in Honour of the Empire) have sustain’d the Insolencies of a sad and unnatural War, which if I do not express answerable to the subject, it may satisfie the Reader, that my aim is to be intelligible and significant, though rude and plain.

Amongst several encouragements, I shall here only insert One from a Person better vers’d in the Language he writes than English.

Vir Clarissime.

Tanta fide & industria, tantoque successu, finem imposuisti operi diu expectato, quod texit nobis Hibernicae Rebellionis Historiam, quae coepit Anno, a reparata Salute, 1641. Octobris 23. Gratulor tibi hocce calamo, quo e tenebris eruisti veritatem, & pene obrutam per hujus AEtatis negligentiam, in apertum protulisti: Non puto quicquam unquam horridius & funestius sua origine, suo progressu & eventu excogitatum fuisse ab orbe condito, quam quod machinati sunt Authores execrabilis in Britannos Protestantes, quibus sola defensionis Arma erant in sua Innocentia; cedunt huic Immanitati Siculae Vesperae, Rabies Paparum in Convallenses & Pidemontanos, & Laniena Parisiensis: Non queo satis praedicare nostra tempora, quae tulerunt te virum, Qui vivis coloribus & graphice depingeret, exprimeret, palam faceret Sicariorum coepta incoepta complexus, facinora nefanda, singulosque actus horrendae Lanienae; In qua tamen, tanquam in re bene gesta, triumphant ejus Patroni Mahony & Alii Satanicarum Artium Consortes & perinde homicidarum & percussorum Advocati, ut ulterius animos addant contribulibus suis perstandi in Incaepto, ut Haereticorum, quos vocant, Jugum semel excussum non admittant, unquam iterum nec permittant, sed potius Eligant sibi Regem Catholicum & vernaculum, seu naturalem Hibernum, Qui Eos Catholice gubernari possit, quemadmodum Loquuntur in sua exhortatione ad Catholicos; utique Jesuita Hibernus Mac-Mahon (ut recte observat Walsh) insinuavit, quod liceat occidere non solum omnes Protestantes, sed & quoscunque Hibernos de Romanis Catholicis Qui starent à partibus Coronae Regis Angliae & tuerentur Jura Regia in Hiberniam, Quique interdixerent ne sibi proprium Regem Eligerent.

Profecto circa initia Rebellionis immensum quantum obstitit in coeptis & molitionibus Rebellium Illustrissimus Parens tuus destinatus ad id à potentissimo Rege, Cui nota erat virtus fortissimi viri, pacis & belli artibus clari, Cujus prudentia par erat animi Robori, & qui hacce virtute res nutantes & ad ruinam properantes incompositasque firmavit, adversus Consiliarios Magna negotia administrantes, majori cum Studio privatae quam publicae Utilitatis; quo in Conatu & per virtutem vitamque pie & innocenter actam muneri magis suo consuluit quam facultatibus parandis, Cujus Vestigiis insistens Johannes ejus filius eques auratus frater tuus clarissimus ob res fortiter gestas, Droghedam, & Rossam, nec pro meritis pensatas non debuit a te praeteriri, Quanquam nulla privata ratione sed solo Elatere veritatis proferendae commovearis ad imputandum publicò Historiam tuam, Quae tua est Modestia.

Idus Novembris
1678.

Vale.

To this (as a Resepect I must ever acknowledge) I cannot but annex the following Letter, lately receiv’d from the Honourable and Eminent Lord Bishop of Meath, a constant Assertor of the English Interest and the Protestants Sufferings, minding, me from whom I had several Passages in the ensuing History: A History which must want much of its due Method and more Eloquence, not having his.

Doctor.

I Understood by Letters from London, and after by Two from your self, of your forwardness in the History of the Irish Rebellion, Anno 1641. that being, I find, now in the Press.

How far you have therein proceeded, or what is your way in that, I know not, that not having been to me by any communicated; To that therefore I can say no more, than, that its passing your hands, assures me of what may satisfie.

What may satisfie, I mean not those, who shut their eyes against light, and even Rebel against it.

There are, who contrary to all evidence, confidently averr, write and openly proclaim to the World, that there was then no such Rebellion of the Irish, neither such Massacres of the British and Protestants in Ireland; but that they themselves, the Irish and Papists of Ireland, were then the Sufferers, and that by the Protestants, (they say) the first aggressors.

This bold assertion in the face of the Sun; and in that very age, when things were acted, there having been many also then, and some yet living, who can speak to the truth in that; This (I say) might gain on Strangers to the Kingdom, and hath already on some, even at home, especially at this time, about 40 years after.

But the contrary appear’d by those Collections, which you had from me, to which herein as in other particulars, I refer.

And what do they in this, but what was before, and is by them done ordinarily? Have they not with like confidence disclaimed that black and hellish Powder-Plot, Nov. 5. 1605. from being Popish? do they not give that out for false, and as a forg’d Calumny cast on that Party, of whom none of theirs (they say) was therein concern’d? whereas, it is well known, that Hammond, Baldwin, Gerard, and Tesmond, Jesuits, with their Provincial Garnet, were all in that Conspiracy; Thomson also, a Jesuit boasted after at Rome, that his shirt was often wet with digging under the Parliament-House in London, besides others in that Conspiracy, who were all Papists, and many of them Suffering for their so practicing; the publick proceedings on those Tryals remaining extant on Record.

And do They not now, even now, cry down what our eyes behold of their horrid and bloody Design, and hellish Treason against the Royal Person of our Gracious Sovereign King Charles II. and against his Protestant Subjects: and for total extirpation of the Protestant Religion out of the Three Kingdoms? The truth of which is every day, even as by miracle, more and more evidenc’d, to the Glory of Gods watchful Providence over this his Church and People.

Among which, I find our selves threatned with a yet other like demonstration of zeal, for the promoting of the Catholick Religion, and Interest in Ireland, (Dr. Oates Nar. §. 50.) so they term those Massacres, and Blood, for rooting out the Protestant Religion, and casting off the English Government in Ireland; which their other demonstration of Zeal, (as they term it) shews the former actings in that kind to have bin theirs, and how such their Actings are by them esteemed; a demonstration of Zeal for promoting the Catholick Religion.

But He that sits in Heaven laughs them to scorn, and hath them in derision, speaking to them in his wrath, and vexing them in his sore displeasure, saying; yet (or notwithstanding all such their Designs) have I set up my King; preserving our Gracious Soveraign, the breath of our Nostrils, by the care and vigilance of those our worthy Patriots whom God hath raised up happy instruments in it.

As to Ireland. To evidence the restless Spirits of such there for mischief: I shall mind here in brief, what in the mentioned Collections, had bin given you more at large, so to lay all open at one view; thereby not to wonder at Rebellions here, than which, comparing times, nothing will appear so ordinary.

In which, passing what occurs of that kind in elder ages, and fixing only on such as had Religion for a pretence, and was by Rome influenc’d, and by its Emissaries fomented: Therefore I begin with the Reign of that Queen of famous memory, Queen Eliz. of whose Troubles in England from that Party, I speak not, as not of present consideration, but recounting what work they found Her in this her Kingdom of Ireland only.

I. Anno 1567. There was a Rebellion in the Province of Ulster of Shane O Neal, who for the suppressing of the Title of O Neal, had bin by King Hen. 8. created Earl of Tyrone, His Forces were broken by Sir Henry Sidney, then Lord Deputy, and he himself fleeing for succour to Alexander Mac Donnel, then in the Clandeboyes, with 600. Highlander-Scots: He was by them there slain, in revenge of one of theirs by him formerly killed; his Head was (June 20. 1567.) sent to the Deputy by Captain William Piers, then eminent for Service and Command at Carrickfergus and thereabout, that Arch-rebels head was pitch’t on the Castle of Dublin.

II. Since after, Anno 1569. followed in the Province of Munster the Rebellion of James Fitz Mauris Fitz Gerald, and John Fitz Gerald, brothers to Gerald Earl of Desmond, in which the Earl himself after declared, Anno 1578. His Parties were considerable in Leimster, to whom joyned the Viscount Baltinglas, with the Pools, Birns, and Cavenaughs, having also Foraign assistance, the design being pretended for Religion, the Pope, and his giving therefore Aid and Countenance; but Desmond being defeated, he was after by his own murthered.

III. About 6. years after, Anno 1595. brake out in Ulster (also for Religion) another Rebellion, that of Hugh O Neal, commonly called Tyrones Rebellion, whose Forces, together with the Spanish assistances were overthrown by Mountjoy Lord Deputy at Kinsale, Dec. 24. 1601. he himself submitting March 1602. These were during the Reign of Queen Eliz.

IV. After whose death King James succeeded, and within one Month after Anno 1603. the Cities of Waterford, Cork, and Limerick, stood out, and opposed the Proclaiming the Kng, he not being (they said) a Catholick, these acted Hostility, inviting all other Cities to a conjunction, to which Kilkenny, and Wexford were inclining, but by the Deputy Mountjoys marching against them with an Army, they were forced to Submission.

V. After, Anno 1607. was a Providential discovery of another Rebellion in Ireland, the Lord Chichister being Deputy, the Discoverer not being willing to appear, a Letter from him not subscribed, was superscribed to Sir William Usher, Clerk of the Council, and dropt in the Council Chamber then in the Castle of Dublin, in which was mention’d a Design for seizing that Castle, murthering the Deputy, &c. with a general revolt, and dependance on Spanish Forces, &c. and this also for Religion; for particulars whereof, I refer to that Letter, dated March 19. 1607. which you have.

VI. The very next year Anno 1608. was the breaking out of Sir Cahie O Dogherty’s Rebellion in Ulster, by whom Derry was taken and burnt, the Governor Sir George Paulet murther’d, and Culmore Castle, some miles distant, surpriz’d, that being the Magazine for Arms and Ammunition for those parts: His Confederates were considerable, his Forces increasing, and expecting Tyrone, and Tyrconnil’s return with Forces from Flanders. Against him was the Marshal Sir Richard Wingfield, sent with a strong Party, the Deputy following with more Forces from Dublin: But this short, yet smart Rebellion, ended with the death of the Arch rebel, and the dispersing his followers.

VII. Seven years after Anno 1615. was a Providential discovery made by one Teige O Lenan, to Sir Thomas Philips of Lemovadey in Ulster, of a Design of Alexander mac Donel, Bryan Crosse O Neal, and other the principal of the Irish in Tyrone, and Tyrconnil, with large Confederacies for Religion; They first designed the taking Charlemount, commanded by Sir Toby Caulfield, where was then Prisoner Conne Greg O Neal, Tyrones Son, and about the same time by severally appointed Parties, was order’d the taking in the principal Forts and Towns in Ulster: and murthering the Protestants in that Province and elsewhere. They had promises of Foreign assistance from Spain, France, and Rome, the particulars you have: During the Reign of King James were these 4 last mentioned.

VIII. After Anno 1634. under the Government of the Lord Viscount Wentworth Lord Deputy, Ever, or Emerus mac Mahon, a Popish Priest, privately discover’d to Sir George Radcliffe, principal in trust with the Lord Deputy, that there was a Design for a general rising in Ireland, to be seconded and assisted from abroad: The Discoverer having assurance of Pardon, acknowledging himself engaged in that Conspiracy; having been employed some years on that account in Foraign Courts, soliciting supplies for carrying on that work for Religion. This Discoverer was after the Popish Bishop of Down, and after of Clogher: Hereof the Lord Deputy inform’d his Majesty King Charles I. who thereupon by his Ambassadors, watching practices in Courts abroad, there were at length, general and dark hints given of something tending to a Rebellion in Ireland, but how, or when, or by whom, was not then so appearing.

Hereof his Majesty by his Royal Letters, Signed by Sir Henry Vane, one of his principal Secretaries, dated March 16. 1640. and directed to the then Lords Justices, Sir William Parsons, and Sir John Borlase, did charge them with the care of that danger imminent, of which his Majesties Letter you have likewise a Copy.

And this brings to that Rebellion Anno 1641. which on the 23d. of October, did break out unexpectedly, notwithstanding all cautions concerning it, this, like a violent Hurricane, bearing all down before it, which gives you your work at present.

The result and design of all which, thus here briefly collected, shews.

1. That from Shane O Neals Rebellion, Anno 1566. until that in 1641. there passed about 75 years, a space of time within the ordinary age of a man.

2. That within those but 75. years, there had been in Ireland, Five open Rebellions, one as it were in the neck of another, (viz.) Shane O Neals, Anno 1566. Desmonds, Anno 1569. Hugh O Neal, called Tyrones Rebellion, Anno 1595. O Doghertyes, Anno 1608. and this Grand Rebellion 1641. this surpassing all before, I know not why that Rebellion of the Cities of Waterford, Cork, and Limerick, may not add to that number, this being as open as any, and dangerous, and requiring the presence of the principal Commander, and the marching of the Forces of the Kingdom to suppress it. Add to these, those 2 Discoveries mentioned, Anno 1607. and 1615. (not to mention apart that Anno 1634. falling into that of 1641.) which 2 former had been dismal to the Kingdom, if not by Gods providence, seasonably, and wonderfully discovered, and happily prevented.

Therefore have we herein not to wonder at Rebellions in Ireland, than which, nothing there more common, from generation to generation, and may not the like be yet expected, when opportunity shall be for it, the same Spirit and Causes remaining.

This is not (Sir) to forestal your work, but serves as an Index directing to what follows of yours: giving also an edge to this desire of finding the breviat as by you enlarged, if you have thought fit to make use of it.

I shall now end your trouble herein, giving you the deserved praise of your labours, and zeal to that necessary undertaking. I rest

Sir,

Your very affectionate Friend
and Servant,
Henry Midensis.

Dublin, May
27. 1679.

Since I reduced the History to what it is, I reflected on several, to whom I might have adrest it, some who (having run through the Hazzard of that War, and the Councils of that Age) might well have own’d it, it being (in the main) an Epitome of their Illustrious Actions: Others being design’d to the Government, but not aiming at the Work, (as too sensible of the English Interest to betray it) justly challenges a respect and Title thereunto: And not a few (through whose Provision the Irish were subdued) might well have contenanc’d the Event; But considering how insignificant a great Title is, where Truth must be the main support, (elated Dedications bespeaking Authors more ambitious than known) I could not delude my Reason with a Conceipt that a Mecaenas, as the Laurel, exempts from Thunder, and therefore countent with the Integrity of the Story, (having no ends to oblige me to a single respect) I here comit it naked to the Decision of the Age.

It may be some (whose Excellency consists in Detraction) will think (by this) I had a particular Design (besides the bare History) to preserve the Memory of some, who (otherwise) in tract of time might be lost in the common Rubbish: And I dare not disown those Conjectures, the Deserving being to be in everlasting Remembrance; Nor hath it in all Ages, and amongst the worthiest Persons, been esteem’d Pride, but Justice, to erect Memorials and Altars to Meriting Heroes; Though herein (I conceive) none could be so much concern’d who would have less insisted thereon, then my self, resolving to be sparing, in what I might have been prodigal; How contrary soever it may be Conjectur’d by some, who (pleas’d with the publick breath) dare blaspheme those whom they could never wean from their Countries Interest, or Religion; though as to an utter extirpation, (which was strongly insisted on by many) I may affirm that they (whom the Malice of some would traduce) were ever so far from that, (abominating the thought) as the Rebels Reformation not their Ruine, was their Principal care, well distinguishing betwixt the Head and the Train, which a most eminent and noble Person (just to his Honour) ever avouch’d.

Somethings (it may be) were not always suited to the just standard of the Law, which in such Exigences have ever been indulged, though not commanded; The preservation of a State being more than the security of a Person; And thence Prudence as well as Justice, hath been a necessary Attendant on Magistrates: No State being so secur’d by her Laws, as that something emergent may not require a speedier Help, the effect of which if severe? (being out of the common Road) is the Offenders, not the State Fault.

And hereupon a known Instrument of State perfectly experienc’d in that Road, excellently well Cautions, Not to weigh and measure Statesmen’s Proceedings, by grains and scruples, lest the publick Affairs of a Kingdom lie wast, whilst men of Honour and Fortune in medling with them are sure to loose.

The Rebels (by their Pamphlets) affirm that few Murthers (if any?) were done, till some examples of that nature were acted by the English; whereas the contrary plainly appears by those Examinations in the Remonstrance of diverse remarkable Passages concerning the Church and Kingdom of Ireland, which cannot be waded, whatever R. S. in his Collections of Murthers would insinuate, as if that was only framed to win Compassion and Succour from England, or scandalize Authority, whereas it is clear the Remonstrance was passed on such undeniable Evidences, that the Circumstances he takes notice off, (to justisie his own) of Time, Place, and Persons, (as if they were not considered in the Remonstrance) are generally observed and that on Oath, Not encouraged (as he would infer) from the hurry of the Times, and the Examinants Frights, but before his Majesties Commissioners, a Circumstance this Detractor dare not pretend to, what Favour soever he thinks to draw from Cromwel’s proceedings (Summo Jure) in Ireland, which was on another score than we shall here insist on, and were promiscuously cruel; yet those lessen nothing of the Irish Barbarism at First, or indeed of their Mercy at Last, in stripping the English in so miserable a Season, driving them from their Habitations, and exposing them to the Woods and Deserts for their Rest and Sustenance, such as remain’d (being deluded by the Rebels promises, and wedded to their own Habitations) were generally Massacred: Certainly the lingring and sad Deaths which attended many, are justly to be accounted the highest Barbarism, worse than whatever determin’d in a short time, how cruel soever: Though some (who would be thought Civil and Compassionate) think they merit much, in not having (as they write, not others) their hands actually imbrued in the Blood of any of the British Protestants: of which its believ’d there are but few if any) that may be justly intituled to that Clemency. However are they not to be accounted equally Guilty, who mov’d by the same Councils? Subsisted by the same maintenance? Whose Victory was their Victory, and the Blood shed by One, was the consent of the Other.

Qui non vetat peccare, cum possit, jubet, Especially when they knew of the Villanies that had passed, and yet sided with the Party so imbrued and fleshed in Blood; No Check being given to that Career, when Leinster, and Ulster, Valence, and Brabant agreed: However we have contexed in this History few examples of Murthers and Cruelties, in reference to the Luxury of the Rebels took in the Scene: The effect of whose Malice and Animosity, being (in truth) the Burthen of the whole, is not omitted, (as not abounding in Proofs) but because the Martyrology of the Clergy and the Protestants, deserve an account a-part. Besides though there be some Gleanings of Murthers in Ulster, Connaght, and Leinster, yet the care which was took to register those in Munster, hath been obstructed, as the others (if they had not been early) might have been so too, However they are not lost, though at present confin’d.

Some Remarks on the Rebels Pamphlets and Pretentions, we have coursorarily answer’d; Not holding our selves obliged to reply to each Particular, else the Volume would swell too big; Besides there are many things which (in reading) an Intelligent Person cannot but blow over with an easie Breath; Some are so ridiculous, others improbable, most without their Circumstances: what is fairer Varnish’d we have (from their own Principles, or their Parties Confession) clear’d, therein not so much veiling Truths, (whether for or against us) as disclosing their nakedness, a deformed Face needs a Fucus.

The Favourers of that Party insist much on the Parliaments being Prorogued, which should have met soon after the Insurrection; whereby what they would have presented to the King, (by way of Accommodation) was (say they) thereby prevented, and that the Lords and old English of the Pale, who had been constant to the Crown in other Rebellions, were (by the usage of the State) forced to take part with the Ulster Rebels; The first of these is in the main discoursed of, to which we must add, (as being an undeniable consequence of their Desires then) That their endeavours (to meet at that time in Parliament) was to no other end, but that the Plot having been discover’d, (whereby they could not strike hands at first with the Northern Rebels, without apparent Rebellion, which they were willing to screen under fairer pretences) They might in Parliament the more solemnly contest with the King, for their Religion and Liberty; which neither the just Jealousies of the State, or the Distractions then, could rationally admit of, lest meeting in such numbers (as a Parliament would colourably bring to Town) they might take new Councils, the former (seeming in some part) to be disappointed. And as to the Latter, the truth thereof is already cleared from Fol. 39. to 42. nor indeed needs there any thing more to be said, but what his Majesty (C. I.) on this subject verified to the Protestant’s Agents at Oxford, 1644. That what the Rebels pleaded as to this Particular, was not his Belief but an Assertion of the Irish; And when the Protestant Agents would further have cleared this Point, (some at Court being apt to blow up those Cindars) the King said, That needed not, for to what purpose is it to prove the Sun shines this day, when we all see it? And from the Proceedings of the State exprest in their Letter to the Lord Lieutenant, it is evident that all the hopes they had, was of the old English of the Pale, and some other Parts, that they would continue constant to the King, as they did in former times, Then which, what could be a clearer demonstration of their Confidence in them, strengthening afterwards their Belief in affording them Arms and Trusting them with Commissions Civil and Martial? And wheras these men will have it, that they offer’d Propositions to the State, charging them with the neglect thereof, it is justified in the Lords Justices Letter to the Lord Lieutenant, That not one of them (to that hour) offer’d to the State any Advice or real Assistance, towards the Pacification of these Troubles: Or when they were invited, (by all the engagements Honour or Loyalty could enforce) would they ever comply with any; Nay, let the Insolency They used to the Orders of Parliament, and the Invitation and Condescention of the State, tearing the First, and vilifying the Latter, remain a perpetual Witness of their Arrogance and Ingratitude, that the State would have secur’d their Allegiance, and they would not.

When I first enter’d on this History, I propos’d to my self a Series of the whole, but prest with my own Affairs, and Matter encreasing plentfully upon me, I held it rational to sum up the whole after I had brought it to the Cessation, which some had an apprehension was not a less Plot to deliver the Remainder of his Majesties true Subjects, into the Rebels hands, and to root out the Protestant Religion, then what was commenc’d the 23. of October 1641. But the Articles of that Cessation speak otherwise, necessity being the Ground thereof, legible in his Majesties Motives to a Cessation the 19th. of October 1643. which afterwards was highly controverted, and in the end so enfeebled, as the War (according to the first intent) was (after the long Parliament grasp’d all) pursued with Vigour and Success: Which here (induced to it by many Reasons) we have at last (according to our first thoughts) brought to a Period under his Majesties Test, in the Voice of his Parliament in Ireland 1662. though with omission of many Circumstances, lest in such variety, we might fall short of those considerable Actions, which frequently interven’d, fit indeed for none less Privy to the Rebels, than the State: However we have not omitted sufficient to clear the Rise as well as the Conclusion of this War, not so much dreading Censures, as caring to inform Right: Yet I Question not, but there will be some who will find (if not sufficient) enough to carp at; No History was so round as to pass a General Acceptance: Happily Reader.

Non facit ad Stomachum nostra Lagena tuum.

Thy Appetite relishes not truth too near the Quick, another thinks the time ill chosen, and some have other Prejudice; Whether one or other raises an Exception, the Story is Tragical; And those who have trod the Theater, find such Tracts as are Horrible to repeat, never to be forgot.

Though the Errata’s seem many, they are more in Accents and Literal Defects, then considerable mistakes; Such as an Ingenious Reader may as soon rectifie as view: The running Title from Fol. 24. to 32. (instead of what is there) must be this, The Dismal Effects of the Irish Insurrection, and some numbers in Battles are carefully to be Corrected, as Fol. 73. 8000. Foot for 3000. and Fol. 112. 13000. Foot for 1300. The rest are generally easie.

Errata’s in the History.

Fol. 9. Line 13. read An, Fol. 10. Line 35. read Ghostly Confessor, Fol. 13. Line 45. read Peisley, Fol. 15. Line 24. read Momonia, Fol. 16. Line 31. read formed, Fol. 18. Line 2. read Courts, Fol. 19. Line 28. read would, Fol. 19. Line 33. that for our Sins, that is omitted, Fol. 21. Line 22. prevent it, it is left out, Fol. 22. Line 34. read Majesty, Fol. 25. Line 45. read pursue, Fol. 38. Line 52. read also, Fol. 39. Line 26. read Kilbrew, Fol. 43. Line 9. read Fishingboats, Fol. 44. Line 29. read dispatch, Fol. 49. Line 29. read Westmeath, Fol. 52. Line 13. read 1641. Fol. 64. Line 32. and killed, leave out and, Fol. 73. Line 43. read 3000. Fol. 76. Line. 35. read Balinasto, Fol. 82. Line 18. read a Gigantick, Fol. 83. Line 11. read from Court, Fol. 86. Line 5. read Haste, Fol. 86. Line 43. leave out take or, Fol. 91. Margin. read Subscrib’d, Fol. 102. Line 45. from whence, is to be blotted out, Fol. 103. Line 39. read themselves, Fol. 94. Line 27. read intent, Fol. 105. Line 9. read approach, Fol. 106. Line 6. read Straights, Fol. 106. Line 13. read for, Fol. 112. Line 15. read 1300. Fol. 118. read 115. and F. 115. read 118. Fol. 120. Line 8. read Besiegers, Fol. ibid. Line 15. read Carrickdrumroosh, Fol. ibid. Line 25. read skirmish’d, Fol. 129. Line 2. Apprehension left out, Fol. 132. Margin. read the 5th. Fol. 134. Line 18. our obedience, blot out our, as also the Superscription, it being to be as the former Letter was Superscribed, Fol. 292. Line 36. But that, but is left out, 141. Line 46. immediately after Sreights, prest on him is omitted, Fol. ibid. in the Marg. read Teag O Bryan, Fol. 181. Line 52. his, is left out, Fol. 185. Line 35. read restrain, Fol. 187. Line 36. read Kilkitto, Fol. 200. Line 4. read desist, Fol. 218. Line 16. read Marquess of Ormonds, Fol. 225. Line 4. Lieutenant is to be left out, Fol. 226. Line 6. which was, was blot out, Fol. 252. Line 35. the Earl, the blot out, Fol. 282. Line 21. read 20. of August, Fol. 287. Line 26. read unsound, Fol. 316. Line 16. read 27. Fol. 326. Line 32. read blanch’d.

Errata’s in the Appendix.

Fol. 10. Line 27. I is to be omitted, Fol. ibid. Line 28. read Torilagh, Fol. 12. Line 12. read Tool O Conly, Fol. 12. Line 45. read Ever mac Mahon, Fol. 15. Line 23. read Torilagh, Fol. 19. Line 41. from is omitted before, read Loghross, Fol. 25. Line 4. read Costilough, Fol. 66. Line 18. read resent, Fol. 66. Line. 44. do continue, is twice printed, Fol. 94 Line 9. read Sword, Fol. 98. in the Margin read Car. 342. and lower 344. Car. An. Hib. 344. Fol. 101. Line 18. after Commission, would have been violated, is left out, Fol. 101. Line 23. and after the Parenthesis, And he, is omitted, Fol. 102. in the Marg. read put in, Fol. 114. Line 26. read Lisgool, Fol. 124. Line 32. read sence.

Errata’s in the Epistle.

Fol. 6. Line 3. read form’d, Fol. 7. Line 11. read reflections on, Fol. 9. Line 28. read impt, Fol. 9. Line 29. read Zenith, Fol. 13. Line 27. Penitence for, for is left out, as also violating it as often, Fol. 11. Line 11. read Reflected on, Fol. 17. Line 12. read Perinchief, Fol. 17. Line 30. read Consequences, Fol. 18. Line 29. read Execrabiles.

The Charge of Subduing the Irish-Rebellion in 1641.

An Account of what the subduing the Rebellion of Ireland, begun the 23d. of October, 1641. hath cost, and what Damage the Protestants there have sustained thereby, and what Lands have been forfeited and disposed of to Adventurers, Souldiers, and other English, and what to the Irish, and now in their possession: Abstracted out of the Accounts of Moneys in the Exchequer, during such time as any regular Accounts were made up, and by probable and rational Estimates, for the time in which no Accounts were kept, by reason of the general Rebellion and Confusion, and out of the Surveys, Decrees, and Settlements, made by his Majesty’s Commissioners, for executing the Acts of Settlement and Explanation in Ireland.

 l.s.d.l.s.d.l.s.d. 
I. Moneys receiv'd and issued from the 6th of July 1649, to the 1st of November 1656, being 7 years and 4 Months, according to an Account thereof, remaining as a Record in the Auditor-General's Office in Ireland.
Transmitted out of England, in specie
15668481343509396170 ½2219125830 ½
Assessments in Ireland
13096951411 ½
Rents of forfeited and sequestered Houses, Lands, Fishings, &c.16159887 ¾
Tythes sequestered13552432 ½
Customs and Excise2524741810 ¾
Preys of Cows, Horses, and other Goods, taken from the Rebels, and for other casual Revenue08325818 
Money issued in England towards transporting Armies, raising Recruits, buying and sending over Provisions of all sorts for the Army, and other Moneys issued by Warrant from the then Council, or the Committee of the Army in England, which was not accounted for in Ireland, the Warrants and Accounts being never transmitted thither, of which there is a Reference in the account of Record, in the Exchequer above mentioned, which is estimated to be as much, if not more, than the above sum of 3509396 l. 17 s. 0 ½ d. In that all Cloths, Linnen and Woollen, Stockings, Shoes, Boots, Horses, Saddles, Arms, Ammunition, Tents, Bread, Cheese, and other eating Provisions, were sent from England, and the Price thereof deducted from the weekly Pay of the Army, and not brought to Account, and so estimated as above 350939617 
The Charges of the Armies in the several Provinces of Ireland, from the 23d of October 1641, the time the Re∣bellion broke out, to the 6th of July 1649, from whence the Accounts is stated, as above, being about 7 Years and 9 Months, when no regular Accounts were or could be kept, by reason of the Confusion in which the kingdom was by the Rebellion, there may be by probable Estimate added, without any Allowance, for Provision of all sorts after the Rate of what was paid the Army after the 6th of July 1649, when Provisions were deducted 3760068  
The Loss of Rents for 14 Years, from October 1641 until the Year 1655, reckoning the Land but at 12 d. an Acre yearly, is 7608264 l. 6 s. and reckoning all the Corporations, Houses and Tythes, but at a Moiety thereof, comes to 114123969 

Besides the Loss by the Devastation of Houses, Orchards, Gardens, Improvements, Houshold-stuff, Corn, Cattel, and the impairing the value of Land unto that time, not to be estimated, but in reason to be accounted, as much as before is computed for all other Charges, Losses and Expences, if not much more, the same extending to the whole Kingdom.

2. By the Surveys of Ireland, there is in Ireland, as forfeited by the Rebellion, and belonging to Protestants, not forfeited, of Plantation-Acres, accounting 21 Foot to the Perch, and 160 Perches to the Acre, in the respective Provinces, the quantity of Land hereafter mentioned.

 AcresAcres
Leinster260352010868949
Munster3255874
Ʋlster2777875
Connaght2231680

The which Lands are divided and distributed, as by the Surveys and Records of the Records of the Court of Claims will appear, as followeth:

To the Protestants, and others, that proved their constant good affection, including the Bogs, Loughs and Mountains in Ireland,
 611029210868949
To Adventures3960542717549
To the Officers and Souldiers1442839
To the Officers that served his Majesty against the Rebels in Ireland, before the Year 1649278041
To his Royal Highness the Duke of York, as Regicides Lands111015
To Protestants, on Provisoes by the Acts of Settlement and Explanation383975
To the Bishops for their Augmentations, of which some have possession118041
Reserved to His Majesty as un-disposed, upon the account of Lewis Dyke and Thomas Conyngham, being set out on frau∣dulent Adventures14006
Left of course Lands un-disposed, the Title to the greatest part whereof was doubtful73578
Restored unto the Irish upon Decrees of Innocency9652702041108
Restored to them by special Provisoes in the Acts of Settlement and Explanation408083
Set out upon their Transplantations of Connaght and Clare, over and above what is confirmed to English Protestants, who purchased Interests there from the Irish
667755

So that the Irish, notwithstanding the Rebellion, and their great complaints of losing all their Lands, are restored unto, and possessed of, almost one half of all the Lands formerly accounted forfeited by the Rebellion. Besides, that the 2717549 Acres granted to the English, hath cost as before (besides the loss of hundreds of thousands of Men murthered by, and killed in subduing the said Rebels) the sum of 22191258£ 3 s. 0½ d. And accounting the said 2717549 Acres to be worth 12 d. per Acre, one Acre with the other yearly, they will come to 135876£ 9 s. which for the Purchase thereof, at 10 years Purchase, comes to 1358764£ 10 s. After which Rate, the Lands granted to the English and Protestants, are not the 15th. part, of what the Money expended in subduing the said Rebellion, would have bought, and accounting the Devastations, and the loss of many thousands of Mens Lives for nothing.

A Reflection Upon the State of Ireland;
With occurrent Accidents before the breaking forth of the Rebellion 23d of Octob. 1641.

Though we date the Conquest of Ireland from the submission of the Kings and Natives there to Henry the Second, 1172. yet on a truer estimate, we must conclude, that Ireland was never really subjugated to the Crown of England, till our Laws became as communicable to the Natives, as the English, whereby each Party, without distinction, grew up together into one Nation; which was never effectually vouchsafed, till after Tir-Oen’s last submission at Mellifont, to the Lord Mountjoy, 1603. by which, the minds of the People were broken to the obedience of the Law, and after that became so pliable, as near fourty years there seemed no material distinction betwixt the Natives and other Inhabitants, each concentring in subjection to the Laws, making up but one Jury, living in mutual amity and friendship; till Indulgence so far became a mischief, as thence Conspiracies hatch’d our ruine; not discernable, ere the Monster arriv’d at its Birth; a Prodigy scarce credible in so vigilant a State: Though when it’s consider’d how tenderly the great concerns of Religion (the principal wheels of all Commotion in a State) were handled, the astonishment (that things aspir’d to so much Villany) may easily be unridl’d.

Towards the end of the Lord Falkland’s Government (there being great need of Money for support of the standing Army in Ireland, and maintaining of 500 Horse, and 5000 Foot; much by extraordinary means having been otherwise disposed) the Catholicks of Ireland (glad of the occasion) seem’d very forward to supply the State, in hopes of a Connivance (if not a Toleration) of their Religion, though therein they were onely to bear their share (or rather offered their Mite) with the Protestants; which they improved to so great an insolence, as the Lord Falkland (with the Council) was forced to take notice in a Proclamation, dated the 1st. of April 1629. That the late Intermission of Legal Proceedings against Popish pretended Titulary Arch-bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Deans, Vicars General, Jesuits, Friers, and others of that sort, that derive their pretended Authority and Orders from the See of Rome, (in contempt of his Majesties Royal Power and Authority) had bred such an extraordinary insolence and presumption in them, as he was necessitated to charge and command them, in his Majesties name, to for bear the exercise of their Popish Rites and Ceremonies.

Notwithstanding which, their Insolencies afterwards so increased, as that the power of the High Commission (rais’d in respect of them) being withdrawn, they erected a new University at Dublin, to confront his Majesties Colledge there, continuing their Nunneries and Monasteries; that thence many things were objected against the Lord Falkland’s Government: to clear which, the Council of Ireland (in his defence to the King the 28th. of April, 1629.) declared, That towards the insolencies of the Papists, and the late outragious presumption of the unsetled Irish; in some parts your Deputy and Council of late us’d particular Abstinence, holding themselves somewhat limited concerning them by late Insinuations, Letters, and Directions from England. And yet afterwards so mindful too were the Lords of the Council in England of what had been (by the State of Ireland) happily supprest, that the 31 of January, 1629. they return’d their acknowledgment, and put the State of Ireland in mind, How much it concern’d the good Government of Ireland, to prevent in time the first growing of such evils; for that where such People are permitted to swarm, they will soon grow licentious, and endure no Government but their own, which cannot otherwise be restored, than by a due and seasonable execution of the Law, and of such Directions as from time to time have been sent from his Majesty and Council, &c. further encouraging them to carry a soft or harder hand according to their discretions. Which I do not find but they prudently observ’d; though all was too little to root out the Leven that had season’d the Batch, during the Government of the then Lords Justices. (As Dr. Bedel (the Reverend Bishop of Kilmore) takes notice of at large, with a deep and hearty resentment, worthy his Piety, Courage, and Learning) till the arrival of Thomas Lord Viscount Wentworth, who by his singular Wisdom, Courage, and quick Intelligence, so managed affairs there, (though some thought they were carried on too severely) as doubtless the Nation, in general, was never more seemingly in obedience; what ever afterwards was aggravated against that Noble Person, whose behaviour was less pleasing to some men (interess’d in the detection of their morose and sinister dealings) than to the Nation, which flourish’d under his Auspicious Government. Reverence is that wherewith Princes are girt from God: Yet then the contrivance of some Spirits was so restless, as Anno 1634. (being the 10th. of King Charls the First) they design’d to have engag’d the Nation in a War, which one Ever Mac-Mahon (an eminent Popish Priest) privately discovered to some of the Privy Council at Dublin, at whose feet he prostrated himself for mercy, having, with others been employ’d abroad to Foreign Princes (viz. the Pope, the Kings of France, Spain, and other Princes) on that service, as (in the Relation writ by the Lord Macquire in the Tower) is apparent, the Design having been of as ancient a Date, as the Isle of Rhee’s Enterprise, 1628. About which time the Earl of Tyrone and Cardinal Richlieu held an intimate correspondence; though the King of France’s Wars then in Italy frustrated, for that time, the Insurrection and Invasion. Upon the discovery of which, Ever Mac-Mahon seeming penitent, had his Pardon: So that the thing being onely treated of in general, the prudence of the Governour (giving the People no suspicion that he feared it, and yet watched against it) blasted their design: The same Providence we may also believe this Noble Person had in the antecedent warnings, which the Reverend Dean of Kilmore particularly mentions, though he (in reference to the Intregues of State) mov’d not so visibly as to make every one capable of his foresight. Prime Ministers are not to level their proceedings to the capacities of all, who pretend vigilancy of the State: yet thence (during his Government) all things in the Publick proceeded with a serene countenance, so as the Lord Deputy Wentworth came for England, and return’d into Ireland several times, with his Majesties greatest Approbation, and the Peace of the Nation.

Anno 1634. a Parliament was summon’d in Ireland, by his motion; 1. For that the Contribution from the Countrey, towards the maintenance of the Army, ended that December. 2. For that the Revenues there fell short of his Majesties Charges 20000£ yearly. 3. That there was a Debt of 80000£ upon the Crown. 4. For that there had been no Subsidies but one since the beginning of King James’s Reign; and the People were now grown wealthy, being continued in their Estates, who ever had enjoy’d them twenty years. By the Supply of which Parliament, the Lord Deputy paid the 80000£ Debt due from the Crown; than which, nothing was more to his Majesties Honour, and his Servants Integrity; in testimony of which, his Majesty saith, That they cannot but witness (who know that Kingdom) that during the Government there by Lieutenants of his choice, that Kingdom enjoyed more Plenty and Peace than ever it had since it was under the subjection of the Crown of England; Traffick by Sea, and Trade by Land increas’d, Values of Land improv’d, Shipping multipli’d beyond belief, never was the Protestant Religion more advanc’d, nor the Protestants protected in greater security against the Papists; Inasmuch as we must remember you (the Parliament capitulating with him to nominate a Governour for Ireland) that the present Rebellion was begun when there was no Lieutenant there, and when the Power (which had been formerly us’d in that Kingdom) was question’d and disgrac’d; when those in the Parliament there (by whom that Rebellion was hatch’d) were countenanc’d in their Complaints and Prosecution.

And as to the Progress of Religion there, receive from the Bishop of Derry this account, in his Discourse of the Sabbath; where (having occasion to mention the incomparable and pious Primate, Archbishop Usher) he takes notice, That having liv’d sundry years a Bishop in the Province of Ulster, whilst the Political part of the care of that Church lay heavy upon his shoulders, he prais’d God, they were like Candles in the Levitical Temple, looking one towards another, and all towards the Stem; no contention arising amongst them, but who should hate contention most, and pursue the Peace of the Church with swiftest paces; inasmuch as if the highsoaring Counsels of some short-wing’d Christians, whose eyes regarded nothing but the present Prey, with the Rebellious practises of the Irish Enemy, tied together like Samson’s Foxes, with Firebrands at their tails, had not thrust them away from the Stern, and chas’d them from their Sees with Bellona’s bloody Whip: They might before this time, without either persecution or noise, have given a more welcome and comfortable account of the Irish Church, than our Age is likely to produce.

The last time this Noble Person (the Earl of Strafford) enter’d Ireland, was the 18th. of March, 1639. when he arriv’d at Dublin Lord Lieutenant a little before, having (in an extraordinary Solemnity and conflux of Ambassadors and Peers) been made Earl of Strafford; at which time he appear’d in Parliament (begun the 16th. of March, in the 14th. of King Charles the I.) expressing his Majesties Necessities in such terms, as immediately Four entire Subsidies (without further expostulation) were unanimously consented unto; the freedom of which added much to the largeness of the gift, with which he rais’d 8000 Foot, and 1000 Horse, additional to the Veterain Forces, which (at the breaking forth of the Rebellion) consisted but of 2297 Foot, and 943 Horse. And so having setled his Majesties affairs in Ireland, he went for England to the Parliament at Westminster, summon’d by his Mediation the 13th. of April, 1640. being attended from Ireland with the acclamations of the whole House of Parliament, yet legible, in a very remarkable manner, in the Preamble of their Act of Subsidies, Anno 16 Car. 1. yet afterwards we know his fate. Never (writes Perinshief) sufficiently bewail’d by the King, till the issue of his blood dri’d up those of his tears. All the actions of his Government were narrowly sifted, and though no one thing (after the mercenary Tongues of the Lawyers had endeavour’d to render him a Monster of men) could be found Treason, many accumulated were so voted. That him (whom even now the Parliament of Ireland extolled as an excellent Governour, and one for whose due and sincere Administration of Justice, they had principally consented to so great a Subsidy) they afterwards pursued as the cause of all their mischiefs, and so by their Agents even those who afterwards complotted the Rebellion) incens’d the Parliament at Westminster against him, as they denied all that they had attributed to his Worth, fixing on him what-ever might contribute to a praevious Government, or the Kingdom’s impoverishment; the state of which cannot be better clear’d, than by what his Majesty, in a full Council at White-hall the 27th. of Ian. 1640. seem’d clearly to acquiesce in, upon the Earl of Strafford’s avowing of the Answer to the Irish Remonstrance against him, ordering, that a Copy thereof should be forthwith given, by the Clerk of the Council, to the Committee of Ireland then attending upon him; since Registred among the publick Records.

Thus was this great Man accused, thus justifi’d; yet all was not sufficient to exempt him from the destructive Bill of Attainder, suggesting, His tyrannous and exorbitant Power over the Liberties and Estates of his Majesties Subjects in Ireland, laying and assessing of Soldiers by his own authority upon the Subject, against their consent; saying also, that he had an Army in Ireland, which his Majesty might make use of to reduce this Kingdom, meaning England, as appears by the Act which passed the 10th. of May, 1641. His Majesty having Sign’d a Commission to the Earl of Arundel, the Lord Privy Seal, the Lord High Chamberlain, and others, to that intent; which had an after Act, vacating the authority of the precedent for future imitation; sufficiently thereby (saith his Majesty.) telling the World, that some remorse touched even his most implacable Enemies, as knowing he had very hard measure, and such as they would be loth should be repeated to themselves.

And that it might remain to Potesterity (to whom the Age is accomptable for her Actions) what he suffered in his Trial, and by what artifices he was brought to it, the Act for the reversal of the Earl of Straffords Attainder, Anno xiv. Car. II. fully shows; to which it may seem impertinent to add more, Histories, and the Occurrences of those times, having presented his Actions at his Trial more significant than I dare pretend to, such a Scene of Justice (attended with that Magnificence in its Structure, such Seats for their Majesties, for Ambassadors, and the most discerning Audience of England) not being to be parallel’d. Therefore I shall conclude (as to Him) with what his Majesty speaks in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉That his great abilities were prone to create in him great confidence of undertakings, and this was like enough to betray him to great Errors, and many Enemies, whereof he could not but contract good store, while moving in so high a Sphere, and with so vigorous a Lustre, he must needs (as the Sun) raise many envious Exhalations, which, condens’d by a Popular Odium, were capable to cast a Cloud upon the brightest Merit and Integrity, &c. Yet saith this Excellent King) I could never be convinc’d of any such criminousness in him (having heard all the particulars of his great Cause from one end to the other) as willingly to expose his life to the stroke of Justice, and the malice of his Enemies. However, He suffered on Tower-hill the 12th. of May, 1641. taking his death with as much Christianity as Courage; though some account nothing Christian that is not Effeminate, of whom we should say more, but must refer the rest to what is extant in Print.

The 19th. of May following, Robert Earl of Leicester was designed by his Majesty Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, newly return’d from his Embassy in France, where he had discharg’d his Trust with singular Prudence and Courage, as he had done before in Denmark, and elsewhere: The choice of whom exceedingly endear’d his Majesties Wisdom to the most knowing and intelligent Party of the Nation; the Earl having been one never engag’d in Monopolies (one of the Grievances of the Times) or the publick Complaints of the Kingdom; but being long experienc’d in State-affairs, promised nothing save his Majesties Honour, and the Kingdoms security;Being thought by his knowledge in Martial Affairs, and other his great Abilities, to be, no doubt, abundantly capable to reduce the Irish to a due obedience. Yet after all, having attended his Majesty at York, and other Places, as the Court mov’d, for his Dispatch, he came in Novem. to Chester, in expectation of an easie remove thence into Ireland; but falling indispos’d at Chester, was commanded back to Oxford about the beginning of Ian. 1642. so as in conclusion, he, ever going, never went. His stay was at first resented by the King, then the Parliament; to evidence the truth, he writes a Letter from York to the Earl of Northumberland, (which, by Order of Parliament the 26th. of Septemb. 1642. was printed) wherein he writes, That he besought his Majesty, that he might not be staid at Court, for that the Affairs of Ireland requir’d his speedy repair thither; or at least that some Governour (if he were not thought worthy of it) should be presently sent into that Kingdom. And upon the 21 of Septemb. he appear’d in Parliament, informing the Houses, That he could never (since his first going to his Majesty) get his Commission Seal’d till the 18th. of Septemb. referring himself to the pleasure of the Houses, whether they would dispatch him for Ireland or no. Whereupon the 1st. of October following, his Case was again debated, and it was Voted (for the future) That the said Earl should not put in execution any Instructions from his Majesty (concerning the Affairs in Ireland) until such time as they should be made known and approved by them. After which, many things (in his Instructions) were debated; and it being mov’d the 4th.of Novemb. (in a Conference of the Houses) that he was ready to set forward for that Service, he had his Dismiss. So as (I have said) he came to Chester, and was remanded back to Oxford; the important Affairs of Ireland being in another Channel than as yet they appear’d visibly to run in. Though it was a good while after before he had his discharge from that Employment, being kept in suspence, till others had perfected their Design, by which there accrued to him a great Arrear, somewhat consider’d in the Act of Settlement, though short of what he was prejudic’d thereby.

Upon the Earl of Straffords quitting Ireland, Christopher Wendesford Esq Master of the Rolls, the 3d. of April, 1640. was sworn Lord Deputy: He managed the Government with much Policy, advantage to his Majesty, and faithfulness to his intimate Friend and Ally, the Earl of Strafford; adjourning the Parliament in November following, somewhat to the dis-satisfaction of the Members, who (before their Dissolution) made shift to form a Remonstrance against the Earl of Strafford, which he would have prevented to have been sent for England, could he, as he endeavour’d, have staid the Committee of the Parliament in Ireland from going over, the greatest part of which were Papists, which the Irish took as a good Omen: But he being not able to hinder them, (they finding conveniences from every Port) grew thereupon much discontented; and having quick intelligence how affairs were carried against the Earl of Strafford: He died the 3d. of December following, betwixt whom (even from their Youth) there had been an especial intimacy, nor did it afterwards grow cooler (but more strengthned) in Judgment.

After his decease, Robert Lord Dillon, of Kilkenny-West, and Sir William Parsons, Knight and Baronet, Master of the Court of Wards, Decemb. 30. were sworn Lords Justices: But it was not long before the Committee of Ireland (then at Court) so prevail’d, as that his Majesty displac’d the Lord Dillon, a Person of notable Parts, and one (by his Son’s Marriage with the Earl of Strafford’s Sister) passionately concern’d in the Earl’s Case.

Yet lest the Execution of his Majesties Graces to his Subjects of Ireland (obtain’d by their late Committee’s sollicitation) should be deferr’d till those (who were design’d to succeed the Lord Dillon) were in Office, his Majesty was pleas’d to direct a Letter, dated the 4th. of Ianuary, in the 16th. year of his Reign, to his Privy Council of Ireland, and Sir William Parsons and Sir Iohn Borlase (then design’d Justices) to grant (amongst other things) that his Subsidies there should be reduced to a lesser rate than formerly; and that all Letters directed to the Lord Deputy, Justices, Chief Governour or Governours, or to any other Officers or Ministers of that Realm, either concerning the publick Affairs, or private Interests of any Subject there, might be entred into his Signet-Office in England, to the end that they might be (upon occasion) found to take Copies of, for the Subjects better information in such publick things as may concern them; as also that all Dispatches from Ireland should safely be kept apart, that like recourse may be had to them for the better satisfaction of the Subject, who shall be concern’d therein. And whereas in the former Governour’s time, there were endeavours to hinder some Agents of Parliament to have recourse into England, his Majesty taking notice, That for asmuch as the Committee of the Parliament of Ireland, John Bellew Esq and Oliver Cassel, with others employ’d thence, have repair’d into his Kingdom of England, to represent their Grievances: He hath manifested his gracious condescensions to them, admitting them into his Royal Presence; forbidding his Counsellors in Ireland, or any other Officers or Ministers of that State, to proceed any ways against them, or any of them, for the same. And that his Subjects shall have Copies of Records, Certificates, Orders of Council, Publick Letters, or other Entries for the Declaration of their Grievances made. In grateful acknowledgment of which, the Parliament then sitting the 10th. of Febr. 1640. order’d, That the said Letter should be forthwith Entr’d amongst the Ordinances and Records of that House. So that if there had not been a general defection, long anvil’d in the minds of that People, the event of so unnatural and horrid a Rebellion (as few months after happen’d) could not have been the issue of such remarkable Condescensions.

The 10th. of Febr. 1640. his Majesty instituted Sir William Parsons, Master of the Court of Wards, (before mention’d) long experienc’d in the Affairs of Ireland, and Sir Iohn Borlase Knight, Master of the Ordnance, Lords Justices, One well known to his Majesty by the Eminency of his Imployments abroad, and the opinion He had of his integrity and skill in Military Affairs, the Discipline of the Army having been ever under his Charge since his arrival there: These (writes an Honourable Person) appli’d themselves with all manner of gentle Lenitives, to mollifie the sharp humours rais’d by the rigid passages of the former Government; They declar’d themselves against all such proceedings, as they found any way varying from the Common Law; They gave all due encouragement to the Parliament then sitting, endeavouring the reasonable ease and contentment of the People, freely assenting to all such Acts as really tended to the Legal Reformation; They betook themselves wholly to the advice of the Council, and caus’d all matters, as well of the Crown as Popular Interests, to be handled in his Majesties Courts of Justice; no ways admitting the late exorbitances (so bitterly decried in Parliament) of Paper Petitions or Bills in Civil Causes, to be brought before them at the Councilboard, or before any other by their Authority; reducing (by his Majesties approbation) the Subsidies from 40000£ a Subsidy, to 12000£ a Piece. Bringing all things to that compliance, as best suited with his Majesties Interest, and the quiet of the Nation, that (if it were possible) there might not be the least discontent or jealousie rais’d amongst the People; and, for a season, all things seem’d so peaceable, as never any Government was less excepted against. Yet then, in the end of the year 1640. his Majesty (being inform’d of an intention to raise Troubles in Ireland) commanded Sir Henry Vane, his Principal Secretary, to write unto these Lords Justices this Letter.

Right Honourable,

His Majesty hath commanded me to acquaint your Lordships with an advice given him from abroad, and confirm’d by his Ministers in Spain and elsewhere, which in this distemper’d time, and conjuncture of affairs, deserves to be seriously consider’d, and an especial care and watchfulness to be had therein; which is, That of late there have passed from Spain (and the like may well have been from other Parts) an unspeakable number of Irish Church-men for England and Ireland, and some good old Soldiers, under pretext of asking leave to raise men for the King of Spain; whereas it is observ’d (among the Irish Friers there) a whisper runs, as if they expected a Rebellion in Ireland, and particularly in Connaght. Wherefore his Majesty thought fit to give your Lordships this notice, that in your wisdoms you might manage the same with that dexterity and secresie, as to discover and prevent so pernicious a Design, if any such there should be, and to have a watchful eye on the proceedings and actions of those who come thither from abroad, on what pretext soever. And so herewith I rest.

Your Lordships most humble Servant,
Henry Vane.

White-hall, March
16. 1640.

Which was delivered to the Lord Justice Parsons, and since his death found in his Study, and by Sir James Barry, Lord Baron of Santry, (a right Honourable and worthy Person) presented to his present Majesty; who look’d upon it as a precious Jewel, discovering his Father’s Royal thoughts towards the preservation of his Protestant Subjects and People. But how far it was at first communicated, is uncertain, though being of so great a Trust, it may very well be believed to have been often reflected on with caution and prudence: Certain it is, that notwithstanding that there was an Item, that there should be an especial care against levying of Soldiers for Spain, yet Colonel John Barry, Colonel Taaff, Colonel Garret Barry, and Colonel Porter, had all Warrants to transport 4000 Men thither, which several of the House of Commons in Ireland, and England too, with much artifice (though with divers ends) endeavour’d to prevent on plausible terms; As that, from the experience of what they might learn abroad, they afterwards might prove ill Instruments at home; whereas it was more necessary, that they should be employ’d on Husbandry, whereof that Kingdom had great need. And many of the active men of the House of Commons in Ireland, as Darcy the Lawyer, Plunket, Chevers, Martin, and others, urg’d their stay, with a passion seemingly much concern’d, for that, amongst many Reasons, which I will not undertake (at so long a distance) positively to remember, (though I had the honour to be a Member of that House) yet I cannot forget, that their chief Argument was drawn from the Spaniards having long born an ill will to England and her Empire: And therefore they did not know (mark the insinuation) how soon those very Regiments (acquainted with every Creek of the Kingdom) might be return’d on their own Bowels, having naturally a love to their Religion, which such an Incendiary (as the King of Spain) might soon inflame to the highest prejudice. Which I the longer insist on, for that the Collection of Murthers committed on the Irish (published by R. S. 1662.) would insinuate (the better to invalidate the Abstract of Murthers committed by the Irish) that the Catholick Members of the House of Commons in Ireland never hindred (as that Abstract affirms) the Transportation of the Earl of Straffords disbanded Soldiers into Spain, purposely to advance the Rebellion, which is clear they did: Inasmuch as upon these and other Arguments, their Transportation was deferr’d; though if the discontented Irish Army had been disposed of beyond-Sea (according to the Contracts with the French and Spanish Ambassadors) it was very clear, as is judicially affirmed, that there could have been no Rebellion in Ireland, the Pretence and Means thereof having been thereby taken away; though some were of opinion, that where-ever these Forces had been, they could yet easily have been brought over again, (as others have been since) the principal Heads of the Rebels Army being led by old experienc’d Soldiers, who (at the breaking out of the Rebellion) were generally beyond-Sea, as the Leimster Forces by Colonel Preston, a branch out of the House of Gormanston; the Ulster Forces by Owen Roe O Neal, (both bred in Flanders) Munster Forces by Garret Barry, and the Connaght Forces by one Burck; animated with their Cause and the Pope’s encouragement. And it cannot be denied, that the promiscuous compleating of the Army (lately rais’d of 8000 Foot and 1000 Horse) in Ireland, taught many of the Common Soldiers the use of Arms, who otherwise would have been ignorant thereof: And evil in Perrot’s and Fitzwilliam’s Government, much took notice of, and by Camden in his Eliz. Anno 1593. towards the end, observ’d in the like case to be most improvidently done, as afterwards was found, the Irish being always disloyal to the English. Upon which I cannot but reflect on what Antalcidas (in Plutarch) tells Agesilaus, of being sorely hurt by the Thebans, That they had paid him his deserved hire, for teaching them against their wills to be Soldiers, who before had neither will nor skill to fight. Certain it is, that most of these Soldiers (thus rais’d) betook themselves to the Rebels Party; although very few of their Officers (if we may credit a late Historian) were polluted with the crime.

Yet notwithstanding the Letter fore-cited, and many troublesome passages in Parliament, wherewith the Lords Justices and Council were not seldom alarm’d, (sufficient to waken their confidence) no Cloud, not the breadth of a hand, appear’d; but the Lords Justices kept a fair correspondence with the Parliament, giving all the furtherance they could to the going of their Committee into England, hoping that what his Majesty should be pleased to grant, (at their requests) might redound to the common benefit of the Nation. Neither did the Lords Justices or Council transmit unto his Majesty, or any of the State of England, any mis-reprehensions of the proceedings and actions of that Parliament, as some maliciously insinuated; in as much as a Noble Person, a Peer in the Lords House, said, That the Lords Justices had always cheerfully receiv’d their Requests and Messages, and were ready to comply with them; desiring that this their compliance might be entred in the Journal, to the end that it might remain to Posterity. Having by his Majesties Commission, dated the 4th. of January, 1640. authority to Continue, Prorogue, or Determine the Parliament, as they thought fit; which liberty they indulg’d much to the freedom of the Parliament. However (being resolv’d, as the sequel prov’d, to pretend any thing, rather than not to have some exceptions against the Government) the Irish Parliament sent to his Majesty a Declaration, therein magnifying the Six entire Subsidies they had given in the 10th. year of his Majesties Reign, and the Four Subsidies in the 15th. year of his Reign; pretending moreover, that they had been ill presented to his Majesty, which was clearly evinc’d to the contrary, and several Graces vouchsaf’d them thereupon.

Amongst other things, the State (at that time) found difficult to do, the Disbanding of the new rais’d Army was not the least, which the Parliament of England had great jealousies of, and besought his Majesty that it should be dissolv’d. In answer whereof, his Majesty repli’d, That the thing was already upon consultation, but he found many difficulties in it, and therefore told the Parliament, He held it not onely fit to wish it, but to show the way how it might conveniently be done. However, in August, 1641. it was effectually perform’d, for which afterwards the Lords Justices had his Majesties gracious approbation; and the Arms and Ammunition were carefully brought into his Majesties Stores, by the vigilance of the Master of the Ordnance, (the Lord Justice Borlase) else, certainly, most of those Arms (as well as the Men) had been undoubtedly listed in the Confederates Army; which many of their Party (in the House of Commons in Ireland) having an eye to, made them so averse to have them Disbanded. And the Plot proceeded, being so cunningly manag’d by some of the Members of Parliament, (subtil in their insinuations) that many of the Protestants, and well-meaning people of the House, (blinded with an apprehension of Ease and Redress, lying under the same pretended Yoak with the rest) were innocently decoi’d into their acting violently with them. Hence Sir Richard Bolton, Lord Chancellor of Ireland, was impeach’d of High Treason, and others of the prime Officers and Ministers of State, were Articled against; yea, some of the Bishops were not spar’d, contrary to all presidents of that nature, as was certifi’d by the Lords Justices to the Principal Secretary, on search made, upon his Majesties commands, for that purpose. So as (besides) some of the active men of the House, Lawyers, Darcy, Martin, Plunket, Cusack, Brown, Linch, Bodkin, Evers, and others, took upon them with much confidence to declare the Law, to make new Expositions of their own upon the Text, as, That killing in Rebellion was no forfeiture of Lands; and to frame 21 Queries: Which in a solemn Committee of the House, Adjourn’d from time to time, they discuss’d at their own freedom in the Dining-Room at the Castle, disdaining the moderate Qualifications of the Judges, (who gave them modest Answers, such as the Law and Duty to their Sovereign, would admit) and in stead of them, vented their own sense, as if the State were then in its Infancy, and from them meerly to receive its Constitution; as Sir John Temple observes, resolving upon an alteration in the Government, and drawing of it wholly into the hands of the Natives: Sir Phelim Oneal making it plain, in his Letters of Triumph to his Holy Confessor, That his purposes were Conquest, and not defence of Religion, his Majesties Prerogative, or their Liberty. No! No King of England (writes Mahony a Jesuit) nor Crown, nor People, nor state of that Kingdom, having at any time, any kind of Right to the Kingdom of Ireland, or any part thereof; that the English Title to it was but meer Usurpation and Violence, and that therefore the old Natives (i. e. the meer Irish) might chuse and make themselves a King of one of their own Irish; and in the then Circumstances of Charles the First of England’s, being a Heretick, ought (i. e.) were bound in Conscience, to do so, and throw off together the Yoak both of Hereticks and Foreigners. Which Tenents, being roughly drawn, the Confederate Irish seem’d afterward to condemn (forsooth) in a Council of their own at Kilkenny: Yet it is very observable (and that from Walsh himself) who says, He can never forget it (having extraordinary great admiration thereat) That there was not one in the National Congregation (met by an extraordinary favour the 11th. of June, at Dublin, 1666.) that open’d once his mouth for confession of any Villanies committed against the King, at any time in the late Rebellion, or Civil War, or even to speak a word for so much as a general Petition to be exhibited to his Majesty, imploring his Majesties gracious Pardon. Notwithstanding the first Rebellion 1641. and what follow’d upon the Nuncio’s access, and the violation of the first Peace 1646. and the Nuncio’s Censures against the Cessation with the Lord Inchequin, and the Peace 1648. And the Declaration and Excommunication of the Bishops as James-Town 1650, against the Lord Lieutenant the Marquis of Ormond, and those who obey’d him. Emphatically enough exprest by P. W. No. 1. (He enforces this Argument further) There was no crime (writes he) at all committed by All or any of the Roman Catholick Clergy of Ireland, nor even at any time, nor in any occasion or matter hapen’d since the 23d. of October, 1641. that needed Petitioning for Pardon, either for themselves, or any other of the Irish Clergy; if we must believe the Bishop of Ardagh, Patrick Plunket, pleading for them in so express terms, and the tacit approbation of his words by the universal silence of that Assembly. In pursuance of which, the Protestant Commissioners of Ireland (in their Answer to the Objections the Rebels Agents put in against the Preamble of the Bill of Settlement) took notice, that (in the whole Volume of Papers which were put in by the Catholicks about that Affair) there was not one grateful Acknowledgment, or so much as one civil mention of his Majesties singular Condescention. They having the favour to inspect that Act of Settlement, and object as they pleas’d, as if all his Majesty could do for them were no more than he ought. And further it is these Commissioners observation, That in all the Irish Papers, they do not own the slaughter of so many thousands to be a Rebellion, or once give the Title of Rebels to those who were the first Agents in that horrid and bloody Massacre; which being not acknowledged by them, more easily absolves the rudeness of their Ingratitude for his Majesties favours. And a Person of Honour (in his Animadversions on Fanaticism, who deserves much for his excellencies in the case) takes notice, That no Catholick ever made any profession against the Rebellion, or manifested his detestation or dislike of it by any publick Writing, that the Design seem’d a Birth acceptable to the Catholick Community. And the Pope, by his Nuncio afterwards (to whom the general part of the Clergy and Natives adhear’d) in effect maintain’d what Mahony had deliver’d for wholesome Doctrine, accounting the Popes Bulls, and Interdictions, and Absolutions, (how long soever since publish’d) still in the same force and vigour, as they were the first day of their publication. And it is very few years since (writes this Honourable Person) that (upon the meeting of the Secular and Regular Clergy of Ireland, before-mention’d, to frame an Address to the King in testimony of their obedience, disclaiming any Temporal Authority in the Popes) the Court of Rome was so alarm’d by it, that Cardinal Barbarin writ to them, to desist from any such Declaration, putting them in mind, that the Kingdom of England was still under Excommunication. And Walsh acquaints us at large of Mac-Mahon, the Irish Jesuits printed Book of the lawfulness of killing, not onely all the Protestants, but even all such of the Roman Catholick Irish, who should stand for the Crown of England, and the Rights of the King to Ireland. A Tenent agreeable to Salamanca’s approbation of Oneal’s Rebellion, 1602. instigated by Pope Clement the 8th. whereby it’s declared, That all Catholicks who followed the English Standard against Prince Oneal, mortally sinned. And Osulevan the Priest, in King James’s Reign, said, It was a Doctrine fetch’d from Hell, that Catholicks in Ireland should joyn with the Queens Forces, which were Protestants, against the Rebels, Catholicks, in Ireland, and that such English ought to be no less set upon than the Turks. So that whatsoever delusive Tenents have been broach’d of late, as to perswade us the Adder is without sting, the contrary hath been written in letters of blood, not in his Majesty’s Kingdoms only, but wheresome-ever the Papal Power was exalted, That persons professing the Reformed Religion, are but Tenants at Will for their Lives and Fortunes, and through Centuries of Ages it appears, that as their Fleeces grow, they are shorn, till a time of slaughter be appointed. That hence we may see, at what we should have arriv’d, had the Irish been fortunate in their attempt; for though the loyal Formulary or Remonstrance (highly magnified by some) may seem a Bond of Iron, it may easily (by the Pope) become weaker than a Rope of Straw.

During the Summer Sessions of Parliament (already spoke of) wherein the Heads of the Rebellion were closely complotting, some under a suspicion, that the Earl of Strafford’s Servants (in revenge of their Lord’s death) intended a Mischief to the Parliament, mov’d the House, and accordingly had Orders, that the Lords Justices would let his Majesty’s Stores (for Powder and Arms) be search’d, which (by a Committee) they so curiously perform’d, as they turn’d over several improbable Chests to find it out; and when they had seen that there was none, according to what the Officers of the Ordnance had before assur’d them, yet they seem’d unsatisfied, and repair’d (on a new Order) to the Lords Justices, to be admitted to see the Stores of Powder and Arms, plac’d in other Parts in and about the Castle: To whom the Lord Justice Borlase (Master of the Ordnance, principally interess’d in securing his Majesties Stores) answer’d, That those were the King’s precious Jewels, not to be (without special Gause) shewed, assuring them further, that they needed not to be afraid, for that, upon his Honour, there was no Powder underneath either of the Houses of Parliament, as at the Trial of the Lord Mac Quire, at the King’s Bench in Westminster, was openly in Court testified by the Lord Blaney, a great sufferer, a worthy and gallant Person, the said Lord Justice Borlase, having at that time such a motion in his blood, (upon the importunity of that enquiry) as he would afterwards often mention that action of theirs, as aiming (how slightly soever then looked on by others) at some further mark, than was th•n discernable: So that at that instant he denied them, whereat they seem’d discontented, as being left in uncertainty, in what state his Majesty’s Stores stood, which they desired particularly to know (the late new Army being disbanded then, and their Arms brought in) that if the Powder and Arms were not there, they might find them elsewhere; or if there, then (by the intended surprize) to be sure of them, and to know where (on the sudden) to find them: In which search, the Lord Mac Quire was a chief actor, and very inquisitive.

Thus, in order to their Design, they made ready for the Business, passing that Session of Parliament (began the xi. of May 1641.) for the most part away in Protestations, Declarations, Votes upon the Queries, the stay of Souldiers from going over Seas, and private Petitions, little to the good of the Common-wealth, or advancement of his Majesty’s Service, whereof the Lords Justices and Councel having notice, finding withal, that the Popish Party in both Houses grew to so great a height, as was scarce compatible to the present Government, they imparted (by a Message to both Houses the 14th. of July following) their intention to give a recess for some months, the harvest coming on, and both Houses growing thin: Which intimation of a recess both Houses readily assented to; so that the 7th. of August, the Lords Justices adjourn’d the Houses to the 9th. of November following, which afterwards the Members of Parliament aggravated as a great unkindness, the Committee of Parliament being expected from England, and arriv’d at Dublin near the end of August: Whereas, when the Parliament was adjourn’d, (and before) there was no certainty of their Committee’s return, the Earl of Roscommon, who (few days before) coming from England, expressing in plain terms, that the Bills desired were not likely (in any short time) to be dispatch’d, as the Letters from the Irish Committee at London, (which this Lord brought over) inform’d too; and, That they were daily about their dispatch, but could not guess when they might have it. Yet (as I have took notice) in August, beyond expectation, the Committee return’d, upon whose arrival, the Lords Justices and Councel (desirous to give them all satisfaction imaginable) sate daily composing of Acts, to be passed the next Sessions of Parliament, for the benefit of his Majesty, and the good of his Subjects, on which the Members of Parliament then at Dublin, and their Committee (newly arriv’d) seem’d with great contentment to retire into the Countrey, the Lords Justices forthwith sending Briefs to all the Ports in the Kingdom of the Graces concerning Customs, commanding the Officers punctually to obey those his Majesty’s Directions, particularly what-ever concern’d Wool, Tobacco, as all other things of that nature, wherein his Majesty had been pleas’d to gratifie the Committee. They gave Order also for drawing a Bill, for repeal of the Preamble of the Act of Subsidies. They also desired Sir William Cole and Sir James Montgomery (two of the Committee) if they could ever take the Assizes in the County of Ulster, to give publick notice to all the Undertakers, of what his Majesty had graciously granted and intended to them; which accordingly they undertook to do, the Lords Justices leaving (as they thought) nothing omitted, which might evidence their compliance with his Majesty’s gracious Intentions, acting (during this recess of Parliament) so vigilantly, and with that vigor, in relation to all the Committee’s Transactions in England, and his Majesty’s Service, that they had little time (if any) to spare for their other occasions; that if we reflect on their unwearied and faithful Endeavours, it cannot but be imputed as the greatest act of ingratitude (that ever a Nation was guilty of) to calumniate such a Government, which had been mainly instrumental to accomplish those Graces, that Favour, such Indulgence, as never any of his Majesty’s Predecessors would vouchsafe.

Yet then (in the midst of this Condescention) many of those (even the major part which were Papists) who had been thus graciously heard by his Majesty, countenanc’d in England, carassed at Court, most treacherously conspired against his Crown and Dignity, the original of this Rebellion being brought over (deposeth Prisley of Mac-Mahon) by the Irish Committee, who were imployed by the Parliament to his Majesty, for the redress of their Grievances in that Kingdom, complotting thereby the most execrable and bloody Rebellion History can parallel, improving their Neighbourhood (at that time) to a mighty access of Visits and Freedom, especially in Ulster, where the Irish seem’d to mind nothing else but Entertainment, lodging (under colour of friendship) the night before themselves, with those whom they intended to kill the next morning. That with his Majesty (in his Solitude) I may say that; That Sea of Blood, which these Men have cruelly and barbarously shed, is enough to drown any Man in eternal both infamy and misery, whom God shall find the malicious Author or Instigator of this effusion. And all this perpetrated, not for Religion, (as with great industry they endeavour to make foreign Princes believe) No! It was their inbred malice and hatred to the English, which (from the first Conquest to this present) may (by very sad Examples) be clearly demonstrated, all Rebellions to Hen. 8. his time (that the Reformation in Religion seem’d more favourable) being wholly to extirpate the English, then with them all of one Religion, as may be easily shewed in a constant Series of Affairs, were not every History (concerning Ireland) full of this Truth, with horrible Presidents of Treachery and Barbarism. And since Hen. 8th’s time (that the Protestant Religion hath had greater freedom) it is evident too, as Cambden notes, That their Rebellions sprung from their zeal to the Romish Religion, and their malice to the New English, not to leave one alive. So that Giraldus Cambrensis his Character of them in his Typography, is suspected to remain yet too great a Truth, to which we shall refer you, concluding this with what a late Historian in fewer words observes: Hiberni magna ex parte fallaces, sanguinarii, faedifragi, diversis micantes inter se factionibus, alter in alterius viscera ferrum immittere, quam cum hoste communi congredi, paratiores. To which we may add that of the Orator, not more pathetical than truely, That Ex omnibus Gentibus vix ullam reperias cui peccare & flere magis naturale est. But as to my own Inclinations, I truely reverence what the judicious and learn’d Bishop of Meath, in his Epistle to his Excellency the Earl of Essex, Lord Lieutenant, in his Sermon of Antichrist, observes, That the Irish of themselves were a People peaceable, harmless, and affable to strangers, and in themselves, and to all, pious and good, whilst they retain’d the Religion of their Forefathers.

Yet that we may come more closely to the Business, it will not be impertinent to recount what Rebellions ensued upon Queen Elizabeth’s Reign, and since to the fatal year 1641. That the practice of the Irish formerly being summ’d up, it may appear what seeds of Rebellion were ever sown in their hearts and soil, ripen’d constantly as opportunity and season gave them hopes of a harvest, all their submissions (as Sir John Davies observes) being meer mockery and imposture. Nor are we now without jealousies of what may yet be, were there opportunity for it, writes that excellent Bishop before cited, in the said Epistle.

Soon after this glorious Queen (whom the Bishop of Rhodes calls one of the most Heroick and Illustrious Princes of her Age) came to the Crown, all the Interests and Powers of Rome were animated against her, she having clear’d the light of the Gospel, by dissipating the fogs and mists of Superstition, so as thence the Spirits of Darkness rag’d every where, the Confederates of the Beast exalting their Power.

1. Anno 1567. Shane O Neal rais’d a notable Rebellion in Ulster, meerly in hatred to the English, erecting a Castle upon Lac-Eaugh, which he nam’d Feognegall, (i.e. The hatred of the English) and prevail’d much, till Sir Henry Sidney routed his Forces.

2. The Fitz-Geralds in Munster, 1569. (to whom the Birns, Tools, and Cavenaghs joyn’d) rag’d in Rebellion, till they were subdu’d by Sir William Drury. All Attainted by Parliament 27, 28 Eliz. Of the Justice of which War, an Edict was shortly after divulg’d, which in respect of those Tenents, yet maintain’d in the bleeding Iphigenia, and is indeed the sum of all their Infelicity and Malice, we have thought good to insert immediately betwixt the first and second Appendix.

3. Hugh O Neal, Anno 1595. succeeded in his Villanies, (the War being call’d Tyrone’s Rebellion) till 1603. the War determining with that Glorious Queen. Of which three Rebellions, the Analecta de rebus Catholicorum in Hibernia, publish’d Anno 1617. has summ’d up these notable and just Remarks.

1. Praecesserat Spiritus grandis & fortis subvertens montes & conterens petras, id factum est in famoso illo Dynasta Johanne Nealo initio Regni Eliz. instar saevientis procellae omnia provadente, & populante, qui nec montibus pepercit, nec collibus aut petris divina pariter & humana miscens—Post multas strages quas fecit, accitis etiam e Conacia & Momonia Primipilaribus quos sui Consilii participes fecit, deinde post probra & opprobria quae contraxit plurima cum vellet haberi restitutor Patriae Libertatis & avitae Religionis, quia non erat de Numero eorum per quos salus facta est in Israel. Qui seminavit ventos, non messuit nisi Turbinem, Fatus ipse turbo impellens in parietem in vindictam Caedis antea per eum perpetratae filio Paterni Sanguinis ultore Scoto in Rixa Scotorum & Hibernorum interiit, itaque non in Spiritu tam praecipiti & praepostero Dominus.

2. Post hunc Spiritum sequuta est gravis Commotio, quam suscitavit in Monronia Jacobus Geraldinus Mauritii filius cui accessit Johanne Geraldi Desmoniae Comitis Germanus frater, & ipse postmodum Comes Geraldus insequutus est cum multis sequalibus; in Lagenia vero se adjunxerant Jacobus Vice-Comes de Baltinglass cum Kavanachiis, Briniis & aliis Nobilibus illius Provinciae, visa est magnis & piis Principibus Causa Dei tractari & quia pro fide bellum susceptum intellexerunt. Copias etiam auxiliares, transmiserunt sed propter Delicta seculi irritus fuit Conatus Deo tunc non decernente speratum Bellatoribus effectum tribuere, quem in aliud tempus, pro alia Generatione, aliis Instrumentis & modis parandum reservavit, atque ita difflatum est Consilium illud, dissiluit in partes, opus & coeptum ipsum infaeliciter dissolutum est, neque enim in illa Commotione transire ad refrigerium nostrum voluit Dominus.

3. Illa vero Geraldinorum commotione sic praetervecta successit ignis omni late devastans, dum flamma ferroque omnia populatur Comes Tyronensis plusquam decennali bello intercipiens hujus Insulae quietem, multa visus prospere aggredi multis etiam congressibus victor, sed nonnullis victoriis infolescens exercitus tametsi Cohortium antesignari & ipse Gubernator & Dactor exercitus causam praetulerit honorificam restituendae Religionis nec ullam vellet capitulationem admittere, cum Anglis in qua Primario non ageretur De fide Orthodoxa publice stabilanda per universum regnum, quia Tamen via & violentia tunc exercita non erat secundum propositum Dei efficax, hinc peccatis Hominum irato Numine frustra se exerebant vires Hominum.

4. At King James’s access to the Crown, Waterford, Cork, and Limerick in Munster, Kilkenny, and Wexford in Lemster, openly oppos’d the King’s Title, as not being a Catholick; but were soon brought into obedience by the Lord Deputy Mountjoy.

5. Within four years after, the Lord Chichester Deputy, Tyrone and O Donnel conspiring with Mac-guire, Cormack O Neal, O Cahan, the Lord Delvin, and others, design’d a notable Rebellion, but were prevented in May, 1607. and an Act of Attainder past, Anno 11, 12, 13 Jacobi, Cap. 4.

6. The year following Anno scil. 1608. Sir Cahir O Doghertie’s War succeeded, sharp, though short, determining in five months, encourag’d by the Priests, That all who died in that Service, went forthwith into Heaven.

Afterwards the State of Ireland seemed very happy, both as to Improvement of Land, Plenty, and Peace, till the year 1634. that Ever Mac-Mahon (before mention’d) discover’d an intended Plot, which by the prudence of the Governour (the Lord Wentworth) never arriv’d at its design, nor afterwards was any thing further suspected, till Sir Henry Vane, by his Majesties command (K. C. 1.) gave the Lords Justices, the 16th. of March, notice of a suspected Rebellion; of which (with its circumstances) we have already insisted. Though we must say, that the result of the former Conspiracies, which by the blessedness of the Times, prudence of Governours, or other accidents, were delayed, in this (Anno sc. 1641.) met the accomplishment of them all. Yet nothing was here attempted, which the bleeding Iphigenia (the great Incendiary of that Nation) doth not passionately justifie, it being, in his Divinity and Logick, rational, That the Irish (though not then visibly assaulted) might however assume Arms in defence of their Religion and Property, both threatned; it being (writes he) a common Doctrine of Divines, That it is lawful to prevent an evil, that cannot be otherwise avoided than by preventing it; nor need the authority of the Prince (in that case) be required. A Doctrine so hellish, as none certainly is so besotted, but he may easily read therein the ruine of States and Kingdoms; excellently answered by the Learned and accurate late Proselyte, Dr. Andrew Sal, to whom in this point we must refer you: And as to matter of Fact, bequeath you to the ensuing History, clearly evidencing, That before the Irish assumed Arms, no Instrument was ever thought on, much less found against them.

Formerly indeed it hath been strongly imputed to the State of England, that (conquering Ireland) they did not also endeavour to make them one People; holding them Enemies, not taking care to settle Civility and a Property amongst them; the cause (as some thought) of frequent Rebellions. But though these and some other defects in the Civil Policy (some think) are inexcusable, it may clearly be demonstrated, they were not of so large a size as they are mark’d. And it may appear (by antient Records) that the Laws of England were at first communicated to the meer Irish, as far as their Barbarism and Cruelties exercis’d (on occasions) upon the English would well admit. But (to let these times pass, whereof we cannot speak much with any certainty) let us now see what fruits we have of all the Royal endeavours of his Gracious Majesty, and his two Glorious Predecessors, what return for all their Care, for all their Charge, and for all the English Blood which hath (within the compass of the last Age) been spilt for purchasing of Peace, and introducing of the true Religion and common Civility into Ireland.

It cannot be denied, that since the happy Reign of Queen Elizabeth, all the former defects in the Government, and Civil Policy, have been abundantly supplied, and all those Means us’d, those Acts perform’d, those Designs fully accomplish’d, and all things else perfectly brought to pass, which (in the judgement of all wise Men) were conceiv’d, would undoubtedly effect the full settlement and reduction of that Kingdom. As first, The barbarous Customs continually us’d by the Irish, have been quite abolished; all sorts of People (even the most wicked amongst them) have been allowed the benefit of the Law, and liv’d under the King’s immediate Protection; all the Laws of England (found useful for that Kingdom) have been made currant by Act of Parliament, in Ireland; many other good Laws enacted, and the execution of them hath had free course through all parts of the Kingdom; the Courts of Justice have been open, and the Judges (for the more free distribution of Justice to the People) have constantly (twice every year) gone their Circuits, through the several Counties of the whole Land; the Church-Government hath been fully setled, many preaching Ministers (generally plac’d throughout the several Parishes) as likewise Free-Schools, together with sufficient Maintenance for them, have been establisht; the Lands (belonging to the Natives) have been always duely setled according to Law in the Proprietor; and what noise soever was rais’d, entituling the Crown to Roscommon, Mayo, Slego, Galloway, Clare, besides some parts of Limerick and Tipperary (as one of the Master-pieces of the Earl of Strafford’s Service in Ireland) nothing was ever effected thereupon, though it had cost his Majesty 10000£ upon the enquiry, and had they had patience till the next Sessions of Parliament, there was an Act for Limitations, pass’d by his Majesty, to bar all Titles, Claims, and Challenges of the Crown, before 60 years last past, to have cut off all expectations upon the ancient Title, and have strengthned (by new Grants and Patents) all Titles from the Crown. Multitudes of British were brought in, and planted in great numbers, even in the most barbarous Places of the Kingdom; many corporate Towns have been erected; some wall’d Towns have been also lately built; Castles, Stone-houses, and Villages, daily made in every part in great abundance; Trade and Traffick so well setled, as (the obstructions therein being remov’d) the native Commodities were so freely exported, as they did (to the great advantage of the Kingdom) by far exceed the foreign Importation; and all other necessary Provisions were made for the Publick, which might be thought any ways to conduce to the Peace, Plenty, and flourishing Estate of a growing Kingdom.

And for the Irish themselves (though they have ever been observ’d to be a whining Generation, a People always given unjustly to complain of their Governours) yet (in these later times) there hath been a most special care taken, to preserve them free from all manner of Pressures. They have had liberty (beyond the examples of former Ages) to redress their Grievances in their own Parliament, being elected Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, according to the Affections of the Commons; they had too (of their Communion) Lawyers bred up in England, frequent at their Bar; also upon their Bench Justices of the Peace; in their Counties Sheriffs, and Mayors and other Officers in their Corporations, Favours not aspir’d to by the Catholicks of England, or ever granted. And in Cases where they thought fit to present their Complaints unto his Majesty, they were graciously receiv’d, and fitting Remedies applied. They were admitted to enjoy the free and full exercise of the Roman Religion without controul; to entertain Priests, Friers, Jesuits, and all sorts of their Ecclesiastical Orders, without number, whilst the Protestants dissenting from the Regimen of the Church of England, were frequently summon’d to the Bishop’s Court. Justice was equally administred to the British and Irish without any manner of difference; the Countrey Duties and other Taxes were levied upon all without distinction of Persons; all private Animosities suppress’d; all ancient Grudges remov’d; and in all outward appearance, they liv’d so affectionately intermixt together, as they could not be esteem’d two Nations in one Kingdom, but that they did Coalescere in unam Gentem. And it is without all contradiction not to be denied, That never any Conquer’d Nation enjoy’d more fully the Liberties and Priviledges of Free Subjects, and (through the great Indulgence of his Majesty) liv’d with greater contentment, Ease, Peace, Plenty, and freedom from all manner of extraordinary Taxations, other than such as they were pleas’d to impose upon themselves in Parliament, than the Natives of Ireland have lately done. Inasmuch as an Excellent Lawyer clearly evidences from 1601. to the year that he writ in, That Ex illo tempore quantum creverunt Hibernorum Res, desertissimae sollitudines in vicos & oppida Conversae, Itinera olim clausa Exercitibus, nunc patent Viatoribus, Portus Navibus, Urbes Mercatoribus, Agri Colonis, fora Judiciis frequentantur, nec siquid inter Cives controversiae inciderit, ferro nunc ut olim, sed lege & Judicis Arbitrio deciditur: Ipsae vero Gentes Anglicanae & Hibernicae quae non solum studiis sed etiam Castris olim dissidebant, nec ullo faedere tenebantur, sed alteri alterum utcunque occidere jus erat, sublatis nuper Hostilitatis legibus in unum populum coaluerunt, nec Commercia nunc & Convivia verum Conjugia inter ipsos celebrantur, adeoque aequo Jure, pari lege, & eadem Conditione, absque omni Gentis discrimine, sub justissimo Rege vivitur, ut nec Angli se vicisse, nec Hiberni victos se esse, sentiant. That hence ensued the calmest and most universal Peace, that ever was seen in Ireland, it being not to be produc’d, that after the Irish were receiv’d into the Condition of Subjects, without difference and distinction, (which was in the Parliament begun at Dublin, under the Lord Chichester, the 18th. of May, Anno Regni Jacob. 11.) that ever the English in Ireland offer’d the least violence to any of the Natives, eo Nomine, Papists or Irish; yet nothing could keep them from Rebelling, the Corn being then full ear’d. And so we are arriv’d at the Rebellion, which (as you have read) hath had many steps to its Rise, which we shall now pursue in its Progress and Success.

The Irish Insurrection
The Irish Rebellion, 23. Octob. 1641.

The Irish Rebellion, 23. Octob. 1641.

The first dark Light, of which Sir William Cole (the 11th. of October, 1641.) gave the Lords Justices, and Council notice of: As that there was a great Resort made to Sir Phelim O Neals, in the County of Tyrone, as also to the House of the Lord Mac-Guire, in the County of Fermanagh, and that by several suspected Persons (fit Instruments for Mischief.) As also that the said Lord Mac-Guire had of late made several Journeys within the Pale, and other Places, and had spent his time much in writing Letters, and sending Dispatches abroad. Upon the receipt of which Intelligence, the Lords Justices and Council writ to Sir William Cole, requiring him to be very vigilant and industrious, to find out what should be the occasion of those several Meetings, and speedily to advertise them thereof, or any other particular that he conceiv’d might tend to the publick service of the State. And more than this (rationally) could not have been done; for that what Sir William Cole inform’d the State of, was but conjectural; and had any notice been took publickly of it, whereby Sir Phelim O Neal, or the Lord Mac-Guire had been seiz’d on, the same would certainly have been a pretended cause for the Irish (ready Touch-wood) to have risen in Arms, being suspected, before they manifested any dis-satisfaction. Besides, there was some so unwilling to receive the least mis-conceit of the Irish, (believing Time had worn out all Animosities, and the State had secur’d each Interests) as they us’d the utmost artifice imaginable to suppress those thoughts in others: That thence more than a circumspect eye was not to be advis’d. Some say, one John Cormack reveal’d to Sir William Cole, the 21. of October, That the Irish resolv’d to seize upon his Majesties Castle and City of Dublin, to murder his Lords Justices and Council there, and to seize upon all the Castles and Forts of the Kingdom, &c. Which Sir William Cole the same day sent the Lords Justices notice of. As others from an Ultogh would infer, That they had inform’d the State thereof, and that Sir Lucas Dillon thereupon had been summon’d before them, and told, that they had heard something of him and others in Connaght, that made their fidelity suspected; which with a sober countenance, and solemn protestation, (Arts he had been long bred to) he soon wiped off. So (saith my Author) that for our sins our Counsellors were infatuated, and our Watch-men slumber’d. But Sir John Temple (whose Integrity over-weighs all Assertions to the contrary) testifies, That those Letters and Informations never came to their knowledge, and that indeed they had never any certain notice of this general Conspiracy of the Irish, until the 22d. of October, late in the evening, that Owen O Conally (a meer Irish-man, Servant to Sir John Clotworthy, train’d up in the Protestant Religion) imparted the same to the Lord Justice Parsons, as a sense of his Duty, and Loyalty to his Majesty, and an effect of that Religion he was trained up in.

At first, the Lord Parsons gave little belief to the Relation, in regard it came from an obscure Person, and one, as he conceiv’d, somewhat distemper’d (at that time) with drink, delivering his story besides in so broken a manner, that it scarce seem’d credible; whereupon his Lordship let him go, strictly charging him to return back the same evening, with what further discoveries he could make. Yet in the interim, the Lord Parsons (being touch’d with the Relation) repair’d (about Ten of the Clock at night) to the Lord Borlase, at Chichester-house, without the Town, and disclos’d to him what Owen O Conally had imparted; which made so sensible an impression on his Colleague, as (the Discoverer being let go) He grew infinitely concern’d thereat, having none to punish, if the story should prove false; or means to learn more, were it true. In the disturbance of which perplexity, Owen O Conally comes (or, as others write, was brought) where the Lords Justices were then met, sensible that his discovery was not thorowly believed, professing, that what-ever he had acquainted the Lord Parsons with, (touching the Conspiracy) was true; and could he but repose himself, (the effects of drink being still upon him) he should discover more. Whereupon he had the conveniency of a Bed. In the interim, the Lords Justices summon’d as many of the Council, as they could give notice to, to their assistance that night, at Chichesterhouse. Sir Thomas Rotheram, and Sir Robert Meredith, Chancellor of the Exchequer, came immediately to them. They then with all diligence secur’d the Gates of the City, with such as they could most confide in, and strengthen’d the Warders of the Castle, (which were a few in-considerable men) with their Foot-Guard, usually attending their Persons, charging the Mayor and his Brethren to be watchful of all persons, that should walk the streets that night. However, many of the Conspirators escaped over the River, or at least lay conceal’d in Citizens houses, (a Receptacle too ready for most of them) and some of those who were brought before the Lords Justices and Council, as James Warren, (Sir Phelim O Neal’s Servant) and Paul O Neal, (an active Priest) though neither of them then were discover’d to be such, found means to get away; of which Sir Phelim bragg’d of afterwards; Paul O Neal having been a prime Instrument in the contrivance of the Rebellion: Whilst Hugh Oge, Mac-Mahon Esq (Grandson by his Mother to the Traitor Tir-Oen) a Gentleman of good Fortune in the County of Monaghon, who had serv’d as a Lieutenant Colonel in the King of Spain’s Quarters, was, after some little resistance, apprehended before day in his own Lodging over the Water near the Inns, and brought to Chichester-house, where, upon Examination, he did, without much difficulty, confess the Plot, resolutely telling them, That on that very day (it was now about 5 in the morning, the 23. of Octob. 1641.) that all the Forts and strong Places in Ireland would be taken; That he with the Lord Mac-Guire, Hugh Birn, Captain Brian O Neal, and several other Irish Gentlemen, were come up expresly to surprize the Castle of Dublin, and that twenty men out of each County of the Kingdom were to be here to joyn with them. That all the Lords and Gentlemen in the Kingdom (that were Papists) were engag’d in this Plot; That what was that day to be done in other parts of the Countrey, was so far advanc’d by that time, as it was impossible for the wit of Man to prevent it. And withal told them, That it was true, they had him in their power, and might use him how they pleased; but he was sure he should be reveng’d.

Before Mac-Mahon was apprehended, Owen O Conally having (on his repose) recovered himself, had his Examination taken in these words.

Who being duly sworn and examined, saith, That he being at Monimore, in the County of London-derry, on Tuesday last, he received a Letter from Colonel Hugh Oge-Mac-Mahon, desiring him to come to Connaght in the County of Monaghan, and to be with him on Wednesday or Thursday last. Whereupon he this Examinant came to Connaght on Wednesday night last, and finding the said Hugh come to Dublin, followed him thither; he came hither about six of the Clock this evening, and forthwith went to the Lodging of the said Hugh, to the house near the Boat in Oxmantown, and there he found the said Hugh, and came with the said Hugh into the Town, near the Pillory, to the Lodging of the Lord Mac-Guire, where they found not the Lord within, and there they drank a cup of Beer, and then went back again to the said Hugh’s Lodging. He saith, That at the Lord Mac-Guire’s Lodging, the said Hugh told him, That there were, and would be this night, great numbers of Noblemen and Gentlemen of the Irish Papists, from all parts of the Kingdom, in this Town, who, with himself, had determin’d to take the Castle of Dublin, and to possess themselves of all his Majesties Ammunition there to morrow morning, being Saturday: And that they intended first to batter the Chimneys of the said Town; and if the Citizens would not yield, then to batter down the Houses, and so to cut off all the Protestants that would not joyn with them. He further saith, That he the said Hugh told him, That the Irish had prepared men in all parts of the Kingdom, to destroy all the English inhabiting there to morrow morning by Ten of the Clock; and that in all the Sea-Ports, and other Towns in the Kingdom, all the Protestants should be killed that night, and that all the Posts that could be could not prevent it. And further saith, That he moved the said Hugh to forbear executing of that business, and to discover it to the State, for saving of his own Estate; who said, He could not help it: But said, That they did owe their Allegiance to the King, and would pay him all his Rights; but that they did this for the Tyrannical Government that was over them, and to imitate Scotland, who had got a Priviledge by that course. And he further saith, That when he was with the said Hugh in his Lodging, the said Hugh swore, That he should not go out of his Lodging that night, but told him, he should go with him the next morning to the Castle; and said, if this matter were discovered, some body should die for it. Whereupon this Examinant feign’d some necessity for his Easment, went down out of the Chamber, and left his Sword in pawn, and the said Hugh sent his Man down with him; and when this Examinant came down into the Yard, and finding an opportunity, he, this Examinant, leaped over a Wall, and two Pales, and so came to the Lord Justice Parsons.

Octob. 22.
1641.

William Parsons.
Thomas Rotheram.
Robert Meredith.
Owen O Conally.

How it came to pass that the other Lord Justice attested not the Examination, (it being took in his house, he present) hath begot some doubts, evidencing how (since) Counsels severed into Cabals.

In the interim, (whilst Owen O Conally was examining) Mac-Mahon (walking in Chichester-hall) drew (with Chalk) several Postures, some on Gibbets, others groveling on the ground; intimating how his fancy run on what was then acting: So little did he dread the event.

The night being thus pass’d over, the Lords Justices remov’d themselves (for their better security) into the Castle, where the body of the Council attended them; and having secur’d the Lord Mac-Guire (taken, after several removes, in an obscure Cock-loft in Cook-street) they joyn’d in this Proclamation.

The dismal Effects of the Irish Insurrection

1641

By the Lords Justices and Council.

W. Parsons, John Borlase.

These are to make known and publish to all his Majesties good Subjects in this Kingdom of Ireland, That there is a discovery made by us the Lords Justices and Council, of a most disloyal and detestable Conspiracy, intended by some evil-affected Irish Papists, against the Lives of us the Lords Justices and Council, and many other of his Majesty’s faithful Subjects, universally throughout this Kingdom, and for the seizing not onely of his Majesty’s Castle of Dublin, (his Majesties principal Fort here) but also of all the other Fortifications in the Kingdom. And seeing by the great goodness and abundant mercy of Almighty God to his Majesty, and this State and Kingdom, those wicked Conspiracies are brought to light, and some of the Conspirators committed to the Castle of Dublin by us, by his Majesties Authority, so as those wicked and damnable Plots are now disappointed in the chief Parts thereof: We therefore have thought fit hereby not onely to make it publickly known, for the comfort of his Majesties good and loyal Subjects in all parts of the Kingdom, but also hereby to require them, That they do with all confidence and chearfulness betake themselves to their own defence, and stand upon their Guard, so to render the more safety to themselves and all the Kingdom besides; and that they advertise us with all possible speed of all Occurrents, which may concern the peace and safety of the Kingdom, and now to shew fully that Loyalty and Faith, which they had always shown for the publick Services of the Crown and Kingdom, which we will value to his Majesty accordingly, and a special memory thereof will be retain’d for their advantage in due time; and we require, that great care be taken, that no Levies of Men be made for Foreign Service, nor any Men suffer’d to March upon any pretence.

Given at his Majesty’s Castle at Dublin,
23. October, 1641.

R. Dillon, Ro. Digby, Ad. Loftus, J. Temple, Tho. Rotheram, Franc. Willoughby, Ja. Ware, Ro. Meredith.

Which being immediately printed, was dispersed to as many Places as they could convey it to: Against which, some of the Lords of the Pale (though at first they had offer’d their service at the Council-board, with great protestations and affections to his Majesty) few days after appear’d with a Petition to their Lordships, wherein they utter’d the deep sense they had of an expression in that Proclamation, as if by the words, Irish Papists, there being no distinction, they might doubt themselves involv’d. Upon which the Lords Justices and Council, being tender, lest they (in whose fidelity, from the example of their Ancestors, their Lordships then rested confident) should take umbrage at any of their expressions, condescended, by their Printed Declaration, dated the 29th. of the same October, to publish and proclaim, That by the words, Irish Papists, they intended onely such of the old meer Irish in the Province of Ulster, as had plotted, contriv’d, and been actors in that Treason, and others that adhered to them, and none of the old English of the Pale, and other Parts, enjoyning all his Majesty’s Subjects, whether Protestants or Papists, to forbear upbraiding matter of Religion. So that this Cavil being remov’d, the Lords Justices and Councel (with all imaginable amity and confidence) animated the Lords of the Pale, and their adherents, to joyn with them, as one Body, for the suppression of the present Rebellion, and the maintenance of his Majesty’s just Right and Prerogative. To which end they parted with 1700 Arms, and proportionable Ammunition, as well to the Roman Catholicks, as Protestant Subjects, for the defence of their Houses in several parts. As to the Lord of Gormanston, there were delivered Arms for 500 Men, for the County of Meath; there were also delivered Arms for 300. for the County of Kildare; Arms for 300. for the County of Lowth; Arms for 300. for the County of West-Meath; Arms for 300. for the County of Dublin; and about the same time, there were sent down 400 Muskets to the Lords of the Ardes and Clandeboys, for the Arming of the Scots, in the County of Downe; also the State furnish’d Wexford, Waterford, Trim and Dundalk, with Arms, and licence to import Arms and Powder, a condescension never indulg’d without great confidence and favour, that nothing should be wanting to testifie their confidence of all, but such as were in actual Rebellion.

And now having heard Mac-Mahon’s, and Owen O Conally’s Examinations, and the proceedings thereupon, it will be time to give you the Lord Mac-Guire’s, though at first (when he was brought before the Councel Board) nothing could be wrung from him, till the 26th. of March, 1642. that his Examination was taken before Charles Lord Lambert, and Sir Robert Meredith Kt. Chancellor of his Majesty’s Court of Exchequer, by direction of the Lords Justices and Councel, in these words:

Who being examined, saith, That about the time when Mr. John Bellew came out of England, with the Commission for the continuance of the present Parliament, Roger Moore, in the said Moore’s Chamber, in the House of one Peter de Costres, of this City, acquainted him this Examinant, That if the Irish would rise, they might make their own Conditions, for the regaining of their own Lands, and freedom of their Religion. At which time the said Moore also acquainted him this Examinant, that he had spoken with sundry in Leimster, who would be ready for that purpose; and withal told him this Examinant, that he was assured a good part of Connaght would do the like; and thereupon mov’d this Examinant to joyn likewise with them, with all he could make; unto which motion he this Examinant yielded. And the next day following, there was a Meeting in his the said Moore’s Chamber aforesaid, where were Col. Mac-Bryan, Mac-Mahon, Tirelagh O Neal, Philip Mac-Hugh O Relie, this Examinant, and Roger Moore, where Discourse was had about that Business, yet nothing concluded on, save that Roger Moore and the rest should go and prepare their Parties. And this Examinant further saith, That about May last, he this Examinant, Roger Moore, Philip O Relie, and Roger Mac-Guire (this Examinant’s Brother) dispatched a Priest (one Toole O Conley) who lived in Leimster, unto Owen O Neal, into Flanders, to acquaint him with the Business, concerning the General Rebellion then in preparation; which said Priest return’d about a month before the time appointed for execution thereof: And the Answer which the said Priest brought from the said Owen O Neal, was, That he would (within 15 days after the People were up) be with them, with his best Assistance and Arms: And it being demanded, Why he the said Owen would bring Arms, considering the Castle of Dublin was to be taken, and the Arms therein; this Examinant answer’d, That they so provided for Arms, that they might not want any in case they could not take the said Castle, whereof they doubted. And this Examinant acknowledgeth, That the Castle of Dublin was to have been surpriz’d by himself, Capt. Bryan O Neal, Capt. Con O Neal, Capt. Mac-Mahon, one Owen O Relie, Roger Moore, Hugh Mac-Mahon, Col. Plunkett, and Capt. Fox; and likewise further acknowledgeth, That Hugh Mac-Phelim, Capt. Con O Neal, and Bryan O Neal, brought from Owen O Neal, out of Flanders, the very same Message which the Priest brought. And this Examinant further saith, That he was told by Roger Moor, that a Great Man was in the Plot, but he might not name him for the present: And at another time, and during the sitting of the Parliament the last Summer, he this Examinant was inform’d by one John Barnewell, a Franciscan Frier, then resident in this City, That those of the Pale were also privy to the Plot (meaning the present Rebellion.) And lastly saith, That of those Persons who came to attend him this Examinant, for the surprize of the Castle of Dublin, only Cohonough Mac-Guire was privy to the Business in hand; and that the last Meeting (when the day appointed for the execution thereof was resolv’d on) was at Loghross, where were present only Ever Mac-Mahon, Vicar-General of the Diocess of Clogher, Thomas Mac-Kearnan, a Frier of Dundalk, Sir Phelim O Neal, Roger Moor, and Bryan O Neal.

Charles Lambert, Robert Meredith. Concordat cum originali. Ex.
per Paul Harris.

Which Examination he also acknowledged before Judge Bramston, Lord Chief Justice of England, and Justice Mallet, the 22. of June, 1642. in the presence of Jo. Conyers, W. Ayloffe, Nath. Finch. And being Prisoner in the Tower of London, he delivered to Sir John Conyers (then Lieutenant thereof) a Relation of the whole Scene, to be presented to the Lords in Parliament, which being stor’d with many remarkable Circumstances, sufficiently evidencing the dis-satisfaction, long contrivance, and general combination of the Natives, I shall commit to posterity in his own words, that it may be seen (what Fucus soever is now endeavour’d to be cast on the horrid Conspiracy) it was not any ill miscarriage of the State (at that time) or any real suspicions that the Irish had of any violence to be obtruded on their Religion, or Persons, which drove the Natives into a general revolt, but the deliberate complotted Counsels of many years, that anvil’d out the Rebellion in detestation of the English; that was the Sore (however skin’d) which they endeavour’d again to exulcerate; to which end, O Neal’s Regiment in Flanders (consisting most of Irish Papists) was purposely rais’d, to train up the Irish in Arms, against a fitting opportunity, as by Henry Mac-Art’s Examination is most evident.

Thus was this inhumane and treacherous Rebellion unanimously complotted, which brake forth the 23. of October, 1641. St. Ignatius his day, that less than such a Patron might not be entituled to so close and bloody a Conspiracy, fourty years before fore-warn’d by the incomparable and pious Archbishop Usher, preaching (soon after the overthrow of the Spaniards at Kinsale, 1601.) on the Vision of Ezek. Chap. 4. Vers. 6. whence (in reference to a connivance of Popery following) he drew this Application, From this year (a day being for a year) I will reckon the sin of Ireland, that those whom you now embrace shall be your ruine, and you shall bear this iniquity. A little before which time, this Reverend Primate went for England; I cannot say his reflecting on this Prophesie was the cause of his repair thither, no! many things were thought to be in dispute, which his moderation might probably have compos’d. However, writes Armachanus Redivivus, towards the end, Monitu proculdubio divino tempestivus ab Hibernia recessit, priusquam funestae calamitates erupissent, & illi lupi bipedes, belluaeque deproedatrices dispersas oves horribili Laniena jugulassent. The Castle of Dublin (as you have read) was the chief Place they aim’d at, as in the Lord Grey’s Government, 1580. it was then the design of the Rebels to have kill’d him, and his Family, and to have surpris’d the Castle of Dublin, wherein was all the Provision of War. The like was intended by the Conspirators about the beginning of the Reign of King James, Sir Arthur Chichester Lord Deputy.

The full determination of the Conspiracy we now speak of, was (as Dr. Jones, in his clear and excellent account he gives thereof, in his Depositions took the 3d. of March, 1641.) design’d at the Abbey of Multifernan; (notwithstanding that Tyroen’s Son, who had long consulted it in Flanders, was suddenly strangled about that time in Bruxels, and the Earl of Tirconnel drown’d near the time of the Earl of Strafford’s death; prime Instruments in anvilling the Design abroad, and great hopes of countenancing it at home) where there was a Covent of Franciscans, (conven’d, it seems, on a pious intent) in the County of West-Meath, after the last Sessions of Parliament; where, amongst many other things there debated, the question was, What course should be taken with the English, and all others, that were found in the whole Kingdom, to be Protestants? Some were onely for their Banishment, as the King of Spain dismis’d the Mores out of Granado, with some of their Goods. Others were urgent, that all the Protestants should be universally cut off; the King of Spain’s lenity being his and his Queen’s act, not the advice of his Council, which (say they) afterwards cost Christendom dear, the Mores surviving to return with Swords in their hands and infest them, as Algiers and Sally doth at present. Those Disputes held long; at last, some lean’d a middle way, neither to dismiss or kill. And we find by the event, each of these thoughts had some execution; in some places All being generally put to the Sword, or a more deplorable end; in other places, Imprisonment (accompanied with the utmost extremity of that condition) was the lot of many; and others (who being dismiss’d with their Goods) were afterwards stript of all, expos’d to Cold and Famine, worse than Sword or Halter.

Thus having determin’d what to do with the Protestants, which (in general, too sadly succeeded to their wishes) they (according to the presumption of the event) consulted (in the next place) what course they would peruse in reference to their Government of the State.

First, (they agreed) That their Loyalty to his Majesty should be still reserv’d, say they of the modest sort; but both his Revenues and Government must be reduc’d to certain bounds: His Rents none other than the antient Reservations before the Plantations; and the Customs so order’d, as to them should be thought fitting.

Secondly, For the Government, such as would be esteem’d Loyal, would have it committed into the hands of two Lords Justices, one of the antient Irish Race, the other of the antient British Inhabitants in the Kingdom, provided that they be of the Romish Profession.

Thirdly, That a Parliament be forthwith call’d, consisting of whom they shall think fit to be admitted, wherein their own Religious Men shall be Assistants.

Fourthly, That Poining’s Act must be repeal’d, and Ireland declar’d to be a Kingdom independent on England, and without any reference to it in any case whatsoever.

Fifthly, All Acts prejudicial to the Romish Religion shall be abolish’d, and it to be Enacted, That there be none other Profession in the Kingdom but the Romish.

Sixthly, That onely the antient Nobility of the Kingdom shall stand; and of them, such as shall refuse to conform to the Romish Religion, to be remov’d, and others put in their room. Howsoever, the present Earl of Kildare must be put out, and another put in his place.

Seventhly, All Plantation Lands to be recall’d, and the antient Proprietors to be invested into their former Estates, with the Limitations in their Covenant express’d, That they had not formerly sold their Interests on valuable Considerations.

Eighthly, That the respective Counties of the Kingdom be subdivided, and certain Bounds or Baronies assign’d to the Chief Septs, and other of the Nobility, who are to be answerable for the Government thereof: and that a standing Army may be still in being, the respective Governours are to keep a certain number of men to be ready at all Risings out (as they term it) they also being to build and maintain certain Fortresses, in places most convenient within their Precincts: And that these Governours be of absolute Power, onely responsible to the Parliament.

Lastly, For maintaining a Correspondency with other Nations, and for securing the Coasts, that also they may be render’d considerable to others, a Navy of a certain number of Ships is to be maintain’d; that to this end, five Houses are to be appointed, one in each Province, (accounting Meath for one of them) that to these Houses shall be allotted an Annual Pension of certain thousands of Pounds, to be made up of part of the Lands appropriate to Abbeys; and a further Contribution to be rais’d in the respective Provinces to that end: That these Houses are to be assign’d to a certain order of Knights, answerable to that of Malta, who are to be Sea-men. And to maintain this Fleet, that all Prizes are to be apportion’d, some part for a Common Bank, the rest to be divided; to which purpose, the selling of Woods serviceable for this use is forbidden. The House for this purpose to be assign’d to the Province of Leimster, is Kilmainham, or rather Howth, (the Lord of Howth being otherwise to be accommodated, provided he joyn with them) that place being esteem’d most convenient in respect of situation, which they have small grounds to hope for.

For the effecting of which, they consider’d, that the Forces of the Kingdom would easily amount to two hundred thousand able men, wanting onely Commanders; which (as I have already took notice of) might be supplied from O Neals Regiment in Flanders, and other places, breeding up the Irish in Arms and Rebellion. And for Money, (the other Sinew of War) they were resolv’d not to want it, if it could be rais’d-either from Tenant, or the Farmers of the Customs, who (having it then ready) were to bring it to their respective Banks. So as nothing was omitted, which rationally might further their design: Which, after the State, by Proclamation, had made known, and many (on suspicion) were daily seiz’d on, Certainties of its success were hourly brought to the State: That night the Lord Blany brought the ill news, of the Rebels seising upon Castle Blany in the County of Monaghan, and his Wife, and Children, and Servants; as also of the surprisal of Carrick Mac-ross, a House of the Earl of Essex’s, and Sir Henry Spotswood’s in the same County, burning divers Villages, robbing and spoiling many English, none but Protestants. On Sunday, Sir Arthur Tirringham gave intelligence, that the Irish in Newry had broken up the King’s Store of Arms, and had seiz’d upon them and the Ammunition there, listing themselves under the command of Sir Con Mac-Gennis Knight, and one Creely a Monk. Thus almost every hour some (like Job’s Messengers) hasted to the State, as preserv’d onely to acquaint them of the disasters of their Relations, and the sufferings of the Protestants: of which, with all circumstances to it, the Lords Justices and Council gave his Majesty an account by Sir Henry Spotswood, (being then in Scotland) and sent Owen O Conally with Letters, dated the 25th. of October, to the Earl of Leicester, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the effect of which Letter you may see in its proper place. In the interim, the State being from all parts terrifi’d with the insolencies of the Rebels, they scarce knew how to steer their course, no Money being in the Treasury, and the main part of the Citizens being justly suspected, for that being mov’d to advance Money on the occasion, (will Posterity believe it) their whole Community would not reach 50£ And such as had escaped the violence of the Rebels, having nothing but their Persons for a prey, could contribute little, many of which were so frighted with what they had seen and suffered, that, like inanimate Bodies, they appear’d sensless and stupid. However, the Lords Justices and Council having secur’d the Castle by a Company of Foot, under the command of Sir Francis Willoughby, (one of the Privy Council) a known and experienc’d Soldier, and setled Sir Charles Coote (also of the Privy Council) in the Government of the City, wherein (as in other Services) he proved afterwards signally eminent and noble. They advertis’d the Earl of Ormond, (whom the Rebels boasted they had made of their Party) then at his House at Carrick, of what had hitherto happen’d, desiring him to repair to Dublin with his Troop, which he accordingly observ’d about the beginning of November.

About the 27th. of October, the Lords Justices and Council sent Commissions to the Lords Viscounts of Clandeboys, and of the Ardes, to raise the Scots in the Northern Parts; they also writ to Sir William and Sir Robert Stewart, with other Gentlemen of Quality in the North, Giving them power to prosecute the Rebels with Fire and Sword; yet so, as to rescue such as should submit to his Majesties Grace and Mercy; signifying withall, That although by the said Commission they gave them full power thereunto, yet they did then let them know, that for those who were chief among the Rebels, and Ring-Leaders of the rest to disobedience, that they adjudged them less worthy of favour than the others whom they had misguided: And therefore for those principal Persons, they required them to take care not to be too forward (without first consulting the Counsel-board) in proffering or promising mercy to those, unless they the said Commissioners saw it of great and unavoidable necessity. They likewise writ to the Lords Presidents of Munster and Connaght, advising them to be upon their Guards: And that several of the Catholick Communion might not say, but that they also were confided in, the Lords Justices (who were willing to continue all proofs imaginable of their confidence in them) gave in November several Commissions of Government to the Lord Gormanston in Meath, the Lord Mountgarret in Kilkenny, Nicholas Barnewell in Dublin, Walter Bagnall in Caterlagh, the Lord Lowth in Lowth, Sir Thomas Nugent in Westmeath, Sir Robert Talbot in Wickloe, the two Sir James Dillon’s in Longford, and several others, as well in Munster as Connaght and Ulster; who contrary to the trust reposed in them, not forbore to protect, or endeavour’d to reduce any, but soon after joyn’d with the Rebels, and prov’d as violent, if not worse, against the Protestants, as those who first appear’d in the Rebellion. And because the Times required something extraordinary, beyond the course of Common-Law, the Lords Justices and Councel gave several Commissions of Martial-Law, to the prime Gentlemen of the Pale (all Roman Catholicks) as to Henry Talbot, in the County of Dublin, John Bellew Esq in the County of Lowth, Richard Dalton, and James Tuit Esq in the County of Westmeath, Valerian Wesley, in the County of Meath, James Talbot, in the County of Cavan. And understanding of Sir Phelim O Neal’s proceedings in Ulster, (the only person remaining of nearest alliance to the Earl of Tyrone) how that he had surprized Charlemont, where the Lord Caufield lay with his Foot-Company, (afterwards basely butcher’d by him) the Lords Justices endeavour’d to reduce many to their obedience: But the root of their Design being deeplier laid, than on threats or encouragements to frustrate their hopes, the Lords Justices hourly endeavour’d to fortifie his Majesty’s Interests, wih the most powerful Forces they could raise. But in the interim the Magistrates of the City of Dublin, perceiving great numbers of Strangers to come to Town from several Parts, (lingring in the Suburbs and Fields, to the terror of the Inhabitants) they repair’d to the Councel Board with much fear and astonishment, beseeching the Lords Justices and Councel to inhibit the same, lest the concourse of people (promiscuously gathering in such a crowd) might threaten the security of the City. Whereupon their Lordships (considering somewhat more than ordinary must necessarily be done in such an exigence) caus’d some to be apprehended, and immediately publisht a Proclamation in his Majesty’s Name, commanding all Persons (not Dwellers in the City and Suburbs) to depart within an hour after publication thereof, upon pain of death; in the interim, and afterwards, receiving all (who applied themselves to the Lords Justices) with singular friendship and integrity: But the Magistrates growing still jealous of the concourse of people, applied themselves again to their former refuge. Whereupon the State (that the Inhabitants might receive no dis-encouragement, who were like to bear the brunt of all Taxes, Levies, and Supplies) the 28th. of October, publisht a Proclamation to the same intent with the former, with the penalty of death to such as wilfully harbour’d them.

However, the Insolencies of the Rebels threatning even Dublin it self, most of the prime Gentry of the County (Justices of Peace) looking on in all places, and giving way to those hateful actions; the State having intelligence from Dr. Jones (a Service very remarkable) that (during his imprisonment amongst the Rebels at Cavan, which ripen’d his integrity, highly improv’d to the Service of the State) they intended to besiege Tredath, the Lords Justices the better to divert them from Dublin,appointed Sir Henry Tichborn, Col. and Governour of that Town, Sir Faithfull Fortescue (the former Governour) finding Supplies not hastned with that speed he desir’d, having resign’d up his Commission, not being willing to lose his Reputation, though he was forward enough to hazard his Person. So the Lords Justices designing the said Sir Hen. Tichborn a Company of Foot, and to compleat his Regiment, order’d

Sir John Borlase Junior Capt.
Lt. Col. Byron Capt.
Lt. Col. Wenmond Capt.

Who though they had been all (in former Employments) Field-Officers, yet out of their zeal to the present Service, came as private Captains.
Jacob Lovell Serjeant Major, who died in the Siege,
Capt. Chichester Fortescue, Capt. William Willoughby,
Capt. Edward Billingsley, Capt. Lewis Owens,
Capt. John Morris to associate him.
These they sent from Dublin the 3d. of November, who happily arriv’d at Tredath the 4th. having been enabled thereunto by 3000£ most opportunely in the hands of the Vice-Treasurer, intended before the Rebellion, for the satisfaction of a publick Engagement in England. Besides these, there was sent Troops under Capt. John Slaughter, Lt. to Sir Thomas Lucas, Commissary-General, Thomas Greimes, Lt. to Sir Adam Loftus; besides others, which in their due time may be taken notice of. These being gone to Tredath, Sir Charles Coote had a Commission for a Regiment of the poor stripped English; so likewise had the Ld. Lambert. A little while after arriv’d from England, Sir Thomas Lucas, who commanded a Troop compleated with such Men as he found there; also Capt. Armstrong rais’d a Troop; Capt. Tardner soon after landed, Lt. to the Ld. Lieutenant’s Troop, all very considerable; not long after Col. Crafford came over also, and bringing with him Letters from the Prince Elector, then attending his Majesty in Scotland, also rais’d a Regiment of the Townsmen, and the poor dispoil’d English.

The State at that time had store of Arms and Ammunition, by which these Souldiers and the rest were seasonably furnisht, though (as I have took notice) what (in confidence of the Loyalty of the Pale) the Lords Justices had furnish’d many of the Lords and Gentlemen of Quality with, were either slenderly (if ever) restor’d, or made serviceable against his Majesty.

Yet for all this, the Outrages of the Rebels still increasing, adding to their Cruelties, a pretended Commission under the Great Seal of Scotland, from the King, bearing date at Edinburgh, the first of October, 1641. though in his Majesty’s Declaration to the Parliament’s Resolution, of no further Addresses, it appears; That the Scot’s Great Seal (which is said thus to be made use of had for many months before and after that date never seal’d any thing; of which notwithstanding Sir Phelim O Neal, and Rorie Mac-Guire (from the Camp at Newry, the 4th. of November following) gave notice to their Confederates, within the Kingdom of Ireland, incloseing in their Letters a Copy of the Commission, a Copy of which is extant, but so improbable, as it needs an expiation to mention it; the Lord Mac-Guire (equally privy to all Transactions) denying it to the last, with more sense of conscience (saith his Majesty in his Answer to the Parliament’s two last Papers concerning Ireland) than they who examined him, expected: However, (one Plunket having taken an old Broad Seal from an absolete Patent out of Farnham-Abbey, and fixed it to a forged Commission) it to seduce the Vulgar into an opinion of their Loyalty, when they had first incited them to a Rebellion, as in a parallel Case his Excellency takes notice of, in his Answer to their Declaration at James-town. And, saith his Majesty, in his Declaration to the Parliament’s Answer at Newmarket, the 9th. of March, 1641. We must think our self highly and causlesly injured in our Reputation, if any Declaration, Action or Expression of the Irish Rebels, any Letter from Count Rosettie to the Papists, for Fasting and Prayer, or from Tristram Whitcombe, of strange Speeches utter’d in Ireland, shall beget any jealousie or mis-apprehension in our Subjects, of our Justice, Piety and Affection; it being evident to all understandings, that those mischievous and wicked Rebels are not so capable of great advantage, as by having their false Discourses so far believed, as to raise fears and jealousies, to the distraction of this Kingdom, the only way to their security. Wherefore the Lords Justices and Councel, detesting such Umbrages, the 30th. of October publisht a Proclamation, to take off the people, from being seduced by seditious and scandalous reports father’d on the Crown.

And that none ignorantly involv’d in so detestable a Guilt (as the publick Conspiracy) might suffer, the State yet further to manifest their desire, of reducing all into a general obedience, (having never drawn his Majesty’s Sword upon jealousies or presumptions, till the highest Extremities and unparallel’d Outrages compell’d them thereunto) publisht, the first of November, a Proclamation, declaring, That all in the Counties of Meath, Westmeath, Lowth, and Longford, being no Free-holders, nor now in prison, who had taken any Goods from his Majesty’s faithful Subjects, not having shed blood in the Action, and came in within ten days after this Proclamation, should be receiv’d to his Majesty’s mercy, and no further prosecuted.

Which (as others of the like nature) little prevail’d to un-deceive the Rebels, they being before link’d in an un-dissolvible tye of Animosity and Superstition. Thus every day (notwithstanding that the Conspiracy was discovered, and all endeavours used to reclaim them) the Irish proceeded in their Massacres and Rebellion, though they did not (after the knowledge of the detection of their Plot) execute so generally their Villany with such open slaughters and cruelties, as they did at first; but stripping, wounding, and turning the English and Protestants out of their Houses, they sent them naked and desolate (in miserable weather) to Dublin, where their numbers (at length) grew so burdensom, as though Thousands were ship’d away soon after they arriv’d there, and such as could serve in the Army were daily in-listed, yet they brought so great an extremity, and want of all provisions to Dublin, as the Inhabitants were reduced to great exigencies, inasmuch as the mercies of the Rebels were extream cruelty, Thousands of the dispoiled English dying afterwards by lingring Diseases, contracted by the inhumane and cruel usage of their Enemies.

Miseries still increasing, the Lords Justices and Councel sent a second Dispatch to the King, the 5th. of November, then in Scotland, directing also their Letters to his Privy Councel in England, there being an absolute necessity to invoke all Powers, that might stand with his Majesty’s Honour. They then (and not before) directed Letters to the Speakers of both Houses of Parliament, (inclosing in those they writ to his Majesty) what they had signified by Letters to the Lords of the Councel, or to the Speakers of both Houses of Parliament.

About the 6th. of November, 1641. the Rebels of Cavan, commanded by Philip Mac-Hugh, Mac-Shane O Relie, Knight of the Shire for that County, and others of the Sept of O Relies, proffer’d an humble Remonstrance (so they entituled their presumptuous Paper) to the Lords Justices and Council, to be recommended by them to his Majesty; which Dr. Jones and Mr. Waldrone then delivered to their Lordships, the Doctor being obliged to that service, He, his Wife and Children lying at the Rebels mercy: To which their Lordships answered, with all the moderation and satisfaction that could stand with their Duty, and the weak conditions of affairs in Dublin, the safety whereof wholly depended on the gaining of time; and (saith my Author) he assur’d himself, the Remonstrants expected not any other Answer, the Remonstrance being tendred rather to win upon the People, (whose cause they pleaded) then to give any reasonable account or satisfaction to the Lords concerning their proceedings; which yet their Lordships forthwith certifi’d, with their Answer, to the Lord Lieutenant, to whom his Majesty had expresly commanded all Affairs of Ireland should be address’d. However, they (during the presenting of this Remonstrance) mustered their Forces, summoning all from 16 to 60 years of Age to appear the Munday following at Virginia, (a Place distant from Cavan twelve miles) and in the way to Dublin; notwithstanding that they had impower’d Dr. Jones to assure their Lordships, That their should be a cessation of all things, until the return of their Lordships Answer. Thus no faith or confidence could ever be reposed in them. And afterwards it fell out, that none were more treacherous and fierce than they, as great inhumanity and cruelty being acted by them of Cavan, as of any other Place; that County, by the 11th. of December, being wholly reduc’d into the hands of the Rebels, excepting the two Castles of Keilagh and Crohan, belonging to Sir Francis Hamilton, Knight and Baronet, and Sir James Craig Knight, who so nobly defended each their own, and alternatively succoured one another, that they perpetually furnish’d the Rebels with work sufficient, notwithstanding whatsoever Mulmore O Relie the Sheriff, or Edmond O Relie his Father, or Philip Mac-Hugh O Relie, their chief Commander, could possibly do with all their Horsemen, whom these gallant men often beat, though encounter’d with much disadvantage; Sir Francis Hamilton not losing in the whole Service, from the 23d. of October, 1641. to the 15th. of June, 1642. (setting aside such as were cut off in stragling) more than five men belonging to this Castle, one of them being a Serjeant, who being taken at an advantage, was barbarously mangled with thirty six wounds: so that all that the Rebels could do, effected no Conquest on these Places, till the 8th. of April, 1642. that Sir James Craig, (a Gentleman of singular and the best abilities) died, and the Store in both Castles fell short, Water growing scarce, a mortal infectious sickness increasing, the Rebels having tainted their Well with dead Carcases. And now the care of both Castles fell unto Sir Francis Hamilton’s Charge, which being impossible to be relieved from Dublin, or to hold out longer, their straits daily increasing, both these Castles were delivered up the 4th. of July, 1642. to Philip Mac-Hugh, Mac-Shane O Relie, and others, on honourable Conditions, Sir Francis Hamilton, the Lady Craig, Sir Arthur Forbes Baronet, and others, march’d thence with credible Articles, faithfully set down by Dr. Jones, in his Relation of the Rebellion in Cavan, worthy perusal. Those, with others that came from these Castles, were 1340 in number, who being convey’d towards Tredath, were all received by Sir Henry Tichbourn, eight miles from Tredath, and afterwards dispos’d of as was most convenient. One of the Places most considerable in this County, first surpriz’d, was Cloughouter, whereof Arthur Culme Esq was his Majesties Captain; a Fort certainly of great strength, environ’d with a deep Water, and distant from shore more than Musket-shot, in which the Lord Bishop of Kilmore Dr. Bedel was imprison’d, though afterwards Exchang’d by Sir James Craigh, and, contrary to Articles, seiz’d on again, who died near Kilmore about the midst of March, 1641, and was buried in the Cathedral Churchyard; a worthy Person, (as formerly we had occasion to take notice of) One of the brightest Lights of that Church, both for Learning and a shining Conversation, and (in his constant diligence in the Work of the Ministery) a Pattern to others. In the beginning of the Troubles in this County, Captain Richard Rives (Commander in Chief of Sir John Borlase (Lord Justice) his Troop) Garrison’d at Belturbet, acted very close and gallantly, attending the English with much faithfulness, till by the command of the State, (who suspected his surprizal) he was recall’d to Dublin, marching thither (through the Enemy) over many dead Bodies that with Famine had perish’d in the way; performing afterwards (being Sir John Borlase’s Junior’s Lieutenant Colonel) very many honourable services, (as at Athboy near Trim with the Lord Lisle, where they notoriously beat up the Rebels Quarters, as else-where, viz. Kells, Carickmacros, the Earl of Essex’s Castle in Monaghan, which they took from the Rebels, with a considerable advantage, in October, 1642.) highly deserving the publick notice; though since he was unfortunately put away, heading Colonel Penruddock’s and Sir Joseph Wagstaff’s Party in the West of England, about the 14th. of March, 1654.

And now by reason that more People flock’d to the City, and that the Lords Justices and Council had frequent intelligence from several parts, of the insolent proceedings of the Rebels against the British and Protestants in the Borders of the Pale, as well as the adjacent Counties, they (the xi. of November) prohibited the access of unnecessary Persons, not any way restraining such, as by their Quality, or Business, gave no grounds of Exceptions, as by the Act it self is evident, which you will find in the Appendix.

However there were some (venom’d with the vigilancy of the State) who endeavour’d to cast a blemish on this Proclamation, though afterwards it appear’d to be his Majesties sense in his Letters to the Lords Justices in December following. Yet the 16th. of November the Parliament freely met according to the Adjournment, Mr. Darcy, Mr. Burk, and other active Members of the House of Commons having exceedingly importun’d the same; the deferring thereof being (as they urg’d it) an injury to the whole Nation, as hindring them from expressing their Loyal affections to his Majesty, and shewing their desires to quell this dangerous Rebellion; withall engaging, that there should be (on their meeting) a clear Protestation against the Rebels; else, for fear there should have been some prejudice to the State, (by the concourse of People at that time) the State was once resolved (having power from his Majesty so to do) by a Proclamation of the 27th. of October, to have deferr’d the Parliament to the 24th. of February next ensuing, for several causes therein mention’d, but especially, for that his Majesty desir’d the Lord Lieutenant should be there. As by another Proclamation the same 27th. of October, the Lords Justices and Council had adjourn’d Michaelmass-Term, To avoid, in that exigency, those great and manifold perils and dangers, that might have ensu’d to the State by such concourse of People, out of all the parts of the Kingdom, unto the City of Dublin, as the holding of the Term would necessarily require, by reason of the late most disloyal and detestable Conspiracy, plotted by a multitude of evil-affected meer Irish Papists. But however, the Parliament met. And here it was visible, that more were tainted with the Infection, than appear’d in Rebellion. Lord! what artifice? what cunning? what varnish was put upon all the Rebels actions and cruelties? Those who seem’d to be most affected with the Insurrection, cover’d it with such a vail, treated of it so nicely, with such tenderness, as if they themselves (being all indeed of the Conspiracy) had been to participate immediately of the Punishment, as well as they were clandestinely involved in the Plot; By always contesting, that they might not be called Traitors and Rebels, being privy to what themselves had formerly (with these Rebels) contrived to be done. And fearing it might move the Rebels to recriminate, writes a most judicious Instrument of State, That the Appellation of discontented Gentlemen was the worst that could be wrung from them; till One, heartily detesting the Fig-leaves thrown over this nakedness, told the Speaker, That though he had not arriv’d at that consistency of years, as that his words might challenge there an audience; Days should speak, and multitude of years should teach wisdom; yet he could not but observe many passages in that Assembly, too like Catilines in the Senate; and therefore moved, that it might not be told in that House, or publish’d at Askelon, that so general a Revolt (accompani’d with such horrid and barbarous circumstances) should be took notice of with a more favourable expression than Treason and Rebellion. He added further, That he did not know, but that that was the season wherein they were cast on their trial, whether Allegiance or Rebellion, God or the Pope were to be own’d. And that as to any thing that might soften the Rebels, he conceiv’d they were harden’d with so much villany, that they esteem’d all things justifiable that were attainable. Iram atque animos a crimine sumunt. And therefore it was fit that that House should act as sensible of the Rebels cruelties, and trust God to vindicate his and his Peoples Cause. Upon which, and other Arguments, (too shameful for them to palliate) the Parliament discovered their Resentment in these words.

The Protestation and Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in Parliament assembled.

Whereas the happy and Peaceable Estate of this Realm hath been of late, and is still interrupted by sundry Persons, ill affected to the Peace and Tranquility thereof; who, contrary to their Duty and Loyalty to his Majesty, and against the Laws of God, and the fundamental Laws of this Realm, have traiterously and rebelliously rais’d Arms, seiz’d upon his Majesties Forts and Castles, and dispossess’d many of his faithful Subjects of their Houses, Lands, and Goods, and have slain many of them, and committed other cruel and inhumane outrages and acts of Hostility within this Realm.

The said Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, being justly mov’d with a right sense of the said disloyal rebellious proceedings and actions of the Persons aforesaid, do hereby protest and declare, That the said Lords and Commons from their hearts, do detest and abhor the said abominable actions, and that they shall and will, to their uttermost power, maintain the Rights of his Majesties Crown, and Government of this Realm, and the peace and safety thereof, as well against the persons aforesaid, their Abettors, Adherents; as also against all Foreign Princes, Potentates, and other Persons and attempts whatsoever. And in case the Persons aforesaid do not repent of their aforesaid Actions, and lay down Arms, and become humble Suitors to his Majesty for Grace and Mercy, in such convenient time, and in such manner and form, as by his Majesty, or the Chief Governour or Governours, and the Council of this Realm shall be set down. The said Lords and Commons do further protest and declare, That they will take up Arms, and will with their Lives and Fortunes suppress them and their attempts, in such a way, as by the Authority of the Parliament of this Kingdom, with the approbation of his Excellent Majesty, or of his Majesties Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom, shall be thought most effectual.

Copia vera exam. per Phil. Percivall,
Cleric. Parliament.

And after that the Parliament had sate two days, to whom the Lords Justices had imparted his Majesties gracious intentions, not to depart from any his former favours promised to them for setling their Estates, who should remain faithful and Loyal; and that the Lords Justices had shorten’d the Prorogation to the 11th. of January, the Lord Viscount Costelough, impower’d by the Lords, went for England, not long before having been sworn a Privy Counsellor in Ireland, even since the Rebellion; with whom the Lord Taaff also embarck’d, having before presented to the Lords Justices and Council, from many of the Gentry and Inhabitants of the County of Longford (in Rebellion) a rebellious and scandalous Letter, in the nature of a Remonstrance, full of pretended Grievances, and unreasonable Demands, as namely, to have freedom of Religion, a Repeal of all Laws made to the contrary, and the like.

Upon the information of which, especially that there should be a toleration of the Popish Religion in Ireland, it was resolv’d on the 8th. of December, 1641. upon solemn Debate by the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England, That they would never give consent to any Toleration of the Popish Religion in Ireland, or in any other his Majesties Dominions. Which Vote hath been since adjudged a main motive for making the War a cause of Religion, consequently of calling in Foreign Princes to their aid and assistance; which before ever this Vote past, to ground the least pretence thereupon, the Irish made Religion the principal end of their Insurrection; and this Proposition was (as you see) one of the first to be demanded, which gave the Parliament a cause for the Vote fore-mention’d. In pursuance of which, Sir Benjamin Rudyard (whom the cause ever made eloquent) thus delivered his sense.

Mr. Speaker.

Peradventure I could have wish’d, that Toleration of Religion had not at this time come in question; but now it is brought on the Stage, I am brought to the Stake. When Religion is so nearly concern’d, I love not to take any Civil or Politick respects into consideration: Reason of State hath almost eaten up all the Laws and Religion of Christendom.

I have often heard it discours’d, whether we should make Religion an Argument of any of our undertakings abroad, wherein the wiser sort have been very nice and tender, believing, that the over-number of Papists would overwhelm us; yet I have been long of opinion, that our Attempts and Assistances have so often miscarri’d, because we have not boldly and publickly avowed our Religion. It may be, God thinks we are too many, who can conquer as well with few as with many. Shall the Irish now make their Religion the cause of their Rebellion, and shall we be asham’d or afraid to maintain our Religion, in reducing them to their Duty and Obedience? God will not honour them who do not honour him. Let us remember that expostulation in the Chronicles, Why transgress ye the commandments of God, so that ye cannot prosper? This is a great transgression, to shrink from God in his truth.

When we deny the Irish a Toleration, we do not withdraw the eases and favours they have heretofore enjoy’d; Greater, I am sure, than they would afford us, if we were in their power. Wherefore, Mr. Speaker, let us uphold our Religion, and trust God with the success.

Upon which, and other motions thereupon, the Vote mention’d proceeded without dispute; and that the cause thereof might appear, we shall refer you to the Longford Letter it self.

What reception it had at the Council-board may easily be conceiv’d, by these Lords speedy repair into England; who afterwards centred in that, which in time brought on a Cessation of Arms with the Rebels, in its own place to be spoke of. The Lord Dillon (upon his coming into England) was seiz’d on by the Parliament, and his Papers rifled, (according to a Vote in Parliament the 3d. of November) which (by the Confederates) was look’d upon as a heinous crime, though the discovery of the Concerns in Ireland (as well as the management of the War) were entrusted to the English Parliament, (so no crime in them.) But he escaped from them at last, and went to the King; having in his private Instructions orders to move, that no Forces might be sent over out of England, but that the whole work might be left to the Remonstrants, and that they would then undertake to suppress the Rebels themselves.

In the interim, we must not omit, that some of both Houses of Parliament in Ireland, lately met, but now Prorogu’d, were appointed to treat with the Rebels; So they receiv’d their Instructions from the Lords Justices, who were to impower them under the great Seal thereunto. But instead of any happy effects thereon, the Rebels were so puffed up with their Victories over the poor, surpriz’d, unresisting, innocent English, as they barbarously tore the Order of Parliament, together with the Letter sent unto them, promising themselves success and Dominion in all their Attempts.

By this time the State had receiv’d an Answer from the Lord Lieutenant, of the Account they had given him of the Rebellion, wherein he certified the Lords Justices, that he understood his Majesty had receiv’d some Advertisements out of the North of Ireland, of the present Rebellion; and that the Business of Ireland might not suffer by his stay in Scotland, (which was somewhat longer than he expected) his Majesty had refer’d the whole Business of Ireland, to the Parliament of England, who (after a most serious and solemn information of this horrid Plot, by a select Committee of the Lords seated in the House of Commons, in an extraordinary manner) undertook the charge and management thereof, ordering at that time 500£ in present for Owen O-Conally, and 200£ per annum, till Lands of greater value could be order’d for him, designing for the present Supplies of Ireland, the sum of 50000£ and had taken order for all Provisions necessary thereunto, as by the Order of Parliament it appears.

An Order of the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament in England, concerning Ireland.

The Lords and Commons in this present Parliament, being advertis’d of the dangerous Conspiracy and Rebellion in Ireland, by the treacherous and wicked Instigations of Romish Priests and Jesuits, for the bloody massacre and destruction of all Protestants living there, and other his Majesty’s loyal Subjects of English blood, though of the Romish Religion, being ancient Inhabitants within several Counties, and Parts of that Realm, who have always in former Rebellions, given testimony of their fidelity to this Crown. And for the utter depriving of his Royal Majesty, and the Crown of England, from the Government of that Kingdom, (under pretence of setting up the Popish Religion) have thereupon taken into their serious Considerations, how those mischievous Attempts might be most speedily and effectually prevented, wherein the Honour, Safety and Interest of this Kingdom, are most nearly and fully concern’d. Wherefore they do hereby declare, That they do intend to serve his Majesty with their Lives and Fortunes, for the suppressing of this wicked Rebellion, in such way as shall be thought most effectual by the Wisdom and Authority of the Parliament: And thereupon have order’d and provided for a present Supply of Money, and raising the number of 6000 Foot and 2000 Horse, to be sent from England, being the full proportion desired by the Lords Justices, and his Majesty’s Council resident in that Kingdom, with a resolution to add such further Succours, as the necessity of those Affairs shall require. They have also resolv’d for providing Arms and Ammunition, not only for those Men, but likewise for his Majesty’s faithful Subjects of that Kingdom, with store of Victuals, and other Necessaries, as there shall be occasion. And that these Provisions may more conveniently be transported thither, they have appointed three several Ports of this Kingdom, that is to say, Bristol, West-Chester, and another in Cumberland, where the Magazines and Store-houses shall be kept, for the supply of the several Parts of Ireland. They have likewise resolv’d to be humble Mediators to his most Excellent Majesty, for the encouragement of the English or Irish, who shall upon their own charges raise any number of Horse or Foot, for his Service against the Rebels, that they shall be honourably rewarded with Lands of Inheritance in Ireland, according to their merit. And for the better inducing of the Rebels to repent of their wicked Attempts, they do hereby commend it to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, or in his absence, to the Deputy, or Lords Justices there, according to the power of the Commission granted to them in that behalf, to bestow his Majesty’s gracious Pardon to all such, as within a convenient time (to be declar’d by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, or in his absence, by the Lord Deputy, or Lords Justices there, according to the power of the Commission) shall return to their due obedience, the greatest part whereof they conceive to have been seduced on false grounds, by the cunning and subtil practices of some of the most malignant Rebels, enemies to this State, and to the Reformed Religion; and likewise to bestow such rewards as shall be thought fit, and publisht by the said Lord Lieutenant, Lord Deputy, or Lords Justices and Council there, upon all those who shall arrest the Persons, or bring in the heads of such Traitors, as shall be personally nam’d in any Proclamation publisht by the State there. And they do hereby exhort and require all his Majesty’s loving Subjects, both in this and in that Kingdom, to remember their duty and conscience to God and his Religion, and the great and eminent danger which will befal this whole Kingdom in general, and themselves in particular, if this abominable Treason be not timely supprest, and therefore with all readiness, bounty, and chearfulness, to confer their assistance in their Persons, or Estates, to this so important and necessary Service, for the common Good of all.

Jo. Browne, Cleric. Parliament.

And that the Army might be led by an honourable and promising Person, the Lord Lieutenant (being not permitted to come over speedily himself) made the Earl of Ormond Lieutenant-General of the Army, approved of afterwards by the King, as one who (by his Relation, Integrity and Quality) was pitch’d on as the fittest Person for that imployment, of whose affection to the Protestant Religion, and his Majesty’s Service, his Majesty had great cause to be assured.

Soon after his settlement in that Place, he had notice from Sir Hen. Tichborn, that the Rebels with 1300 Foot had sate down before Mellifont, the 24th. of November, intending to surprize it; but the Lord Moor (whose House it was) having plac’d 24 Musketeers and 15 Horsemen therein, defended it with much resolution, (as long as their Powder lasted) and at last the Foot yielded on Quarter the same day, (never observ’d by the Rebels) but the Horse charged vigorously through the Enemy, and came safe to Tredath.

This Siege of Mellifont somewhat retarded the Rebels unanimous approach to Tredath; upon which the Lords Justices forthwith design’d 600 Foot and a Troop of Horse, for the further strengthning of that Garrison. They march’d from Dublin the 27th. of November, but under such a Conduct, (being newly rais’d and unexperienc’d) that most unfortunately (the Lord Gormanston’s Groom giving intelligence of their approach to the Rebels, not without his Lord’s privity) they were defeated the 29th. of November, near Julians-Towns, at Gellingston-Bridge, not above an hundred of the Men (besides the Major that led them, and two Foot-Captains, escaping to Tredath. This unhappy Defeat put such a disheartning on the State, as it begat sad Suspicions; who being surrounded with Rebels, Sir Charles Coote the same day was commanded into Wickloe, with such Forces as the State could then raise, to relieve the Castle of Wickloe, then besieged by the Rebels, who (some days before) had (with miserable slaughter and cruelty) surpriz’d his Majesty’s Forts of Cairis Fort, Arkloe Fort, Chichester Fort, and all the Houses of the English in that County, the Lord Esmond’s House, and the adjacent Parts of Wexford, threatning to assault Dublin, approaching within two miles thereof in actual Hostility. Upon which Service Sir Charles Coote vigorously advanced, and fought with the Rebels, under the Command of Luke Toole, conceiv’d to be a thousand strong, himself not being many hundreds; yet defeated them so shamefully, as the terrour thereof rais’d a fear in the Rebels ever after of Sir Charles Coote, who thenceforwards so well attended his Commands, as to the Government of the City, and other Charges, his particular Vigilance prov’d a good Guard; and that Dublin might be fortified, the 22. of November, 1641. the Lords Justices and Council by their Proclamation enjoyn’d the same.

Now the State finding the Storm to increase, and that (though they had some glimmerings of comfort by the success of their Forces in Wickloe, under Sir Charles Coote) the Rebellion grew general, the Lords Justices and Council publish’d a Proclamation the 27th. of November, for a Weekly Fast every Friday, to be devoutly and piously observed and solemnized, in and through the whole City of Dublin, and the Suburbs thereof; that being humbled for their sins, the affliction might be remov’d.

The 28th. of November, the State had an Account of Sir Phelim ONeal’s and Sir Con. Mac-Gennis his approach to Lisnegarvey, with about 4000 Men; who being fearful of the Garrison’s Field-Peeces, drew out two considerable Divisions of Men, to fall on the Town on both sides at once: The strength of the Town exceeded not 400 Foot, besides the Lord Convay’s Troop, and part of Capt. St. John’s, who made up about 380. generally mounted on small Nags; yet so well maintain’d they the Place, as having skirmish’d with the Rebels without the Town on one side, the rest charg’d others in the Street, and in a short time droye them to the Body of their Army, fac’d by Sir Phil. O Neal and Sir Con. who play’d upon them with their Field-Peeces, but were so pelted with Muskets, as they gave ground, the main Body of the English still securing the Marketplace. We took 6 Colours, killed many, without any considerable loss on our side, more than that Capt. Boid and Capt. St. John were killed, Mr. Rawden and Capt. Burly hurt, Sir Arth. Tirringham managing the whole with excellent Conduct.

By this time, his Majesty (then in Scotland) having (as is before mention’d) recommended the Affairs of Ireland to his Parliament of England, immediately (on the first intelligence of that Rebellion) sent over several Commissions to Sir Robert Stewart, and other Persons of Honour and Trust in the North; and (assisted by the Duke of Richmond) caus’d some proportions of Arms and Ammunition to be conveyed thither out of Scotland (with what Money he could spare) a care and providence worthy so sensible a Prince, which though it were little, will be found to have done much service, testified in his Majesty’s Answer to a Pamphlet, entituled, A Declaration of the Commons, touching no further Addresses. At the same time he mov’d all the Parliament in Scotland,(as being nearest) to a speedy help; but they excus’d their Aids, because Ireland was dependent upon the Crown of England, intending rather, as it seem’d (by the sequel) to afford their service upon Hire, than Compassion or Conscience.

Yet notwithstanding his Majesty, the State, and Parliament of England’s appearing thus incens’d against the Rebellion, (all fair means of exceptions being remov’d, and a desire of its suppression endeavour’d) the Irish finding as yet no considerable relief sent to the English, (and being exceedingly flush’d with the defeat of those commanded to re-enforce the Garrison of Tredath) they unanimously drew down their Northern Forces to infest that Town. And that you may see with what union even the Lords of the Pale (formerly faithful to the Crown) conspired in this Rebellion, though by their humble Apology (fraught with many vain pretences) they would evade the Conspiracy, we must here render you an Account of the Truth, given in upon Oath, March 1641. before Sir Robert Meredith, Kt. Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the Examination of Edward Dowdall Esq a Person of great esteem amongst them.

He deposeth, That some 3 or 4 days after the defeat of the English Souldiers, at the Bridge of Gellingstone, there issued a Warrant from the Lord of Gormanston, to the Sheriff of the County, for a general Meeting of all the County at Dulick; but the place of Meeting was afterwards chang’d to the Hill of Crofty, where all the Lords and Gentry of the County met, viz. The Earl of Fingal, the Lord Viscount Gormanston, the Lord Slane, the Lord Lowth, the Lord Dunsany, the Lord Trimblestone, the Lord Nettervile: And of the Gentry, Sir Patrick Barnewall, Sir Christopher Bellow, Patrick Barnwall of Kiltrew, Nicholas Darcy of Plattin, James Bath of Acharn, Garret Ailmer the Lawyer, Cusack of Gormanston, William Malone of Lesmullin, Sedgrave of Kileglan, Linch of the Knos, Lynam of Adams-Town, Lawrence Dowdall of Athlumney, Nicholas Dowdall of Browns-Town, this Examinate’s Brother, and him this Examinate, with a multitude of others, to the number of a thousand Persons at least, whose Names he this Examinate cannot for the present call to mind. And after about two or three hours spent upon the said Hill of Crofty, (by the Lords and Gentry aforesaid) there came unto them Col. Mahone, Philip ORelie, Hugh boy-Relie, Roger Moore, Hugh Birne, and Capt. Fox, attended on with a Guard of Musketeers: And this Examinate saith, That as soon as the Parties drew near unto the said Hill, the Lords and Gentry of the Pale rode towards them, and the Lord Gormanston, being one of the first, spake unto them, and demanded of them, why, and for what reason, they came arm’d into the Pale; unto whom Roger Moore made present Answer, That the ground of their coming thither, and taking up Arms, was for the freedom and liberty of their Consciences, the maintenance of his Majesty’s Prerogative, in which they understood he was abridg’d, and the making the Subjects of this Kingdom as free as those in England were. Whereupon the said Lord Gormanston, desired to understand from them truely and faithfully, whether these were not pretences, and not indeed the true grounds of their so doing; and likewise, whether they had not some other private end of their own: Which being all denied, upon profession of their sincerity to his Lordship, (the Lord of Gormanston) then told them; Seeing these be your true ends, we will likewise joyn with you therein, unto which course all agreed: And thereupon it was publickly and generally declared, That whosoever shall deny to joyn with them, or refuse to assist them therein, they would account him as an enemy, and to the utmost of their power labour his destruction. And this Examinate saith, That after the Agreement made as aforesaid, there issued another Warrant to the Sheriff of the County of Meath, to be at the Hill of Taragh, about a week after; and accordingly there met at the same place the Earl of Fingal, the Lord Gormanston, and the rest of the Lords and Gentry aforenam’d, together with Sir Thomas Nugent, and Nicholas Plunket the Lawyer, Birford the Lawyer, and a multitude of others. And the work of that day was first, to make Answer to a Summons made by the State, for the calling of the Lords of the Pale to Dublin; which Answer was brought ready drawn by the Lord Gormanston, and presented by his Lordship; and being perused by the said Council at Law, was signed by the Lords.

To which we will add (passing by many other testimonies of their Conjunctions) that which is confirm’d by a very credible Person, of Colonel Richard Plunket of Dunsaghly, in the County of Dublin, within the Pale, (one destin’d for the taking of the Castle of Dublin) who affirm’d openly, That he had a Contract under the hands of all the Lords of Ireland (that were Catholicks) to stand firm in this Insurrection; most of their actions confirming his words. And Philip O Relie’s Wife, told James Talbot, a Person of eminent note amongst them, That if those of the Pale would have let them alone, and not set them on work, they were so well at ease, as they would never have begun that troublesome task.

Upon which it is evident, (though Some would insinuate the contrary) that both the old Irish and old English (what ends they would severally pretend to have) centred in the destruction of the Protestants; and that the old English Papists were a little backwarder than the Irish, was, in that they had something more to loose than the other, and so would put them first upon the work, wherein themselves were equally engag’d: Which the Lords Justices, and Councel perceiving, writ, the 3d. of Decemb. to the Earl of Fingal, the Lord Viscount Gormanston, and the rest of the Lords of the Pale, To come to Dublin, and consult for the safety of the Kingdom. Luke Nettervile and others having caus’d Proclamation to be made at Lusk, (twelve miles from Dublin) that all the Gentry of the County should (upon pain of death) meet within three or four days at Swoards, (within six miles of Dublin) which accordingly they did, constituting Captains, Richard Golding, Thomas Russel, Francis Russel, Robert Travers, Christopher Hollywood, and other Commanders; their Militia amounting (on that short warning) to 1200. which would have been impossible to have rais’d, had they not before been Armed, and instigated to that Cause. Upon which, these Lords of the Pale (Conspirators with the first) return’d to the Lords Justices, the 7th. of Decemb. this Answer, receiv’d the 11th.

May it please your Lordships,

We have received your Letters of the 3d. instant, intimating, that you had present occasions to confer with us concerning the present state of the Kingdom, and the safety thereof in these times of danger, and requiring us to be with you there on the 8th. of this instant. We give your Lordships to understand, that we have heretofore presented ourselves before your Lordships, and freely offered our advice and furtherance towards the particulars aforesaid, which was by you neglected, which gave us cause to conceive that our Loyalty was suspected by you. We give your Lordships further to understand, that we have receiv’d certain advertisement, that Sir Charles Coote Knight, at the Council-board, hath offered some speeches, tending to a purpose and resolution, to execute upon those of our Religion a general Massacre, by which we are all deterr’d to wait on your Lordships, not having any security for our safety from those threatned evils, or the safety of our lives, but do rather think it fit to stand upon our best guard, until we hear from your Lordships how we shall be secur’d from those perils. Nevertheless we all protest, that we are and will continue faithful advisers, and resolute furtherers of his Majesties Service, concerning the present state of this Kingdom, and the safety thereof, to our best abilities. And so with the said tender of our humble service, we remain,

Your Lordships humble Servants,
Fingall Gormanston, Slane Dunsany Nettervile, Oliver Lowth, Trimblestone.

And Luke Nettervile Esq; George Blackney of Rickenhore, Esq; George King of Clantarfe, Gent. and others, met at Swoards, being charged on their Allegiance, the 9th. of Decemb. immediately on sight of the Lords Justices Warrant to separate, and not to unite any more in that manner without direction from the State. They, instead of obedience to the States command, return’d this answer, That they were constrain’d to meet there together for the safety of their lives; That they were put into so great a terror, by the rising out of some Horse-Troops and Foot-Companies at Dublin, who kill’d four Catholicks, for no other reason than that they bore the name of that Religion, as they durst not (as they pretended) stay in their houses, and therefore resolved to continue together, till they were assured by their Lordships of the safety of their Lives, before they ran the hazard thereof; by manifesting their obedience due unto their Lordships. Upon which the Lords Justices and Council publish’d a Proclamation the 13th. of Decemb. to satisfie the world of the innocency of the State from the guilt of any mans blood; and concerning the four they alledg’d were kill’d as Papists, they were such as were found faulty in rebellious actions, of which, one was a Protestant: Commanding them furthermore, on the allegiance to his Majesty, to separate upon the sight of their Warrant; and that Luke Nettervile and his Accomplices should appear before the State on the eighteenth of the said month, to the end they may be fully heard by the State; To which end the Lords Justices and Council thereby gave them, and every of them, the word of the State, that they might then securely and safely repair thither, without danger of any trouble or stay whatsoever.

And that the Lords of the Pale might not be less satisfi’d in what they objected, the same day also the Lords Justices and Council publish’d a Proclmation, and sent it to those Noblemen, positively affirming, That the Lords Justices and Council did never hear Sir Charles Coote, or any other, utter at the Council-board, or else-where, any speeches tending to a purpose or resolution, to execute on those of their Profession, or any other, a general Massacre; nor was it ever in their thoughts to dishonour his Majesty, or the State, by so odious, impious, and detestable a thing; giving them assurance of their safety, if they would repair thither the 17th. of that Month.

Yet notwithstanding these Condescensions, or whatsoever else the State could do, (whereby the doubts of those men might be remov’d, and their security ascertain’d) still the Torrent of the Pale ran to make up the intended Deluge, despising whatsoever security or faith the State was pleased to promise them. Whereupon the Lords Justices and Council were enforc’d to send this Warrant to the Earl of Ormond and Ossory, to send out a Party of Soldiers, Horse and Foot, against those that dar’d so impudently to affront them.

By the Lords Justices and Council.

William Parsons, John Borlase.

Forasmuch as divers of the Inhabitants of Clantarfe, Rhaheny, and Kilbarrock, have declared themselves Rebels, and having robb’d and spoil’d some of his Majesties good Subjects, are now assembled thereabouts in Arms in great numbers, mustering and training of their rebellious Multitudes to the terrour and danger of his Majesties good Subjects, as well at Land as at Sea; which their boldness is acted in such manner, as to put scorn and affronts upon this State and Government; they acting such depredations even before our faces, and in our view, as it were in despight of us. It is therefore order’d, That our very good Lord, the Earl of Ormond and Ossory, Lieutenant General of the Army, do forthwith send out a Party of Soldiers, of Horse and Foot, to fall upon those Rebels at Clantarfe, and thereabouts, who, in such disdainful manner, stand to outface and dare us, and to endeavour to cut them off, as well for punishment as terrour to others, and to burn and spoil the Rebels Houses and Goods. And to prevent their farther annoying any Shipping going out, and coming in, and lying in harbour, those Souldiers are to bring up, or cause to be brought up to the new Crane at Dublin, such of the Boats and Vessels now lying there, as they can upon the sudden, and to burn, spoil, sink, and make unserviceable the rest. Given at his Majesties Castle of Dublin, December the 14th. 1641.

Ormond Ossory, Rob. Dillon, Char. Lambert,
Ad. Loftus, John Temple, Char. Coote,
Francis Willoughby.

The Lords of the Pale however effectually endeavour’d to strengthen the Northern Rebels, and thereupon declared the Lord Viscount Gormanston General of the Forces to be rais’d in the Pale, Hugh Birn Lieutenant General, the Earl of Fing all General of the Horse; who in several Baronies rais’d Captains accordingly, and Provisions suitable, to every hundred men in a Company for their daily allowance, one Beef, and half a Barrel of Corn, during the Siege of Tredath.

And that nothing might be wanting to straighten the State, Nettervile and his Party (being increas’d by their confederacy with Wickloe and Kildare) the 15th. of December, sent two strong Parties to Santry and Finglass, where they continu’d till the 22d. of the said December, when they were beaten by Colonel Crafford from Finglass, (two miles from Dublin) after they had like to have put us to a shameful retreat. Those at Santry hearing of Sir Charls Coot’s approach, saved themselves by a cowardly quitting of their Quarters, leaving their best Equipage and Provisions behind them; whilst near 300 men shew’d themselves at Clantarf, a Village on the Sea-side, about a mile and half from Dublin: The Inhabitants strengthning the Rebels confidence with store of strong Fishing-boat, having the day before spoil’d two English Barcks lying at Anchor near Clantarf, in the Road of Dublin, much to the disquiet of the Lords Justices and Council, suspecting thereby, that the Port to Dublin might have been blocked up: Robberies also of that nature having been committed at Skirries, twelve miles from Dublin, and the Prey of those Barks carried to Barnewell of Brimore, a prime Man, as the Prisoners to the Lord Gormanston’s, who sent them to Balrothry, sufficient to prove the Robberies, Murthers, and other Outrages committed on the British Protestants, were by the allowance and privity of the principal Gentlemen of the Pale, if not their command; how speciously soever, in their humble Protestation (a piece of as much vanity as falshood) against the States Proclamation, the 8th. of Febr. 1641. they would insinuate, That none of the better sort had robb’d or pillaged any of them, nor dispossess’d them of their Estates. Whereas by the example of what is here produc’d, the falsity of all they assert is clearly prov’d, though further particulars (without much sifting may easily be expos’d, were not the story like to be tedious. And the truth of these assertions may be fully read in the end of the Answer to the Eighth Article of the Rebels Remonstrance of Grievances, at Trym, 1642.

Whereupon the Lords Justices found it absolutely necessary, that some Forces should be sent against them at Clantarf; which Forces were commanded by Sir Charles Coote, the 15th. of Decemb. who burnt the Village, destroy’d their Boats, and excellently well quitted the service injoyn’d him, clearing that place of Piracy and Rebels: Though in the interim, Nettervile (being frighted from Santry) lay with near 2000 men at Swoards, and possess’d himself of the Castle of Artain, and some other places, within two miles of Dublin. On the West side of which, at Tassagard, Rath-Coole, Castle-Lyons, and other Villages, there lay 2000 more of the Rebels out of the Counties of Katerlagh, Kings County, and Kildare, under the command of Roger Moore, and Sutton Eustace of Castle-Martin, and others. The Clandonells, Birns, and Tooles fr•m Wickloe, towards the Sea, three or four miles on the South of Dublin, came also down, blocking up (on all sides) Passages thereunto; their Forces in Lemster amounting to 20000 men. So as the State being now put in eminent danger, few hopes survived of her recovery. The Naas and Kildare, as Trim and Ashboy in the County of Meath, being taken by the Rebels: Which in a Letter to the Lord Lieutenant, dated the 14th. of December, the Lords Justices and Council very emphatically express’d; adding in the close, That if notwithstanding all this, so often and truly made known by us to your Lordship, we shall perish for want of Supplies, we shall carry this comfort with us to our graves, (or any other burial we shall have) That your Lordship can witness for us to his Royal Majesty, and all the world, that we have discharg’d our duties to God, to his Majesty, and to that Nation, and to this, in humbly representing to his Majesty, by your Lordship, (the chief Governour of the Kingdom) the extremities and dangers, wherein his Kingdom and People stand, and the necessities of hasting Supplies hither by all possible means, for preservation of Both; so as whatever become of our Persons, our Memory cannot be justly stain’d with so wretched a breach of Faith and Loyalty to the King our Master, as to forbear representing thither the extremities wherein we are, whether we have receiv’d credit to be believ’d or no; and that we write truth, and most needful truth, will be found true, when perhaps we shall perish, and which is more considerable, the Kingdom also, for want of being believ’d and succour’d in time.

The Consideration of which (long before presented to his Majesty) wrought so sensibly on Him, that being then newly return’d out of Scotland, (before the Letter mention’d arriv’d at the Parliament) He took the first opportunity (which was the 2d. of December, 1641.) to tell the Lords and Commons in Parliament, (other things being rehearsed) That He had one Particular more to recommend unto Them, which was Ireland, for which (saith He) I doubt not your Care, yet methinks the preparations for it go on but slowly.

And being touch’d with the truth of what He had observ’d in this Business, he came to the Parliament the 14th. of December, and thus exprest his resentment.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

The last time I was in this Place, and the last thing that I recommended unto you, was the Business of Ireland, whereby I was in good hope, that I should not have needed again to have put you in mind of that Business: But still seeing the slow proceedings therein, and the daily dispatches that I have out of Ireland, of the lamentable Estate of my Protestants Subjects there, I cannot but again earnestly commend the dispach of that Expedition unto you, for it is the chief Business that at this time I take to heart, and there cannot almost be any Business that I c•• have more care of.

I might now take up some of your time, in expressing my Detestation of Rebellions in general, and of this in particular: But knowing that Deeds and not Declarations must suppress this great Insolency, I do here in Word offer you, whatsoever my Power, Pains or Industry, can contribute to this good and necessary Work of reducing the Irish Nation to their true and wonted Obedience.

And that nothing may be omitted on my Part, I must here take notice of the Bill for pressing of Souldiers, now depending among you, my Lords, concerning which I declare, that in case it comes so to me, as it may not infringe or diminish my Prerogative, I will pass it. And farther, seeing there is a Dispute rais’d (I being little beholding to him whosoever at this time began it) concerning the bounds of this ancient and undoubted Prerogative, to avoid further Debate at this time. I offer that the Bill may pass with a Salvo Jure, both for King and People, leaving such Debates to a time that may better bear them. If this be not accepted, the fault is not mine that this Bill pass not, but theirs that refuse so fair an offer.

To conclude, I conjure you by all that is or can be dear to you or me, that laying away all Disputes, you go on chearfully and speedily for the reducing of Ireland.

A Charm (one should think) sufficiently powerful: Yet the Lords and Commons in Parliament, from his Majesty’s Speech took great exceptions, suffering the Supplies of Ireland to be retarded, demanding of the King the Names of those, who had counsell’d Him to take notice of any Debate in the House, before it was from’d into a Bill; whence began the Cry against evil Counsellors, afterwards the pretext of the Misery that ensued. Some Forces indeed the Parliament had sent to the Sea-side, and others were on their March, yet Winds and Tides, Votes and Councels, did not equally agree, so as the Exigences (by this means) that the State of Ireland was cast upon, almost split them. Whereupon the Lords Justices and Council publisht a Proclamation, dated the 28th. of December, 1641. Requiring all Persons, other than such as had necessary Causes to Dublin, such as the Lords Justices, the Lieutenant-General of the Army, or the Governour of his Majesty’s Forces in the City of Dublin, should approve, or other than such as should bring Provision to the City to be sold, should forbear coming to the City or Suburbs thereof, upon pain of Death. Which was done in time of high necessity, Provision being scarce, and few repairing to the City but what were Spies and Traitors.

And because what his Majesty had propos’d (before-mention’d) for the service of Ireland, seem’d to have little effect, he again sends a Message to the Lords House by the Lord Chamberlain, the 28th. of December: That being sensible of the Miseries of Ireland (the Succours for which went on slowly) he offer’d to raise 10000 Voluntiers, if the Commons would undertake to pay them: A Proposition rather heard than consented to.

About this time Sir Thomas Carey and Dr. Cale (a Sorbonist) offer’d from the Rebels these Propositions, to the Council Board, for a Treaty.

First, That there should be a Toleration of Religion.

Secondly, That Popish Officers, as well as Protestant, should be admitted to all Employments.

Thirdly, That the Wrongs of Plantations should be repair’d, since 1610.

Fourthly, That there should be a Protlamation to take off the File, the Title of Rebels and Traitors.

All which pass’d somewhat currantly, till One (then being absent through sickness) hearing thereof, repair’d to the Council Board, though at that time much indispos’d, and upon strong Arguments (Arguments that would admit of no Sophistry) stop’d the proceeding of so dishonourable a Motion; so early did some endeavour to force on the State, a necessity of complying with the insolent Demands of the Rebels, by this faithful Minister of State confidently rejected. And here that you may see, what the Rebels afterwards thought the only means to reduce Ireland into Peace and Quietness, we shall here present you with their Propositions, methodically digested.

The Means to reduce Ireland unto Peace and Quietness.

1. That a general and free Pardon, without any exception, be granted to all his Majesty’s Subjects of this Kingdom, and that in pursuance thereof, and for strengthning the same, an Act of Abolition may pass in the Parliament here.

2. That all marks of National distinction between English and Irish, may be abolished and taken away by Act of Parliament.

3. That by several Acts of Parliament to be respectively passed here and in England, it may be declared, that the Parliament of Ireland hath no subordination with the Parliament of England, but that the same hath in it self supream Jurisdiction in this Kingdom, as absolute as the Parliament of England there hath.

4. That the Act of the 12th. of H. 7th. commonly called Poining’s Act, and all other Acts expounding or explaining the same, may be repealed.

5. That as in England there pass’d an Act for a Triennial Parliament, so there may pass in Ireland another for a Sexennial Parliament.

6. That it may be enacted by Parliament, that the Act of the 2d. of Q. Eliz. in Ireland, and all other Acts made against Catholicks, or the Catholick Religion, since the 20th. year of H. 8th. may be repeal’d.

7. That the Bishopricks, Deanaries, and all other spiritual Promotions in this Kingdom, and all Frieries and Nunneries, may be restored to the Catholick Owners, and likewise all Impropriations of Tythes, and that the Scits, Ambits, and Precincts, of the Religious Houses of the Monks, may be restored to them; but as to the rest of their temporal Possessions, it is not design’d to be taken from the present Proprietors, but to be left unto them, till God shall otherwise incline their own hearts.

8. That such as are now entituled Catholick Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, or other Dignitaries in this Kingdom, by donation of the Pope, may, during their lives, enjoy their spiritual Promotions, with Protestation nevertheless, and other fit Clauses to be laid down, for preservation of his Majesty’s Patronages, First-fruits, and twentieth Parts, in Manner and Quantity, as now his Highness receives benefit thereby.

9. That all Inquisitions taken since the year 1634. to entitle his Majesty to Connaght, Thomond, Ormond, Eliogartie, Kilnemanagh, Duheara, Wickloe, and Idvagh may be vacated, and their Estates secured, according to his Majesties late Graces.

10. That an Act of Parliament may pass here, for securing the Subjects Title to their several Estates against the Crown, upon any Title accrued unto it before sixty years, or under colour or pretext of the present Commotions.

11. That all Plantations made since the year 1610. may be avoided by Parliament, if the Parliament shall hold it just, and their Possessions restored to them or their Heirs, from whom the same were taken; they nevertheless answering to the Crown the Rents and Services proprotionable, reserv’d upon the Undertakers.

12. That the Transportation of all Native Commodities to all Places of the World in Peace with his Majesty, may be free and lawfull, his Customs first paid; and that the Statutes of 10, 11, and 13 of Queen Elizabeth, for restraining the Exportation of Native Commodities, be repealed.

13. That all Preferments Ecclefiastical, Civil, and Martial in this Kingdom, that lye in his Majesties Gift, may be conferr’d on the Natives of this Kingdom onely, such as his Majesty shall think meet, without any distinction for Religion: Provided always, that upon the Princes of his Blood of England, he may bestow what Places he shall think meet.

14. That a Martial and Admiral of this Kingdom may be elected in it, to have perpetual succession therein, with the same Preheminency, Authority, and Jurisdiction, as they respectively have in England; and that the said Places be ever conferr’d upon Noblemen, Natives of this Kingdom.

15. That there may be Train’d-bands in all Cities, Towns Corporate, and Counties of this Kingdom, arm’d and provided for at the charge of the several Counties, Cities, and Towns, and commanded by the Natives of the same, who shall be nam’d by the Counties, Cities, and Towns respectively.

16. That his Majesty may release all Tenures in Capite, and by Knights Service; in consideration whereof, he shall receive a setled Revenue of 12000£ per annum, being double the sum which he casually receives by them; Reliefs, Seismes, Licenses for Alienations; Escuage and Aids nevertheless to remain.

17. That all Monopolies may be for ever taken away by Act of Parliament.

18. That such new Corporations, that have not the face of Corporate Towns, and were erected to give Voices in Parliament, may be dissolved, and their Votes taken away, and hereafter none such to be admitted to Voices in Parliament.

Lastly, That there may be Agents chosen in Parliament, or otherwise, as thought meet to attend continually his Majesty, to represent the Grievances of this Nation, that they may be removable by such as did elect them; and in case of death or removance, others may be for ever successively substituted in that Place.

Propositions so destructive to the Crown of England, the English Interest, and Protestant Religion, as I conceive none are so hardy as to maintain their rationality, as long as the Crown of England is able to improve the Power of her Conquest. More I might add, but each Proposition carrieth in it self its insolency and vanity; which (by the Rebels success on the British, through their Treacheries and Surprisals) they were encouraged to propose with such audacity.

However, the State, in hope to gain time, (till Supplies might come) listned to an offer made by some Popish Priests to treat with the Rebels: Whereupon Dr. Cale (pretending how far he could prevail with the Rebels) was admitted thereunto by a Warrant from the State, in confidence that he could obtain better terms than the former. But Sir Phelim O Neal would yield to no Treaty, unless the Lord Mac-Guire, Mac-Mahone, and the rest in the Castle might be freed: Which the State refusing with indignation, that design ended.

And that the City of Dublin might be supplied with Corn, (the Market growing very thin, through the Confederates seizing on the Protestants Corn in the Haggard) the Lords Justices and Council (having that example) publish’d a Proclamation the 28th. of Decemb. 1641. That all Corn-Masters within fifteen miles of Dublin, should be careful to send their Corn to the City, to be sold at the Rates following, viz. Wheat, Pease, and Beans, at 20 s. a Dublin Peck, and Oats at 6 s. 8 d. a Barrel. Whereupon the Market was somewhat (though not considerable to their urgent occasions) reliev’d; rather than the Irish would suffer their Corn to be thrashed outby Warrants from the Lord Gormanston, for the use of the Irish Army then lying before Tredath, or burnt by the State to prevent that inconvenience.

And that nothing irregular might justly be imputed to the State, who studied the preservation of his Majesties Subjects; or those indeed who but pretended (without appearance to the contrary) a submission to his Ministers, the 14th. of January, 1641. they publish’d a severe Proclamation against Pillagers, and Voluntiers not listed under some Colonel or Commander: So early was the vigilancy of the State in what might preserve their Integrity and Repute: Which some finding contrary to their envious Licentiousness, wanted not boldness to encourage the Soldiers to a return for England. Which the Lords Justices and Council having notice of, publish’d this Proclamation.

By the Lords Justices and Council.

William Parsons, John Borlase.

We do hereby in his Majesties Name charge and command all his Majesties Soldiers of this Army, that upon pain of death none of them presume to depart hence for England, without express license in that behalf from the Lieutenant General of the Army. And we command all Owners and Masters of Ships, Barques, and other Vessels, that upon pain of death none of them do permit or suffer any of the said Soldiers to go aboard them, or to be carried from hence into England. And we require the Searcher, and all other Officers and Waiters of the Customs, that they, and every of them, do take special care to prevent the Shipping or Importing of any of the said Soldiers, as aforesaid; whereof they may not fail. Given at his Majesties Castle of Dublin, 18th. Jan. 1641.

Ormond Ossory, R. Dillon, Ad. Loftus, J. Temple,
Charles Coote, Fran. Willoughby, Rob. Meredith.

And now the Flame having march’d through Ulster and Leimster, it discovers its fury about the beginning of December, 1641. in Munster, which Provincetill that time (by the moderation of the State) had stifled its rage, then expressing its consent with the other Provinces; The Rebels of Wexford, Kilkenny, and Caterlaugh coming over the River to prey and spoil the County of Waterford: To resist which, the Lord President of Munster (Sir William Sellenger) who to that time had behav’d himself with much Prudence, Vigilance, and Honour, hastned to encounter them, whom (though he was far inferiour to in number) he then discomfited, and restored to the Owners what Prey he recovered; in which action he found many of his Provincials, yet suffer’d none of them to be hurt, supposing they came to save their Goods, not being interess’d in the Conspiracy, which afterwards he found general, Mr. Purcell (called the Baron of Loghmo) exciting, about the 9th. of December (in Tipperary) the Irish to rob and spoil the British and Protestants, acting (with many others) daily villanies, being armed by a long Provision underhand, and furnish’d with the Wealth of the British and Protestants in that Province, which was very great and considerable.

And that Connaght might not be said to be quiet, the Lord President of that Province (the Lord Rannelaugh) coming thither from Dublin, about the beginning of November, (after the Rebellion brake forth) found there many of the inferiour Irish, and some of the Gentry in Rebellion, in the County of Rescommon and Sligo, with whom he dealt mildly, presuming his former intimate Friendship, and some Alliance, might work on them: but nothing prevail’d, they were otherwise harden’d; nor had he Force sufficient (which they well knew) to compel them, their Swarms were so numerous, their Cruelties so outragious; so that at the last, they block’d him up in the Castle of Athlone by the help of the Conspirators of Wess-Meath, notwithstanding the Commissions of Government, the Lords Justices and Council (that nothing still might be wanting on the States side, to evidence the confidence and trust they were willing to repose in the Prime Natives) entrusted the Earl of Clanrickard, the Lord Mayo, the Lord of Costiloe, and others with; in which condition he remain’d, till the Earl of Ormond (Lieutenant General of his Majesties Army) carried down two thousand Foot, and some Troops of Horse to his Relief, the Spring following. Notwithstanding the Commission the Lord Rannelaugh had from those, whom his Majesty entrusted of the Parliament in England, to raise five hundred Protestants nearest adjoyning, for the defence of the said Province, and to name the Officers, his Son Arthur Jones Esq being at the same time made Constable of the Castle of Roscommon, in the County of Roscommon, and allowed thirty one Protestant Warders to guard the Town and Castle: As Sir Robert King (at the same time) was appointed in the like Command for the Castle of Abbey-boyle: Yet the Rebels (in the interim) burnt the Town of Roscommon, and the Bishops Town of Elphin, besides many other Englishmen’s Habitations; surprizing also several Castles of the Earl of Clanrickards in the County of Galloway. However, Sir Charles Coote Junior, (vigilant in all concerns) so mann’d and guarded Castle-Coot, as that being in January, 1641. besieg’d by Con O-Rourk with 1200 men, he so notably encountred him, as within a week he rais’d the Siege; as he did Hugh O Connor, Son of O Connor Dun of Balintober, Titular Prince of Connaght; lineally (as he would have it) descended from Rodderick Connor, King of Connaght, and Monarch of Ireland, never afterwards durst make any formal approach against that Castle; in as much as Sir Charles Coote fetch’d in Corn and Cattle at liberty: Yet the second of March following, O-Rourk came with all his Forces to fetch away the Prey of Roscommon, before day, hurrying them almost to Molinterim, before our Forces could come up to him, endeavouring to make good a Pass against our men, who soon break their stoutest Ranks, and (killing most of the Rebels) recovered the Prey, took many Prisoners, and amongst the rest Con O-Rourk.

Thus each Province was in a flame, and that it burst not forth all at once, was partly out of the backwardness of some, who would first (in the proceedings of the others) see how far, and with what security, they might put themselves on the Work: A horrid Work! that had no promising, or good Aspect: And then others in the Counties of Dublin, Meath, Lowth, who (by the aforesaid compact, should have furnish’d themselves with Arms from the State, under pretence of service against Ulster) missing of their Design in full, halted a time: and many declared not themselves at first, by reason the surprising of the Castle of Dublin was prevented; Nor did the noble and solemn Resentment of the Parliament in England a little startle others, though after that the Winter came close upon them, and that the English were almost every where harrast; And the succours from England came not so soon as they were expected, the Irish every where gathered that heat as in all Places, to express their virulency.

Some will have it that the Gentlemen at Westminster, instead of suppressing the Irish speedily by Arms, made an Ordinance wholly to extirpate them, whereby the Irish extirpated most part of the Protestant Colonies, killing Man, Woman, and Child, with most horrible Barbarousness: Whereas it is apparent that the greatest, and most horrid Massacres, were acted before the Parliament could possibly know there was a Rebellion, for after that the Plot was detected, the Rebels somewhat slackned their first Cruelties: though then they proclaim’d, That if any Irish should harbour, or relieve, any English suffer’d to escape, them with their lives, that it should be penal, even to death, to such Irish; So that though they put not those English actually to the Sword, yet by that Design, they cut them off more cruelly: It being a certain truth (not subject to the evasion of the Sophister) that in all the four Provinces, the horrid cruelties used towards the British, either in their bloody Massacres, or merciless dispoiling, stripping, and extirpation of them, were generally acted in most parts of the Kingdom, before they could gather themselves together, to make any considerable resistance against their fury, and before the State had assembled their Forces, or were enabled by the power of his Majesties Arms, to make any inroads into the Countreys possessed by the Rebels: A circumstance, which totally destroyeth all those vain pretences, and fond recriminations, which they have since most falsly taken up to palliate this their most abominable Rebellion, or actings thereupon; Besides, in the first Order of the Lords Commons, in Parliament of England, touching this Concern, for the better inducing of the Rebels to repent of their wicked Attempts, they did thereby commend it to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, or in his absence to the Lord Deputy, or Lords Justices there, according to the power of the Commission granted them in that behalf, To bestow his Majesties gracious Pardon to all such as within a convenient time (to be declared by any of the said Magistrates) should return to their due obedience: Which rule the Lords Justices in all Commissions, either to Officers, or Marshals, they had also before observed, that if (amongst them) there had been any relenting, they might have experienc’d the mercy of the State.

And thus much may be said even for the Parliament, that after the expence of much blood and treasure, for suppression of the horrid Rebellion in Ireland, when they had brought that Affair to such an issue, as that a total Reducement, and settlement of the Nation was effected, whereby they came to divide the Rebels Estates; They manifested, that it was not the Parliaments intentions, to extirpate that whole Nation, but they ordered Mercy and Pardon, both as to Life and Estate, should be extended to all Husband-Men, Labourers, Artificers, yea to higher rank and Quality, according to the respective Demerits, and Considerations, under which they fell, and that all should enjoy the benefit of their Articles.

It is indeed Enacted, in the Acts of subscriptions for Ireland, that every Person who shall make, enter into, or take any Compact, Bond, Covenant, Oath, promise, or agreement, to introduce, or bring into the said Realm of Ireland, the authority of the See of Rome, in any case whatsoever, or to maintain, or defend, the same, shall forfeit his Lands, and Goods, as in case of Rebellion: Before which there was no pretence (some thought) to make the War a matter of Religion, Whereas, I do not conceive, that that Clause is any more then what was in several Acts provided, as Anno 28. H. 8. Capite 13. Anno 2. Eliz. Cap. 1. as elsewhere: And by his Majesties Letter to the Marquiss of Ormond, the 15th. of Decem. 1644. is there specified, That many Acts in favour of the Irish should be repeal’d, but those against Appeals to Rome, and Praemunire, should stand. That had not the Rebels first intended (what afterwards they pursued) that Clause could not have made them more obstinate Rebels, nothing being in it, but what was before in force.

Now besides other miseries (which aggravated the unhappiness of the State at that time) there flocked to the City (from all Parts) such as having escaped the fury of the Rebels, sheltered themselves there, of which (by reason of the diseases they had contracted by their journey, and ill usage) there died many, else prov’d a burthen to the City; Which the Confederates of the Pale would have the World believe, was mercy and Signal Humanity in them, not to have imbrued their hands in the blood of any British Protestants, When as the lingring deaths, and Exigences these were put to, exceeded any death which at once might have been inflicted: though after the Siege of Tredath, that the old English Papists of the Pale, were driven into Ulster, they (as a meritorious act) vaunted that they had killed more English and Protestants in Fingall, then were killed in many other Counties; for the discoveries of whose miseries, and what besides others had suffered by the Rebels, the Lords Justices authorised several Commissioners to state their Case, and the state of the deplorable English, by two Commissions, the one bearing date the 23d. of December, the other the 18th. of January, both in the 17th. year of his Majesties Reign, whereby the Murders, Losses, and Cruelties, committed upon the English and Protestants, were discovered on Oath, and presented in a Remonstrance by the Dispoil’d Clergy of Ireland, to the Honourable House of Commons in England; And lest the Remonstrance should seem the act of a few Persons (highly interessed in their own Concerns) it was accompanied with a Letter from the Lords Justices, and Council, dated at Dublin the 7th. of March, 1641. to the Speaker of the said House of Commons; the Remonstrance shewing such depredations of Goods, such cruelties exercis’d on the Persons and Lives of the loyal Subjects, such wasting, and defacing of all monuments of Civility, with such Prophanation of Holy Places, and Religion, that by the most barbarous, and heathenish Nations, the like could not in any Age be found to be perpetrated: of which I might say more, having not yet forgot the cruelties legible in most Noble, and antient Families; But the day would fail us, should we sum up what is in the Clergies Remonstrance, Printed at London, 1642. briefly mention’d, to which, and the History of the Irish Rebellion, 1646. from p. 84. to 136, we must refer you, that the Proofs of all may be before your eyes; May they be writ on our Posts of our houses, and our Gates? that they may be looked upon, and remembred for ever; what Amalek did, when we were faint, and weary, and he feared not God!

Thus the State having (to their power) supported his Majesties Authority, and the English Interest, searching out whatsomever might fathom the bottom of this Conspiracy, they being driven to great necessities, trampled on by the Enemy, not further able to support their own miseries. When the last of December 1641. arriv’d at Dublin (from the Parliament of England) Sir Simon Harcourt, with a Regiment of 1200 Foot, a Gentleman of Good Extraction, long bred in the Low-Countreys (the School of War) under Sir Horatio, the Lord Vere, that renown’d, and Excellent Person, one of the most noted, and eminent Commanders of the late Age: He was design’d Governour of Dublin, much to the comfort of the Protestants, and terrour of the Rebels; soon after whose arrival (the City being secur’d thereby) the Lords Justices commanded forth Sir Charles Coote, with such Forces as could be spared to Swoards, about the 10th. of January following, the better to let them know how far the State resented their Insolencies, whom no assurance, fair, or open Resolves, or any free course could satisfie; Sir Charles Coote found the access to the Village straightly block’d up, yet so managed the attempt, as he soon forc’d them to a flight, beating them out of their Fortifications, and killed 200 of their men, without any considerable loss on his side, more then Sir Laurenzo Carey, second Son of the Lord Falkland (late Lord Deputy) a Gentleman of excellent and ingenious Parts, well principled, and one whose vertues and resolution, promised much happiness to the State: After setling of which Place, Sir Charles Coote return’d to Dublin, and ere long, there arrived from England, by Order of the Parliament, three Regiments of Foot, the Lord-Lieutenants Regiment, under the Conduct of Lieutenant-Colonel Monk (since Duke of Albemarle) the second under the Command of Sir Michael Earnely, and the other under the Command of Colonel Cromwell; and two Regiments of Horse, one belonging to Philip Lord Lisle, General of the Horse, and the other under the Command of Sir Richard Greenvile. That now the English Interest began to revive, the Irish being much disheartned thereby, yet grew confident in their Allies and Confederacy, they had made through the whole Nation, to weaken which, and vindicate his Majesties Honour, the State received the 20th. of January a Proclamation from his Majesty, dated the first of the same month, declaring them Rebels and Traitors: and that it might want no solemnity, to impress the greater Character of obedience, His Majesty was pleased to Sign all the Proclamations with his Royal Hand, affixing also thereto his Privy Signet (a circumstance scarce presidenc’d) The Original of which I have in my Custody.

Charles R.

Whereas diverse lewd and wicked Persons, have (of late) risen in Rebellion in our Kingdom of Ireland, surpriz’d diverse of our Forts and Castles, possessed themselves thereof, surpriz’d some of our Garrisons, possest themselves of some of our Magazeen of Arms and Ammunition, dispossest many of our good and loyal Subjects of the British Nation, and Protestants, of their Houses, and Lands, rob’d and spoil’d many thousands of our good Subjects of the British Nation, and Protestants, of their Goods, to great values, Massacred multitudes of them, imprison’d many others, and some who have the Honour to serve us as Privy Counsellors of that our Kingdom; We therefore having taken the same into our Royal consideration, and abhorring the wicked disloyalty, and horrible acts committed by those Persons, do hereby not onely declare our just Indignation thereof, but also do declare them, and their Adherents, and Abettors, and all those who shall hereafter joyn with them, or commit the like acts on any of our good Subjects in that Kingdom, to be Rebels, and Traitors against our Royal Person, and Enemies to our Royal Crown of England, and Ireland.

And we do hereby strictly Charge, and Command all those Persons, who have so presumed to rise in Arms against us, and our Royal Authority (which we cannot otherwise interpret than acts of high Rebellion, and detestable Disloyalty, when therein they spoil, and destroy our good and loyal Subjects of the British Nation, and Protestants) that they immediately lay down their Arms, and forbear any further acts of Hostility, Wherein if they fail, we do let them know, that we have authorised our Justices of Ireland, and other our Chief Governour, or Governours, and General, or Lieutenant-General of our Army there, and do hereby accordingly require, and authorise them, and every of them, to prosecute the said Rebels, and Traitors with Fire, and Sword, as Persons who (by their high Disloyalty against us their lawful, and undoubted King, and Soveraign) have made themselves unworthy of any Mercy, or Favour; Wherein our said Justices, or other chief Governour, or Governours, and General, or Lieutenant-General of our said Army, shall be countenanc’d, and supported by us, and by our powerful Succours of our good Subjects of England, and Scotland, that so they may reduce to obedience, those wicked disturbers of that Peace, which by the blessing of God, that Kingdom hath so long, and so happily enjoy’d, under the Government of our Royal Father, and us. And this our Royal pleasure, we do hereby require our Justices, or other chief Governour, or Governours, of that our Kingdom of Ireland, to cause to be published, and proclaim’d, in and throughout our said Kingdom of Ireland.

Given under our Signet, at our Palace at
Westminster,the 1st of January, in the 17th.
year of our Reign, 1641.
Which coming forth so late, and but 40 of them onely ordered to be Printed, was by the Parliament in their Declaration of the 19th. of May, 1642. interpreted as a countenance to that Rebellion, in answer whereunto, his Majesty in his reply to that Declaration, shews, That the Proclamation not issuing out sooner, was because the Lords Justices of that Kingdom desired them no sooner, and when they did, the number they desired was but twenty, which they advised might be Signed by us, which we for the expedition of that service, commanded to be Printed (a Circumstance not required by them) thereupon we Sign’d more of them then our Justices desired.

And that it might further appear how deep a sense his Majesty had of the Rebellion, which called upon Him, and his People of England, for a general Humiliation of all Estates before Almighty God, in Prayer and Fasting, for drawing down his Mercy and Blessing upon Ireland: His Majesty was pleased by a Proclamation, dated at Whitehall the 8th. of January, 1641. Straightly to Charge and Command, That the last Wednesday of every Month during the troubles in Ireland, a Solemn Fast should be observ’d through his Kingdom of England, and Dominion of Wales, shewing in his own Person and the Court, and example thereof; which accordingly (for some years) was observ’d, and considerable Collections were gathered (at most Churches) that day, for the miserable People of Ireland: Several, but especially Sir Benjamin Rudyard, excellently speaking on that Subject, which being much in a little, accept of, in his own Words.

Mr. Speaker.

This Day is appointed for a charitable Work, a Work of Bowels and Compassion; I pray God, we may never have the like occasion to move, to stir up, our Charity.

These miserable People are made so, because of their Religion: He that will not suffer for his Religion, is unworthy to be saved by it; and he is unworthy to enjoy it, that will not relieve those that suffer for it.

I did know but the last year here in England, some (and they no Papists) who were resolv’d to make Ireland their Retreat, as the safer Kingdom of the two.

We do now see a great, a dismal Change, God knows, whose Turn shall be next, it is wrapp’d up in his Providence; that which happens to one Country, may happen to any; Time and Chance comes upon all, though guided by a certain Hand.

The right way to make a Man truely sensible of another’s Calamity, is to think himself in the same case and condition, and then to do as he would be done unto.

Wherefore, Mr. Speaker, let our Gift be a matter of Bounty, not of Covetousness, that it may abound to our Account in the Day of Reckoning: He that sowes plentifully, shall reap plentifully; I am sure, he that lends to the Lord, hath the best Security, and cannot be a loser.

The first President of the Fast before-mention’d, which usher’d in the Charity that succeeded, was (before it came to be Monthly) by the Lords House, kept in the Abbey of Westminster, where the Archbishop of York, and the Lord Primate of Ireland, preach’d to the Lords, as in St. Margrets Westminster, Mr. Calamy and Mr. Marshall, to the House of Commons. Though when his Majesty afterwards found by the ill use made thereof, that the Lecturers in their Sermons and Prayers stir’d up, and continued the War rais’d against Him in England, the great Promoters too thereof deserting the Care of Ireland, He, the 6th. of October, 1643. forbad it to be kept, and instead thereof expresly commanded a solemn Fast to be observ’d, every second Friday of the Month, through England and Wales.

But to return to the King’s Proclamation against the Rebels, which the bleeding Iphigenia, and others of that lying Spirit, would have to be grounded on the information of a malignant Part of the Council, informing his Majesty, that the Catholicks of Ireland without discrimination, had enter’d into a Rebellion; whereas there was never any such general Information: Nay, in all the Accounts they gave to his Majesty, they still intimated, that they hoped the Pale and other Parts would continue their Loyalty, affording the Lords of the Pale, as other Towns, (which afterwards shamefully revolted) Arms, Ammunition, Commands, informing his Majesty only of what they had discovered in the North, with the suspicions that they had learnt on Examinations from others, which would have been Treachery in them to have conceal’d, and grand Disloyalty. Nor doth his Majesty take notice in his Proclamation of any other, than that divers lewd and wicked Persons had of late risen in Rebellion in his Kingdom of Ireland, not so much therein as naming Papists or Catholicks, that thence any of that profession should take Umbrage: Nay, so circumspect were the Lords Justices and Council at that time, that they avoided all expressions, which might any ways encourage the Irish to apprehend, the English intended to make it a War of Religion.

However, the Rebels were so far from paying obedience to his Majesty’s Proclamation afore-mention’d, saying, it was counterfeit, or done by Coertion, as they acted now, not as before apart, but united in one Body, under the style of the Confederate Roman Catholicks of Ireland, binding themselves also in that Confederacy, by the following Oath of Association.

I A. B. do, in the presence of Almighty God, and all the Saints and Angels in Heaven, promise, vow, swear and protest, to maintain and defend as far as I may with my Life, Power, and Estate, the publick and free exercise of the true and Roman Catholick Religion, against all Persons that shall oppose the same. I further swear, that I will bear Faith and Allegiance to our Soveraign Lord King Charles, his Heirs and Successors, and that I will defend Him and Them, as far as I may, with my Life, Power and Estate, against all such Persons as shall attempt any thing against their Royal Persons, Honours, Estates, and Dignities, and against all such as shall directly or indirectly endeavour to suppress their Royal Prerogatives, or do any Act or Acts contrary to Regal Government; as also the Power and Priviledges of Parliament, the lawful Rights and Priviledges of the Subjects, and every Person that makes this Vow, Oath and Protestation, in whatsoever he shall do, in the lawful pursuance of the same. And to my Power, as far as I may, I will oppose, and by all means and ways endeavour to bring to condign punishment, even to the loss of Life, Liberty, and Estate, all such as shall, either by Force, Practice, Counsels, Plots, Conspiracies, or otherwise, do or attempt any thing to the contrary of any Article, Clause, or any thing in this present Vow, Oath, or Protestation, contain’d.

So God help me.

This is the Oath the Confederates thought so loyal, so worthy their owning; whereas never any thing was more pernicious, more destructive to his Majesty, and his Protestant Subjects, the close of it (after all their insinuating and fair pretensions of Faith and Allegiance to their Soveraign, his Heirs and lawful Successors) vowing to bring to condign punishment, all that should attempt any thing to the contrary of any Article therein; whereas the first thing (they insist on in this Vow) is the free exercise of the Catholick Roman Religion, which if the King shall not admit of, He is (by the issue of this Vow and Protestation) to be oppos’d, all being to be oppos’d, that shall be against, do, or attempt any thing to the contrary of any Article, Clause, or any thing in this present Vow, Oath, or Protestation, contain’d. And if in a more favourable sence this were not (as to his Majesty) to be so interpreted, yet his Protestant Subjects were doubtless to be fallen upon with fire and sword, resisting the Ends the Rebels propos’d to themselves by this Oath, and without which no Peace was to be accepted. How loyal and acceptable this could be to a Protestant Prince (who in testimony of his Faith laid down his life) is legible without Spectacles: so that in conclusion, this Oath could really deceive none, but those, who seeing will not see, and hearing will not understand.

Thus their strength (notwithstanding whatsoever his Majesty had propos’d in his Proclamation) by endeavouring to break it, was united; their Armies were now formed, the most considerable Persons amongst them had openly declared themselves, and the meanest of their Souldiers were flesht in the slaughter of the English; they had likewise almost all their Goods in their possession, and the strongest Places of the Kingdom with the whole Countrey at their Devotion; so as they now counted themselves powerful enough to go through with the Work, and resolv’d to expel all the British and Protestants out of the Kingdom, to make themselves absolute Masters, or there to die ingloriously as Traitors and Murtherers; which is fallen to their lot; for few of those inhumane Butchers have come with dry throats to their Graves, there being no more ordinary dispensation to be observ’d in the Revolutions of things here below, than returns of blood for blood, their blood being violently to be poured forth, who have maliciously contrived, or wantonly delighted, in the slaughter of others, which will appear by the sequel of the Story.

Though the Polititian’s Catechism (a Piece of as much Venom as Art or Malice can connect) would insinuate, that the Murthers and Massacres done in Ireland by Protestants, far exceeded without comparison those committed by Catholicks, as well in respect of brutishness as numerousness; I may admit, that many things (contrary to the Law of Arms and Christianity) during the Rebellion, were severely committed by the English: But then it must be considered, That whatsoever was rashly done by them, was either acted in open Hostility, or had the anguish and memory of former Villanies first commenc’d on their Relations, Friends, or Countreymen, without the least provocation for their ground, instigating them thereunto. Inasmuch as Mulmore O-Relie, O-Sule-van, and others, being at a Meeting at London, immediately after the King’s happy Restauration, a Colonel (a Person of great Ingenuity and exemplary Vertue, who had serv’d faithfully against the Irish) coming into their company, was acquainted by them, that they were met together, to draw up a Remonstrance of the Cruelties, the English Army had offer’d to the Irish, which (say they) indeed nothing concern’d him, he having been a noble and generous Enemy. Upon which he advis’d them to desist, in that they might be certain to have an Answer much to their dis-advantage, considering, that if any Violencies or Irregularities were offer’d, they might thank themselves, in respect that after Castles, or any Places, were delivered up upon Composition, it was a usual Custom with them to spoil the Meal and Food, which they should have left entire, and to have wet the Powder, as also to have made the Guns un-serviceable; all which were violations of Articles no ways justifiable, and might require a severe return: Upon which, they being confounded, this worthy Person heard no more of their Design. And for what the Polititian’s Catechism would infer from a Daughter of O-Hara, an Irish Lord, being barbarously murther’d, as a President for what succeeded; it is evident, that the Rebellion commenc’d in blood, Rowry Mac-Guire that day (in which the Rebellion began) hanging not less than 18 Persons in the Church of Clownish, and afterwards burnt it; several other Examples may be produc’d of the same nature. And for what this insolent Assertor braves the World with, from the Irish Remonstance, offer’d by Viscount Preston, and Sir Robert Talbot, the 17th. of March, 1642. That they desired the Murtherers on both sides should be punished, is mention’d but for a flourish; those Testimones of their Cruelties being given in upon Oath, in several Remonstrances, which must remain an evidence to posterity of their Villany; what-ever R. S. in his Collections of Murthers, would (by way of Recrimination) charge the English with: Inasmuch as what Cruelties he affirms to be acted after protection had been given, and Articles (at this or that Place) allowed, will be found upon due enquiry, (which they durst never stand to) to be raised on breach of Faith, and under colour of protection to act the greatest Villanies imaginable, some of which being found out, the Authors were punished, and it may be others (upon the same reason only suspected) were partners in equal sufferings. Nor could the State in such a confused, distracted time, be justly blamed, that some Irregularities (how cautiously soever look’d after) were not in each particular prevented, seeing the rage of the Souldier had exceeded the justice and providence of the State. Besides, can it be reasonable, that those who began and pursued so bloody a Conspiracy, with such un-heard of aggravations, should be put in ballance with such, as (only to vindicate his Majesty and his People’s Right) sometimes proceeded beyond their own Temper? Nor is it here to be omitted, That those whom they pretend should be singled out, and particularized for barbarous and inhumane, should by vertue of their 18th. Article, be tryed by the Lord Lieutenant, and several Commissioners, some of which were chargeable with the same barbarous and inhumane Crimes, and all of them nearly interess’d in such as may be so charged, if to abett, aid, or countenance those, be in the eye of the Law accounted equally involv’d; so that from such, what justice could be expected, were easie to be conceiv’d, (how entire soever the Lord Lieutenant were in his Principles.) And whereas this R. S. would free Kilkenny, and other Places, from the horrid actions which were committed there, the testimony of such as avows them, makes whatsoever he would extenuate as to them, and aggravate as to others, meer fabulous and vain; though to make up his Fardle, he takes in whatsomever Cromwel and his Party afterwards committed in Ireland. Thus confounding Actions with Times, an Artifice so shap’d to his Humour, as who is he that cannot see, but that those actions of Cromwel’s no whit concern’d the British, or could be any encouragement for what the Irish did long before; Cromwel’s proceedings being on a ground well known, extending to the English as well as the Irish; such as if the Rebellion of Ireland had not been, no Sect had been able to have done any harm in England. Indeed his whole Piece is such a Web, as unravled, would be found meer Fictions and Imposture, after what is accounted for breach of Protection, forfeiture of Articles, Treachery, and the like. That which he writes of the Scotch Forces in Knockfergus, murthering (if you will believe him) in the Isle of Mac-Gee, 3000 innocent Persons, in the beginning of November, to be the first Massacre in Ireland on either side, (it seems he heard nothing then of O-Hara’s Daughter) is so false, as he that will read John Carmick’s Testimony, at the Tryal of Hugh Oge Mac-Mahon, the 18th. of November, 1644. attested by Sir William Cole, Sir William Hamilton, Sir Arthur Loftus, Sir Charles Coot, and others, upon Oath, (besides what the Clergy’s Remonstrance clears) will plainly perceive the vanity and falseness of that Assertion, as (amongst others) appears by John Kerdiff, Rector of the Parish of Diserteraugh in Tyrone, a Person of known Integrity, who deposeth, That the very first day Mr. Mader, Minister of the Parish of Donnoghmore, was murther’d by the Donnelies: and within a while after, Mr. New, Curate to Mr. Bradley, of the Church of Ardira, as Mr. Blyth, with eight more; not to say any thing of Rowry Mac-Guire’s dealing with Mr. Middleton, the 24th. of October, at Castle-Skeagh, alias Ballibalfure, where (after he had by treachery got into the Castle, seiz’d on his Mony, burnt the publick Records, and compell’d him to acknowledge the Mass) he caus’d him, his Wife and Children, to be hang’d, besides a hundred to be murder’d at least in that Town: And thence daily proceeded in such outrages.

Thus for the present all things seem’d (in their sense) to prosper under their hands; for they had in this short time made themselves Masters of the whole Province of Ulster, except the Cities of London-derry and Coleraigne, the Town and Castle of Eniskillin, and some other Places and Castles, which were at first gallantly defended by the British Undertakers, though afterwards, for want of relief, surrendred into the Rebels hands.

The Fire thus kindled, shortly after spread its fury in the Provinces of Munster and Connaght, (of which we have given you a touch) where the English were quickly dispoil’d of all their Substance, and either driven naked out of their Habitations, or most barbarously murder’d or starv’d in them. But their main design at present was, to make themselves Masters of the Province of Leimster, which was the chiefest and most flourishing part of the Kingdom; and having advanc’d their work, they so far prevail’d therein, as they had in a manner gain’d it wholely, except the Cities of Dublin and Tredath, against which they appli’d their whole strength: For Dublin, it being the Seat of the State, (by the great care of the Lords Justices) had the best Provisions made for the strengthning of it, that those crazy Walls, and their want of Forces would admit. The Rebels contented themselves to block it up at a distance with their Forces, and to make some attempt to hinder Shipping from coming into the Harbour; but for Tredath, (having over-run the County of Meath, and surpriz’d the Towns of Trym, Kells, Navan, Ardbracan, Ashboy, &c.) the Rebels sate down on both sides that Town, the last of November, or the first of December, drawing very near the Walls, blocking up the Passage of the River which runs into the Sea, that no succour could be brought in to them either by Sea or Land, no, nor Intelligence be gotten out of Town; so as Sir Henry Tichborn (as we have before mention’d) with the Provisions he had there, and the Forces he carried with him, which were not above a thousand men, remain’d close besieg’d, without any hopes of Succours, or further Supplies.

Tredath is an ancient City, of great Circuit, the River of Boyne passeth through the midst of the Town; it is encompassed about with an old Stone-Wall, without Bulwarks or any kind of Rampiers, or other Fortifications than an ordinary Ditch; it lies about three miles from the Sea, the Harbour is but ill, yet such as would admit Vessels of good burthen, and such as exceed not 60 Tuns, may come up to the very Bridge in the Town: It is situated in a plain open Countrey, plentiful for all manner of Provisions, no Bogs or Marsh-ground near it; so as the Rebels had all the opportunities and advantages they could desire, for making their approaches to the Place: But so unhappy were they in their undertakings, and so unprosperous in their executions, as notwithstanding the weakness of the Place, and the small numbers of men that kept it, they lay before it (after they had thus closely begirt the Town almost three months) without doing any thing of moment, being resolv’d (either in regard of their want of great Guns to batter the Walls, skill to undermine them, or courage to scale them) to sit still, till Famine within had made them an entrance.

The State being very sensible of what this poor Place suffered, consulted in the first place, after the Landing of Sir Simon Harcourt which way was most likely to weaken the Rebels strength, the main of which Tredath had long felt; therefore they resolv’d now with their new Forces to relieve that Town. But before we come to the result of that Determination, it will not be unpleasant to shew, against how many troubles that Place incredibly extricated it self. And here we are obliged first to take notice what Forces Tredath had.

The 26th. of Octob. 1641.
Henry Lord Viscount Moor of Tredath, with his Troop of Horse, consisting of sixty six, entred the Town in its defence: As did

Sir John Nettervile, Capt.
Rockley, Capt.
with their two half standing Companies.

Seafoul Gibson, Capt. whose Company of the English Inhabitants, and other Protestants, to the number of 120.

November the 4th. following.

Sir Henry Tichborn, Col. and Governour of the Town, with the Regiment and two Troops of Horse (formerly mention’d) came in.

Novemb. 10.

Captain Henry Bryan, Captain Patrick Trevor, Captain Foulk Martin.

Novemb. 22.

Christopher Roper, Serj. Major;
Capt. William Cadougan,
Capt. Charles Sounsley.
These escap’d from the defeat of Gellingstone.

Fifty Horse under the Command of Sir Patrick Weams, Captain Lieutenant to the Earl of Ormond.

All these, with three Companies more which came in with the second Relief, were under the Lord Moor; those excepted which Sir Henry Tichborn brought in.

The Lord Moor, upon the first discovery of the Plot, (having notice of his Sister the Lady Blany’s and her Childrens imprisonment, with surprizal of her Castle, Castle Blany, the Town and Castle of Newry, Carrick Mac-ross, Charlemont, Town and Castle of Monaghan, Tonrages, Mountjoy, Cloughoter, Dunganon, and multitudes of Castles and Houses of Strength, Towns and Villages in the North) repair’d in the midst of the night from Mellifont to Tredath, and knocking up the Mayor and Aldermen, invited them to a speedy defence; who at first promis’d him fair, but proceeded slowly, producing few Arms, who (on a Muster-day before) could appear with some hundreds. His Lordship (conceiving his presence necessary) drew his whole Family thither; and having regain’d some old Pieces of Ordnance, cast into a Dungeon, he fitted them (and four took out of a Merchants Ship) for service; and placing some at one Gate, some at another; making up the North-Port, and strengthning the Walls, which he effected with singular diligence and speed; one of the two half-Companies in the Town proving afterwards false, the Citizens themselves (Papists) being no way real; which put his Lordship on a perpetual watch, there being little relief; so that he was with his Troop constantly scouring the streets, the Inhabitants being no ways assisting: Yet so managed he his affairs, as he kept all passages free for Sir Henry Tichborn’s admittance, who, entring Governour there the 4th. of November with his Forces, was coldly received by the Citizens, not admitted into any Quarters, till himself (after many hours being in the streets) found one. Having first drawn out several Companies to continue the Watch that night, never excusing his own vigilance or pains: The next day after he enter’d. He endeavour’d to make the Town as defensible as might be, wherein he and his Officers order’d much to its security, though many things conspired to make it (in so short a time) not artificially tenable; which yet they afterwards made good with their Bodies and Valour. He expell’d many of the Popish Inhabitants, which held intelligence with the Rebels without, and got in all the Provisions he could, ordering them with the greatest parsimony imaginable. He and the Lord Moor (who accompani’d him in all services) alternately walk’d the Rounds, performing all Duties so industriously, as they disappointed all the frequent little Plots which the Rebels had upon them; and so careful were they to encourage and provide for their Soldiers, as they rais’d them up to a far greater confidence of their Abilities to defend the Place, (against so numerous an Enemy) than there was just reason for. That which discourag’d the Soldiers most, was, the constant Duty which they perform’d in their Night-Watches; the circuit of the Wall was very large, the Weather (being the depth of Winter) was very sharp; and the numbers of the Soldiers (who were to watch) were but small, and those very ill cloth’d, so as it came oftner to their turns than usual, which bred sickness and diseases, and some even fell down and died upon the Walls.

The third of December (there being a want of Corn) there issued forth a Party at St. Lawrence and the West-gate, of 350 Foot, and two Troops of Horse, to secure some Carriages sent out for Corn at the Green-hills, about half a mile off; where unexpectedly (the Citizens having been treacherous in their intelligence) there appear’d in view 3000 men: whereupon some Officers advis’d to retreat, and many of the Horse (Papists) in the Reer running back, with a confus’d cry exceedingly disturb’d those that were at the Gates drawing out. To remedy which, Sir Henry Tichborn presently lights off his Horse, and in the Front (to the hazard of his Person) march’d before the Foot, commanding the Musketeers up the Hill, and his Pikes in that narrow Passage to open for the Horse, and so with all expedition made ready to charge the Enemy, giving the Rebels so home a Charge, as they betook themselves to their heels, with the loss of above 200 of them, but not one of ours, though before we charg’d them they had set twice on us: The Victory exceedingly animated our Soldiers, notwithstanding afterwards many Soldiers (Papists) daily revolted from us; and we receiv’d frequent Alarms, which we finding frivolous, afterwards neglected. Then the Confederates sent to Parley; upon which, one Darcy, a Frier, and a Captain of his Name, demanded the absolute surrender of the Town for his Majesties use and service, in the name of the Commanders of the Catholick Army, expressing how impossible it would be to keep it against their Forces. The Governour with the Captains return’d an Answer as short, That they had a Commission from his Majesty for the defence of the Town, and without his Majesties Command, or the Lords Justices, to the contrary, they would keep it; if the Rebels attempted it by the Sword, they would defend it; if by Famine, they should hear they eat their Horses Hides. In prosecution of which, the Governour and Captains of the City, made this unanimous Protestation in its defence, for his Majesties use and service.

Whereas we are beset with such, who pretend their Attempts (in taking of this Town) to be for the advancement of his Majesties Service, (which notwithstanding we believe is but a pretext to delude the Vulgar) We the Governour and Captains of the said Town, for the further manifestation and approbation of our Loyalty, and thankfulness to his Majesty, by whose immediate Command we are charg’d for the defence of his just and Royal Title in it; do likewise hereby unanimously make this following Protestation and Oath, and do enjoyn it to be taken by every Soldier and Inhabitant of this Town, as the evidence of their Faith and Truth to the Kings Crown and Dignity, which we shall maintain with our Lives and Estates; and that such as shall refuse it, be put out of the Gates.

The Oath.

I Shall, to my uttermost, endeavour the defence of this Town against all outward and inward Attempts whatsoever, for his Majesties Service. I shall forthwith discover any Plot, Conspiracy, or Combination, which may or shall come to my knowledge, from without or within, which may any ways be intended to the prejudice of the whole Town, or to the Person of the Mayor, Governour, Aldermen, or any of the Captains or Officers Garrison’d in it.

I shall not attempt or consent, that the Town shall be given, upon any pretence or cause whatsoever, without consent of the Governour, Mayor, and greater part of the Captains and Aldermen in it, or without special Command from his Majesty, or Chief Governour or Governours of the Kingdom.

All which I do hereby swear truly and faithfully to observe and keep, without any fraud, deceit, or mental reservation whatsoever.

Notwithstanding which, some (who took it) were afterwards perjur’d, not without example; and the Mayor and Aldermen refus’d it.

On St. Thomas Eve, the Rebels (being encourag’d from the Popish Inhabitants within) about one of the Clock at night (after a Watch-word) approach’d the Walls with a terrible shout; which the Governour answer’d from the Mount with a Canon, continuing the same for some hours; the Towns-men (in the interim) being upon pain of death commanded to keep within doors. Towards morning, the Rebels fled, being pursued by our Bullets, (from all Quarters) so that many dropt; the numbers of their slain is not certain: certainly many fell by that attempt, of ours, not one; notwithstanding at St. John’s Gate (which was most naked, and where Captain Morris excellently well perform’d his Command) was the hottest work. This deliverance was no sooner over, but new Conspiracies were hatch’d in the Town, a clandestine Oath being impos’d on some to seize on the Soldiers Arms as they were asleep, and kill others in their beds; happily discovered by a Priest, not so bloody as the rest: Yet necessities of all sorts (as well for Beasts as Men) grew so urgent, that within few days no Enemy but those need to do execution: In which extremity, God was particularly flown to, and even in the midst of their Devotion, the 11th. of January, there came in from the State (vigilant in whatsomever might concern them) a Pinnace, a Frigat, a Gabbard, with two Shalloops, and a Vessel loaden with Bisket, Powder, and Ammunition; whereby the Garrison was seasonably reliev’d in the midst of great extremities; which at the first appearance, the Towns-men (well-wishers to the Rebels) would needs have perswaded the Soldiers, that they had been Ships from Spain in favour of the Rebels, and appear’d chearful. But the mercy proving otherwise, the Soldiers grew hearty, which (without an especial providence) might have prov’d their ruine; for, contrary to the Command of the Governour, and his vigilance, (which was never more remarkable than then) the Soldiers carous’d it too liberally, being (by the Friers themselves) made to drink, inasmuch as Sentinels (from their Guards) were drawn in: So as the Rebels, Jan. 12. (by the help and treacherous intimation of their own within) made a breach in the Wall about four in the morning, at which, many of their best Soldiers and Chief Commanders, to the number of 500, enter’d unheard, till having march’d as far as the Key, they gave a shout; which the Governour hearing, instantly ran down, unarm’d, onely with his Pistols in his hands, and was the first that caus’d a Drum to beat, at which all was soon alarm’d; and finding their Pikes to be short of ours by a yard, we charg’d home, and forc’d them to a retreat, though they had o’r-turn’d a Drake of ours (that lay there) off its Carriage. Soon came in my Lord Moor with 15 Horse, (all that could of a sudden be got ready) with which, and the rest, (that were now got together) they quickly repuls’d them. Sir John Borlase hasting so speedily, undrest, and with that courage to the Breach made by the Nunnery, that his service there in falling upon the Enemy (who fought it stoutly) was very remarkable. Here the Besieg’d kill’d many of the Rebels, as well those as came near the Walls for the succour of those that first entred, as they that Invaded it: and great was the deliverance, the Rebels Party within (very considerable) having their Doors mark’d with Chalk, as a token to the Rebels, should they have prevail’d: The Besieged lost few, if any. Though the Pinnace, on its return, ran a ground; upon which, the Rebels plaid thick upon her from both sides the River, desperately approaching her very Stern with Pick-axes and Crows of Iron; at which, Captain Stutfield (Comptroler of the Ordnance, an excellent Engineer, a stout and daring Person) presently threw some Granado’s amongst them, which did such execution, as throughly frighted them; yet chas’d them not away till the seventh was flung; after which they parted, but were so pursued by our Musket and Canon, that many were slain.

After this Relief, (for some time) Tredath enjoy’d reasonable Peace, though at distance they had often alarms, and within a fortnight, what quantity of Bisket and Meal was brought to the Garrison, was easily spent, Famine Fluxes, with other diseases return again, in as much as diverse of the English Inhabitants (especially such as had flown thither for relief) died daily, and now the Town was narrowly search’d for Provisions, in which scrutiny the Friars (against their vow of Poverty) were found full of Trunks of Plate, Money, and other Treasure, which they not owning (being the Goods of the Rebels) were equally distributed amongst the Garrison, but could not supply the want of food, which rais’d Mutinies (speedily allayed by the Vigilance of the Governour.) However many English as well as Irish, fled to the Rebels out of meer necessity. In as much as Sir Phelim O Neal writ into the North, and gave it out amongst his Souldiers, that he was certain of the sudden surrender of Tredath: so as the Town being now driven to great streights, the best expedient that could be thought of, was to Man out a Boat for Dublin, that the State might be rightly inform’d of its Condition, in endeavouring which, the Aldermen and Mariners of the Town seem’d very backwards, till the Governour threatned to make some of the Aldermen themselves prove Mariners in that service; whereupon at last men were found, and Commissioners sent to the Lords Justices, to inform them of the misery of the Town, in which service Sir John Borlase, Junior, and others were imployed, who having obtained some men, and two Peeces of Battery, return’d with a very satisfactory supply.

The same day they weighed Anchor for Dublin, a part of the Garrison made a sally on the Rebels, Northward, who encountred them sharply, but were soon affronted by ours; many of the Enemy were slain, but of ours none, onely by the breaking of a little brass Peece, a Gunner was hurt, which yet gave them so rugged a Salute, that they took leave of us, and we recovered some Provisions: Sir Henry Tichborn that night with some Musketiers, falling on their Court of Guard, and killed some of their Sentinels; As the 11th. of February, Lieutenant Greenham, with a Party of Horse and Foot, routed 60 of the Enemy, taking a Lieutenant, Ensign, and several other, Prisoners; Sallying also forth the next day, with the like success, getting in some Grain, and burning the Countrey.

By these Sallies though some were relieved, the Souldiers (in general) fell into great extremity, Horse-flesh, Dogs, and Cats, being greedy food, yet (having but an intention to seek God) February the 14th. a booty of 80 Cows, and 200 Sheep being offer’d, they were (though with much hazard) soon recovered of the Enemy: And from the worst of Winds, a Northwest, it instantly turn’d to the best, a S. E. and so continued, till in the Evening, that Sabbath, (having all that day crav’d the blessing from God) tidings came in that our Relief was come within the Bar: viz. two Pinnaces, 6 Gabbards, 3 Frigots, with one Shallop, with a plentiful Relief for three months, a large Fisher-Boat of the Rebels, loaden with Herring (going to the Confederates) being also brought in, notwithstanding what Cables, Masts of Ships, and other things they had chain’d over the River, to prevent their arrival: so faithful and fortunate was Captain Stutfield, whose happy Conduct, Trodath had now twice experienc’d in the height of misery, a mercy not to be forgot no more then that, that Sunday morning about four of the Clock, Sir Phelim O Neale (marching silently with all the strength he could make) made so bold an Attempt, as to apply scaling Ladders to the Walls, especially near St. Laurence Gate, where (sometimes) a Sentinel had been omitted, two of which they had presently fixed, and on each one mounted, the Sentinel (missing fire) the Assailants presumed higher, till the Sentinel knocked them down with the Butt of his Musket, and cried out to the Guard, who instantly plyed the rest with their fill of shot, so that they left thirteen of their Ladders, and many of their dead behind them: nor could all that the Rebels Officers could say, encourage their Souldiers to return.

With the last Relief, there came a Proclamation, dated the 8th. of February, 1641. from the State, prizing Sir Phelim O Neals head at 1000£ O-Relie’s, and others at 600£ and the rest of the Principal at 400£ if they were brought in before the 25th. of March next, which made the Souldiers ready to be abroad; the Proclamation may be found at large in the Appendix. After that the Lords Justices, and Council had thus particularly named those then in Rebellion, and sate a Price on their heads, few (if any) were ever brought in, so intire were the Confederates; though in former Rebellions this Policy produced good effect: whereupon the Commons in Parliament, Ordered all rotten Members fit to be cut off, and new to supply their Places, publickly affixing in their Orders, their Names whom they knew engaged in the Rebellion, which Sir Audley Mervin brings in as just evidence of their Conviction, from undeniable Presidents of Parliament, how many Nocent Persons soever have since passed in Triumphant innocency, whilst those stand by, whose evidence (if admitted) would write the Letter of Condemnation on their foreheads. However the Catholick Lords of the Pale (could words make them innocent) fram’d a Protestation against the Proclamation of the eight of February, but so false, scandalous, and insinuating, that no answer (further then every intelligent mans abhorrency thereof) is requisite or expedient.

Since the last Relief, the Rebels (as to their Menaces) were somewhat milder; and relief and hope, having now animated the Souldiers, the 26 of February, the Governour issued out with 220 Foot, and 120 Horse to Beaubeck, securing thereby some Corn and Hay for the service of the Town, and then advanc’d to Smithstown, where they met a Party of the Rebels, fought them, and slew 300. Serjeant Major Fortescue took two Colours, Captain Bryan a Drum, and eightscore Cows near Gellingston, where not long before they had defeated our men; Colonel Preston was there hard put to it: The Victory (that it might tend to the raising of the Siege) was pursued by 600 Foot, and 120 Horse, under the Conduct of my Lord Moore, with Carriages and two Field Pieces, who assaied Stanime, which they found so unexpectedly Fortified, as having onely slain some of their men, (abundance of rain falling) the great Guns did small execution, that thence the Party return’d that night, and called in upon Colp, a little Village, where they loaded themselves with Corn, and return’d without any opposition. Those of Stanime hearing of our Supplies, and resolution to come on, quitted the Castle few days after, which without further work fell into our hands; scarce a day now passed, without some attempt upon the Enemy.

The first of March, Sir John Borlase Jun. Lieutenant Colonel, had the Command of four Companies, with which he fac’d the Enemy, and beat them with much disadvantage, securing at that time 200£ worth of Corn, burning withall, such of their Lodgings as remain’d of the former days work at Colp, and return’d with great satisfaction: Whilst the same day, the Lord Moore, and the Governour marched further, and the Rebels having lin’d Hedges and Ditches, Captain Billingsley very resolutely scour’d those places with 80 Musketiers, soon routing them, a Lieutenant with 13 Souldiers were slain, and a Captain of the O Neals taken Prisoner: The Castle of Colp (after much hazard) was taken, and all therein (viz. 26) were slain, save the Captain, who was taken Prisoner.

The third of March some Forces marched out, under the Command of Colonel Waineman to Marlington (three miles off Tredath) with whom all Persons were permitted to pillage, and return’d home with all sorts of Grain, having burnt Draicot’s house, and some other places considerable: at which time the Rebels forsook many of their Houses, and we began to be at pretty ease.

The first of March, the Lord Moore commanded out a Party of 400 Foot, and 80 Horse on the Northside, amongst his Traiterous Tenants, to Talagh-hallon, where Sir Phelim O Neal, with Colonel Mac-Bryan, had that night confederated together, eight Colours instantly appear’d, being intrench’d much to their advantage, but our men (Lieutenant Colonel Byron commanding the Foot) drew up boldly, and gave such sure fire, as they soon betook themselves to their last refuge (their heels) near 400. with 7 Captains, were slain, and one took Prisoner (viz. Rory-mac-Art-mac-Cross-mac-Mahon, and one Colour; 100 Muskets were taken, and Pikes covered the ground, others securing themselves by a bog near at hand, were so roughly admonished by a Drake from us, that they soon removed their standing: This hot skirmish was in sight of our Walls, the Lord Moore in this encounter behaving himself most gallantly, indeed no man braver; for after he was known by the Rebels, they endeavoured to have seized on him; yet though he had but 7 in his Company (being then at a distance from the main Body) charged them home, killed many, scattered the rest, and got off clear.

After that Tredath had relieved it self, and his Majesties Forces became full Masters of the field, several (as the Lord Nettervile, Lord Slane, and others) writ Letters to the State to excuse themselves, as did those with the Lord Gormanston, about the 21st. of March, to the Earl of Castlehaven, under the name of the United Lords, that he would move the State for a Cessation of Arms, and to know upon what Conditions they might come in and submit; which the Lords Justices and Council thought a demand full of Insolency, they having (till then) acted with the forwardest of the Rebels, notwithstanding whatever dehortations or encouragements, the State gave them to the contrary, so that then the State had no power to mitigate their Crimes; Nor did the Lords Justices and Councel then think fit to prostitute his Majesties Royal Grace, to men so ungrateful and unnatural: Besides, the State in their Commission and Instructions, found no express Warrant to pardon such pernicious Traitors, as (before they inclined to come in) hoped to carry all before them, by surprizal or open force.

In the last Service of my Lord Moore’s, Barnewell of Rahasket (one of dangerous Parts) was taken, with some Priests and Friers; Darcy of Platten in Meath, about two miles from Tredath, was soon after summon’d, who denied the surrender of his House to the Earl of Ormond, yet after hearing of two Peeces of Battery, surrendred it. However, at Atherdee, the Rebels killed all the Protestants, whilst the Earl of Ormond, Lieutenant General, leaving Dublin the 7th. of March, (prosecuting the Design formerly mention’d, upon the arrival of the Forces out of England, that they might not be idle in the City) was not far from Tredath, with 3000 Foot, and 500 Horse, burning the County of Meath, and several of the Lords of the Pale’s Houses in their March, who came to Tredath the 11th. of March, exceedingly admiring that such weak Walls should be able to resist so potent an Enemy. His Lordship, with the Governour, the Lord Moore, Sir Thomas Lucas, Sir Simon Harcourt, Sir Robert Ferrall, and others, in a Councel of War, determin’d to prosecute the Rebels: But the Earl of Ormond, with the rest of his Forces, being summon’d to Dublin, on Business of great importance, (beneath the capacity of those who would have had it otherwise) the Work fell wholly on the Lord Moore and the Governour, who were by the Earl of Ormond recruited with four Companies of Foot, and two Troops of Horse, and two Peeces of Battery; and upon the 21. of March, with 1000 Foot, and 200 Horse, they march’d forward, finishing what they had left unburnt at Slane, and other Villages in the way. And the 23. of March, they advanc’d with Fire and Smoak towards Atherdee; about a mile from Town, the Enemy was descried to be drawn up into two Divisions, reported to be 1100 or 1500. upon which Sir Henry Tichborn drew his Souldiers into Battalia, sending up a forlorn Hope before to scour the Ditches, which they so effectually did, as stumbling upon an Ambuscado of the Enemy’s Musketiers, they beat them out of their Holes, drawing so nimbly upon them, as they killed about 400 of them in a miles space. At the foot of the Bridge our Foot found some resistance, by Musketiers plac’d in a Tower; upon which Sir Henry Tichborn (finding a passage over the River) galled them so on the other side, that they soon abandon’d it. The passage thus open’d, the Horse enter’d, and with a full career chas’d them through the Town, where one Lieutenant Colonel, and five Captains of the Rebels, were slain, the Lord Moore doing much execution with his own hands. Now the passage being clear, our Forces made an assault on Dundalk, fortified by the Rebels, with a double Wall, double Ditch, Marsh-ground on one side, and Sea on the other, so that our difficulty was great. Yet we approach’d the Town the 26th. of March, about Nine in the Morning, planted our Ordnance on a little Hill near the Gate, which 500 of them defended a while against a forlorn Hope of ours, till they pursued their Work so close, as they made many of the Rebels fall, at which they retired; which our Men perceiving, increas’d their fears by shouting, that at length a Division, under the Command of Lieutenant Colonel Waineman, of about 300, resolutely approach’d the Gate with Pick-axes, and after a strong encounter enter’d with the Horse, who pursued the Enemy with a full Gallop, killing many; but (upon the turning towards the next Gate, seeing 2 or 3 brass Peeces planted, and 500 of the Rebels ready to receive us) we fairly retreated, whilst a Castle, plac’d at the head of that Street, (man’d with their best Musketiers) in our return played very hot upon us, whereby 10 of our Men were slain, and Ensign Fortescue (a sprightly Gentleman) one Serjeant, and one that carried the Colours for another; Lieutenant Francis Moore was there also shot upon the shoulder-piece of his Armour, without much hurt, (a Gentleman that merits much for his service through the whole Business.) At this (we being not subject to lose any Men) the Governour and the Lord Moore were so enraged, that they set the Houses near the Castle (the only Remora) on fire, through which (the Wind blowing the smoak on the Castle, and the Souldiers making bundles of dried Bean-stalks, intermixt with Tow and Gunpowder, and carrying these on their heads) they got themselves un-descried to the Castledoor, where they laid down their bundles, and giving fire by a train of Powder, blew up the Door, and some other Boards, those within (being almost choaked, and fully frighted) leapt out at a Window, and a Serjeant of Captain Owen’s, with 5 Men (upon condition that they might have the pillage of the Place) enter’d it, and speedily shewed (by their naked swords on the top of the Castle) that they were Masters of it. At which the Governour and the Lord Moore were reviv’d, and immediately quench’d the Fires, and man’d the Castle with 30 good Musketiers, who, playing thick into the Town, hindred the Rebels from walking the Streets. Afterwards we drew up two Peeces of Ordnance against the inner Gate, and with 10 Wool-packs (found in the Castle very opportunely) a kind of Bulwark was made for the Musketiers, which the Rebels perceiving, left their Peeces there loaden. Whereupon the Governour took a Division of a Party of Horse, and drew by the back of the Town, (towards the North-Gate) killing 40 in his way, and enter’d at a by-Gate, found the Town deserted. The Lord Moore, in the interim, also beating open the Gates, took possession of the two brass Peeces, and another in the Market-place, and so at Seven a Clock the same Night we were Masters of all. About 100 of theirs were killed, and some 14 of ours, 120 Protestants were thereby reliev’d, and much good Pillage of all sort taken therein: Our Forces upon Muster next Morning were found to be but 750 Foot, and 200 Horse, theirs near 3000 within the Town, besides in Artillery and brass Peeces they much exceeded us.

Thus Tredath, which not long since was (in the opinion of most) given up as an irrecoverable prey to the Rebels, now surviv’d their scorns; and that meerly through God’s Mercy, on the courage and valour of the besieged, bearing out against the utmost of Extremity and Treachery, faithfully set down by Dean Bernard, in his siege of Tredath, 1642. describ’d with the Follies of several superstitions and vanities, no ways prevalent to the practiser; and had not the providence of the State (at that time) been singular, no doubt but Dublin would soon have been the triumph of their malice and cruelties. And now the County of Lowth (which lay on the other side of the Boine) being clear’d, Ardes and Dundalk also being taken in, Sir Phelim O Neal, who (on all occasions) made a most inconsiderable resistance, ran with the first, being reserv’d for a further mischief; he got to the Newry, and thence passed down into the Counties of Tyrone and Ardmagh, where (in revenge of his losses before Tredath) he exercis’d the uttermost of his Cruelties on Men, Women, and Children, whom he had to that time suffer’d to live amongst the Irish, most barbarously killing the Lord Cawfield, when he least suspected it, and caus’d Mr. Blany (a Gentleman of good Quality) to be hanged for refusing to hear Mass. About the same time, Mulmore O-Relie being likewise driven from the siege of Tredath, retiring to Belturbet, (in the County of Cavan) there commanded the poor British, who thitherto (i. e. after the great slaughter) had surviv’d to the number of 60. to be forced off the Bridge into the Water, where they were swallowed up: As did Sir Phelim O Neal, who missing the taking in of the Castle of Augher, in the County of Ardmagh, in revenge gave directions to Mulmore-Mac-Donnel, (a most cruel and merciless Rebel) to kill all the English and Scotch within the Parishes of Mullebrack, Loghgilly, and Kilcluneny, destroying there not less than 1500 Protestants, since the 23. of October, 1641. He exercis’d also his cruelty in the same manner, for his loss before Lisnagarvy, Newry, and other Places, upon the poor Protestants, as if by offering so many innocent Souls to death, he should have expiated the guilt of his Cowardliness and Treacheries.

Thus the English Forces enduring no resistance where they came, either possest themselves of the Castles tenable, or demolisht the rest, and having clear’d all passages ‘twixt Dublin and Tredath, part of them retir’d to Dublin; whilst Sir Phelim O Neal gave but cold entertainment to the Inhabitants of the Pale, that had for their safety (after their Confederacy with him) retir’d into his Quarters; he and his Confederates renewing their ancient Animosities against them, (the old English) as those who formerly pursued the Irish in the defence of themselves, telling them, That the time was not yet past memory, when they had done, as now, stir’d up the meer Irish to rebel, making those in the North declare themselves, and when they found them not likely to prosper, deserted them, exposing them to the fury of the English, and their Countrey to ruine and desolation; but now they were even, their Countrey being first ruined. This harsh scornful usage of the old English, by the Northern Irish, after so solemn a conjunction between them, and under such a publick calamity fallen upon them, bred in them a great consternation and trouble; and it made so sad an impression upon the Lord Viscount Gormanston, (who was the chief instrument to bring the Northern Irish into the Pale, and there to work out that solemn conjunction between them) as it broke his heart, and he soon after died, lamenting his Treachery and Infidelity, that he had not been only the ruine of himself and his posterity, but the great firebrand of his Countrey, out of vain ambitious ends, or for the setting up of fond superstitious Inventions, entertaining such Designs, as had already caus’d huge streams of blood to be shed, and were now likely to determine in nothing, but the extirpation of the old English Families, out of those plentiful Parts of the Countrey, wherein they had most happily seated themselves, and which they had most pleasantly enjoy’d, ever since the first Conquest of Ireland. Others had the same Apprehensions; but being now involv’d with the Ulster Forces, and having withstood the date of his Majesty’s Favour, the next course was to colour their Proceedings by pretence of Grievances, that by Forgeries and Calumnies, which they never spare to vent and publish, when they would withdraw the Subjects from their obedience, they might the more colourably palliate their foul Contempts, confounding Times, that the rise of their Insurrection might seem to have some ground and encouragement thence: And to that end, they of the Pale made an Apology to his Majesty, fraught with so many vain, impertinent, and malicious Stories, as (in the judgement of the knowing and moderate States-man) serve only to increase their guilt; the main of whatsoever is there alledged, being fully answer’d, in the Reply to the Remonstrance given in at Trym, the 17th. of March, 1642.

About this time the King (considering how slowly the Supplies for Ireland went on) offer’d (by a Message the 8th. of April, 1642.) in Person to go thither, (as before he had done the 14th. and 24th. of February, as also the 9th. of March, 1641.) intending to raise his Guard of 2000 Foot, and 200 Horse, out of the Counties near Chester, and to engage his Crown-Lands for the relief of his miserable Subjects there: Well knowing, (as in one of his Declarations to the Parliament he expresses) That as he was (in his Interest) more concern’d than any of his Subjects, so he was to make a stricter account to Almighty God for any neglect of his duty, or his Peoples preservation. But the Parliament Voted, That for his Majesty to go thither in Person, He would be subject to the casualty of War, and the secret Practises and Conspiracies of the Rebels; it would be an incouragement to the Rebels; it would impair the means to subdue the Rebels, and increase the Charge; and withall dishearten the Adventurers to subscribe and pay in their Money: It would also interrupt the proceedings of the Parliament, increase the jealousies and fears of the People, and bereave the Parliament of that advantage, whereby they were induc’d to undertake the War, upon promise that it should be manag’d by their advice; so as the Journey would be against the Law. And that whosoever should assist him in it, should be an Enemy to the Common-wealth; and that the Sheriffs of Counties should raise Power to suppress any Levies he should make to that purpose: Being loath (saith his Majesty in his Solitudes) to shoot at any mark here less than himself; or that any should have the glory of his destruction but themselves. Whilst at the same time, his Majesties Subjects of Scotland, in an Act of Council at Edinburgh the 22d. of April following, upon this occasion takes notice, That there could be no greater demonstration of Care and Princely Courage, than this his Majesties intention to go in Person into Ireland against the Rebels. Upon the signification of which Royal Intent to the State there, the Lords Justices and Council, in a Letter to his Majesty the 23d. of April, 1642. taking notice of his Princely Purpose, to take just vengeance on the perfidious Rebels, humbly besought him to come so provided, as to appear in that Kingdom suitable to the Greatness and Wisdom of so mighty a King. Which Letter, how finely soever it was covered, went not (in some mens opinion) without a discouragement; forasmuch as that though some (at Court) might conceive (by his Majesties coming over) a Peace might be made with the Irish when his Majesty pleas’d; yet by taking in so base, perfidious, and barbarous a People, who in so execrable a manner had cut off such multitudes of the English, the event (as was privately signifi’d by some) could not redound to his Majesties Honour. Besides, the Soldiers were then grown so implacable to the Irish, as they would scarce endure any ordinary Papist, much less suffer a Rebel to be admitted amongst them. After all, his Majesties resolutions for Ireland were prevented, not without several constructions, as each Party apprehended the Scene: Though his Majesty express’d, that he would never refuse or be unwilling to venture his Person for the good and safety of his People, yet he was not so weary of his life as to hazard it impertinently, and therefore at present should desist. However as yet, the Protestant Army in Ireland being competently supplied, the Rebels were frequently chastized.

To say truth, after the raising of the Siege of Tredath, and the consequences thereupon, his Majesties Forces so enlarged their Quarters, as no considerable Enemy (save some Castles) lay nearer Dublin than twenty miles on any side, that now the Lords Justices thought it high time to provide for the safety of such places as lay more remote in the Countrey, the English having in many Places (upon the first rising of the Irish) possess’d themselves of some Forces, Strong Holds, Towns and Castles, which (though very ill provided) they did for many months (yea, some for years, after the first breaking out of the Rebellion) defend, notwithstanding long Sieges, multitudes of Rebels encompassing them, and all means by Treachery, Force or Famine, experienc’d to draw them into their possession.

It will here take up too large a space in this Story (where many considerable things may fall besides the Pen) to recite the gallant actions perform’d by several private Persons in some inconsiderable (in respect of Strength) Places; many Women shewing more courage, constancy, and resolution in the defence of what they were necessitated to, than the Men without did in their undertakings against them. Great were the Straits many of them were put unto, enduring all manner of extremities, subjecting themselves to all kind of dangers, not daunted with the multitudes of Rebels that lay about them, they in many places issued out, and lived onely on the Spoils they took from them, fighting continually for their daily bread, which they never wanted as long as their Enemies had it. The Rebels were so undextrous in the management of their Sieges, as they took very few Places by force; in all their Attempts, whether by Mine, Battery, Assault, they seldom prosper’d: The great Engine whereby they master’d any Fort of the English, was Treachery; Offers of safe Conduct, and other Conditions of Honour and Advantage, which might induce the Besieged (sometimes reduc’d to the utmost extremities) to surrender their Places into their hand; which (though solemnly sworn and sign’d) they yet seldom or never kept, but left several Places as Monuments of their Treachery and Infidelity, using those (who surrender’d them) as they did the poor Protestants in the Town and Castle of Longford, whom (they having besieged, and drawn to yield up into their hands upon condition of Quarters, and safety for their Persons) they (as soon as they issued out) fell upon with their Skenes, their Priest (as a signal for the rest to fall on) first ripping open the belly of the Minister amongst the English; then his followers soon kill’d and hang’d the rest. After this manner used they the 150 Protestants, who yielded up (upon fair Quarter) the Castle of Tullagh, and the Church of Newtown, in the County of Fermanagh. And the 1400 or 1500 at Belturbet, and the Inhabitants of Ardmagh and Loughgell, and those under the conduct of the Lord Mayo; and those 120 murther’d by the Mac-Swynes; as those who yielded the strong Castle of Cloghleigh (situate upon the Manningwater) to Richard Condon, who promised Quarter and a safe Convoy to Castelions, contrary to which, they were all of them either hang’d, kill’d, wounded, or kept Prisoners by him and his Company. In the same manner also he used a Party of the Earl of Barrimore’s Troop, who (having bravely maintain’d themselves in a House in Coole against his Forces) were by his Promise (on the Faith of a Soldier and a Christian) of a safe Conveyance to Castelions, contented to yield it up; but were immediately (upon their coming forth) murther’d: As some English Families, and the Garrison Soldiers at Sligo were used by O Connor Slygah, who (upon the quitting of their Holds) promis’d them Quarter, and to convey them over the Curlew Mountains in safety to Abbeyboyle or Roscommon; but he first imprison’d them in a most nasty Goal, allowing them onely Grains for their food, and afterwards (when the Rebels were merry with Company, that came to congratulate their Victory over these poor Creatures) those which survived were brought forth (by a Frier, O Connor’s Brother, and others) and kill’d, or precipitated over the Bridge into a swift Water, where they were presently destroy’d. And at Teagh-Temple, after the English and Scots (who retired thither, were not able longer to resist the Enemy) had yielded the Place, on Conditions to be brought in safe Conduct to Abbeyboil, were murther’d, hang’d, or buri’d alive: At which terrible sight, Mrs. Olyfant (a Ministers Wife) being great with Child, fell in Labour, but was still beat forward, till at last the Child slipt from her, and, what was horrible, she was forced to draw that poor Infant (and the Concomitants of such an accident) after her, till she died, with sport to them. The Story would be too long, should we mention those 140 taken forth to be sent for England, and drown’d at Portadown: or those numbers drawn to Florence Fitz-Patricks house, and there slain: Or those 60 and odd persons gathered together, on pretence of sending them to Clanhughboyes, drown’d by them: Or their perfidious breach of Quarter, as that of Captain Sanders, which we rather remit to future Story, not touching what they do in open War, but their putting the blood of War in their Girdles in the time of Peace. Though we must say, that when the Instructions for the Protestant Agents of Ireland came afterwards to be consider’d, great artifice there was, that the cruelties committed against the Protestants, after Quarter given, Promises and Oaths for security or safe Convoy, should be struck out. But no more of this.

The State considering these sad truths, and that none but a considerable Army was to appear abroad, they provided 4000 Foot, and 1500 Horse, to be sent out under the Command of the Earl of Ormond, Lieutenant General of the Army.

While Preparations were making for this Expedition, Sir Simon Harcourt (who loved always to be in action) the 26th. of March, 1642. took a small Party of men, and went out towards the County of Wickloe, where he found the Rebels had possessed themselves of a Castle, called Carrickmain, within four miles of Dublin; and seeing him draw near to it with those small Forces, and finding him to have no Artillery, so as their Walls were of sufficient strength to bear them out against any attempts he could make, they began to brave him from within, and to use reproachful signs from the top of the Castle, thereby to express their contempt and scorn of him. This his spirit was not well able to brook; and considering the Castle was not invincible, and that it would be very great advantage to the City of Dublin to remove so ill a Neighbour; and that with two Pieces of Battery he could take it (in some few hours) he sent presently away to the Lords Justices to acquaint them with his Design, and to desire them to send unto him the two Great Guns for the effecting of it. They very well approv’d his Design, and gave present order for the carrying them out, together with all necessaries and provisions fitting for the service. In the mean time, he took special care for the surrounding of the Castle, and disposing of his Men so, as they might prevent the Rebels issuing out: In which Service, Serjeant Major Berry (with 200 Fire-locks, viewing the Castle) was shot in his side, though he died not till eight days after of a Feaver. All things being put in order, whilst they attended the coming of the Great Peeces, (now on their way) Sir Simon Harcourt, with some of the Commanders, laid themselves down under the side of a little thatch’d house, standing near the Castle, (which they took as a shelter to keep off the Enemies bullets) from whence he suddainly rose up to call to the Souldiers, to stand carefully to their Arms, and to their Duties, in their several Stations; Which one of the Rebels (from within) perceiving, discharged his Piece at him, and shot him into his right breast, under the neck bone; and being so wounded, he was carried off, expressing his submission to the good hand of God, and much joy’d to pour out his last blood in that Cause; The pain of his Wound was so great, as they could not bring him to Dublin, but carried him to Mirian, a house of the Lord Fitz-Williams where the next day he died, to the great grief of the English, and the prejudice of the Service. His Lieutenant Colonel Gibson took the Command of that Party, and the great Guns being come, within the space of very few hours, made a breach sufficient for the Souldiers to enter, who, being mightily enraged with the loss of their most beloved Colonel, entred with great fury putting all to the Sword, sparing neither Man, Woman, or Child. The first Officer that led them on in the breach, was Robert Hammond, (Brother to Doctor Hammond, that famous and excellent Divine) Ensign to Sir Simon Harcourt, who carried himself very gallantly in this Service, and from thence return’d into England, where (in the ensuing War, by the several exploits he perform’d in the Reduction of the West of England, under the Command of the Parliament) he attain’d unto a very great Reputation, and one of the chief Commanders in their Army; And at the King’s coming to the Isle of Wight, was Governour of Carisbrook Castle, and of the Isle, and (upon his notice to the Parliament that the King was arriv’d there) had Command to attend his Majesty with Respect and Honour, with a promise that nothing should be wanting to defray the Kings expences, in which service (a ticklish task at that time) I do not find that he forfeited his trust, or otherwise demean’d himsélf, then was well accepted.

At the time that Sir Simon Harcourt went forth, the Lords Justices and Council, finding what ill Instruments the Priests continued to be, in kindling and fomenting the Rebellion, caused as many of them as were in Town to be seized on, who being put into French bottoms, were shipt into France.

By this time the intended preparations to march forth, under the Lieutenant General (the Earl of Ormond) were ready; The Design was to relieve several Places of strength, some besieged, others much distressed by their wants and necessities, but which way the Army was to march, or what Place they were first to go to, was kept as a secret; However the Army, Saturday the second of April, 1642. marched from Dublin towards the Naas, with 8000 Foot, and 500 Horse, arriving at Athy, the 5th. being 27 miles from Dublin; from whence they sent out several Parties to relieve Carlow, Marryburrough, Balinokill, the Burr, Caterlagh, Clogh-grevan, Ballylivan, and several other Castles and Towns then in distress, which they did without much opposition, releasing many Women, Children, and other unprofitable People, much incommoding those Places; Sir Patrick Weams, Captain of the Lieutenant Generals Troop, Captain Armstrong, Captain Yarner, Captain Harman, Captain Schout, Colonel Crafford, Sir Richard Greenvile, Sir Thomas Lucas, and Sir Charles Coote, in their several Commands, doing excellent service in their Relief of these Castles, and strong Holds; The last passing with no little danger through Mountrath Woods (whence Sir Charles Coote’s Heir had his title worthy his, and his Fathers merits) to Marryburrough, a Place of great consequence, seated amongst ill Neighbours.

Whilst these things were acting, the Rebels having gathered their Forces from Wickloe, Wexford, Caterlagh, Kildare, Queen’s County, Kilkenny, Tipperary, and West-Meath, on Easter Sunday, the 10th. of April, they displayed 40 Colours, within two miles of Athy, near the Barrow, (of which Colonel Crafford gave speedy intelligence) under the Command of the Lord Viscount Mountgarret, the Lieutenant General’s great Unkle, making of the old English and Irish near 10000 men, Horse and Foot; which the Lieutenant General perceiving, on the other side of the River of the Barrow, to have sent out some Horse near Tankardstown, over against Grangemellain; His Lordship return’d to Athy, giving out he would fight them the next day; but their numbers vastly exceeding his, and he, having done the service he went out for, thought it as honourable to retire to Dublin, in the face of them, with Sir John Bowen, Fitz-Girrald of Timoga, Richard Grace of Marryburrough, and Captain Crosby, Prisoners. But when they came to Black-hale-heath, between Kilrush and Rathmore, about 20 miles from Dublin, the Army of the Rebels drew up in a place of advantage, to hinder the passage of the English Army, having two great Ditches on each Wing, so high that we could see no more then the heads of their Pikes, and with such a hill before, (betwixt them and us) that we could scarce see their Colours, the wind also on their backs, and a great Bog a mile behind them. However the Lieutenant General called a Councel under a thorn hedge, (being loath to venture so gallant an Army on such disadvantages) but the English Commanders were all of opinion, they should be fought with, numbers making no difference, where the Cause was so good: in as much as Sir Charles Coote told them in few words, that he discern’d fear in the Rebels faces, as well as Guilt in their Persons, and that he thought they would hardly stay, till his Lordship had put his men in order for the battle, and therefore desired they might have presently Command to fall on, which indeed he was ever ready to obey before the Word was given, neither the matter nor the time now admitting of debate. Whereupon, Friday the 15th. of April, about 7 in the morning, the English Army marching, as if they would force their way to Dublin, leaving in and about Athy, Captain Erasmus Burrows, Captain Grimes, Captain Thomas Welden, and the two Captain Piggots, with their Companies, 300 whereof was part of our Army, which made ever now and then (as the Enemy halted) an halt, and resolving to fight the Enemy, drew up in that sort as did best agree with the Ground; Sir Charles Coote (who commanded in chief under his Lordship) had the ordering of the Foot; Sir Thomas Lucas of the right Wing of Horse, and Sir Richard Greenvile of the left; The Lieutenant-General having many Gentlemen with him, (who voluntarily followed him in that expedition) put them all in a Troop, under the Command of Major Ogle, a Reformade, (a worthy Person) and himself in the midst of the first rank of them, and so attended the Encounter; the Ordnance first began to play, but without much effect; The Rebels Army led by Mountgarret, Purcel Baron of Loghmo, Hugh-mac Phelim Birn, Lieutenant of the Leimster Forces, Colonel Toole, Sir Morgan Cavenagh, Colonel Morris Cavenagh, Arthur Caanaugh, Colonel Bagnall, the Lord Dunboyne, Colonel Roger Moore, was drawn up (as I have said) in a place of great advantage, upon the top of a hill, where there were but too narrow passages to come at them; yet our forlorn Hope (commanded by Captain Rochford) consisting of 150 Musketiers, making up the hill fiercely, discharged upon the Rebels, and was seconded by Captain Sandford, with his Fire-locks, Sir Charles Coote leading up the rest of the Foot with great celerity; Colonel Crafford in the Van, and Serjeant Major Pigot, excellently well discharging their Commands. But before these could come near them, our Horse both under Sir Thomas Lucas, and Sir Richard Greenvile, (one charging at one of the passages, the other at the other) fell in upon them, who would not stand the first shock, but fled presently, taking their flight to a great Bog not far from them, (a Sanctuary which the Irish in all their flights, chuse commonly to provide for themselves, and seldom fail to make use of it) and so the English gain’d this Victory without any considerable loss, or much hazard; whilst a body of 2000 Rebels, led by the Lord Viscount Mountgarret, and General Hugh Birn, wheeling about, thought to possess themselves of our Ordnance, Carriage, and Ammunition, which my Lord of Ormond perceiving, drew out one of his Divisions to attend that great Body, and with them and some Voluntier Horse, to the number of 30. which were then with his Lordship, (the rest following the execution) he faced that Body, and within a short time put them to rout: there were not above 600. some write 300, of the Irish slain, amongst which, there was the Lord of Dunboyn’s Brothers, the Lord of Ikernis Sons, and Colonel Cavenagh’s Heads, brought by the Souldiers to the Lieutenant General. The Enemy lost twenty Colours, many Drums, all their Powder and Ammunition, the Lord Mountgarrets Wain, drawn by 8 Oxen, where all his Provision was, his Sumpture, and the Lord of Ikernis Sumpture. Colonel Monk, who (by the quick flight of the Irish) was prevented from doing that service in the field he intended, followed with a Party of his Regiment, to the Bog which the Rebels had taken, which looked even black, (for their Apparel was generally black) being all cover’d over with them, and there began to fall upon them, as resolving upon a severe execution; But he was commanded to retire, having got Honour enough that day, and so the Army marched off the field confusedly, whereas that Victory (how just soever) is ill gloried in, which is the loss of Subjects. The Van of our Army lay that night at old Connel, the rest on the Corrough of Kildare, all in open field; arriving at Dublin the 17th. of April, where they were receiv’d by the Lords Justices and Council, with all imaginable demonstrations of Joy and Honour; The Lieutenant-General’s behaviour being presented to the King and Parliament, with the greatest advantage to his Person, as the business would afford: in as much as the Parliament voted 500£ to be bestowed in a Jewel, and to be sent him, as an honourable mark of the high esteem they had of him, for that days service, which was accordingly done, and brought to his Lordship, with a Letter of thanks from them, though I do not hear that he did ever place the Jewel or Letter in his Archive; Notwithstanding we find his Majesty takes notice, that he was the Person very well approv’d of by the two Houses of Parliament, so as the War of Ireland was still managed by his Care, and the future Concerns thereof intrusted to his vigilance, as the condition of his Majesties Affairs there, should be thought important: though it was not long before the Parliament entertain’d some jealousies, to the prejudice of his service against the Rebels, which (in reference to what was committed to his charge) never alter’d his Principles or Integrity.

In Connaght generally, the English Garrisons excellently well bestirr’d themselves, to the relief of their own, and neighbours streights; wherein Sir Charles Coot Junior, mov’d with much vigour and Integrity, often infesting the Rebels from Castle-Coot; he had frequent intelligence from the Marquiss of Clanrickard’s own hand (not daring to trust another, lest he might be betrayed) who being Governour of the County of Galloway, had Loghreogh and Portumna, his proper Inheritance to reside in, to which the English resorted with much security, and were indeed by him reliev’d with great Hospitality, to an incredible charge of his own Purse, hanging many (though of his own kindred) whom he found imbrued in Blood, greatly resenting the Barbarism and Inhumanity of the Irish; In as much as Hubert Boy Bourk, and Sir Ulick Bourk, his near Relations, preying on the English, he often frustrated by discovering, their Designs, and furnishing Sir Charles Coot from time to time, with supplies of Arms and Ammunition, to oppose them, and impoverish their Country: So that at last by the advice of Colonel Walsh and others, they erected a standing Camp near the Kreggs, to molest and pen up our Garrison of Castle-Coot, which being almost compleated, the Garrison issued out upon them, who receiv’d us with a good volly of Shot, which ours answer’d not, (according to command) till we came close to them; which being done with great resolution, their hearts fail’d them, and they betook themselves to the next Bog, which being at some distance, gave our Horse and Foot a fair opportunity to hew them down, before they could reach it; in which service Major Walsh behav’d himself well, with Courage and Rhetorick, endeavouring to make the Rebels stand, but in vain, he at length being forc’d to take the Bog for his own refuge, leaving in the Camp, Bread, Arms, Powder, Corn, Meal, &c. in great quantity, which being more then we could carry away, we were forced to burn. In the Spring following, Sir Charles Coot being inform’d of a good Prey of Cattle in the Barony of Athlone, towards Balniaslo, in the O Mores Country, he (with his Forces) adventur’d thither, got some Cattle, great quantity of Cloth, and other necessaries, killing many of their Souldiers in their beds; though in his return he was fought with by the Rebels, sculking in in-accessible Places, from whence he at last got free, with no small hazard to his Person, and loss to the Enemy; Major Sumner in this (as in the whole Siege of Castle-Coot, and other places in Connaght) doing excellent service, as Councellor, Engineer, and Souldier, worthily keeping his promise with one Kelly, a Gentleman of good Quality, and a kin to the Earl of Clanrikard, whom, begging his life, he saved, ransoming himself afterwards for 10.£ in money, ten barrels of Wheat, and as much Salt, which at the following Siege of Castle-Coot, proved of great value, being sold then at 2s. a Quart. After which in Easter week 1642. Sir Charles Coot attempted to relieve Athlone, and (after some small dispute) did it, though the access to the Place was such, as a few men might have been able to have stop’d 1000. he found his greatest difficulty was to fill up the trenches that the Enemy had made, as his Horse might have free access, which at last he compass’d, relieving the Place with what Cattle and other Provisions he got in his Expedition, not being a little startled, that by such a Troop as the President there had, and other Conveniencies, no more should have been before attempted. Nor had Roscommon, Tulsk, Elphin, Knockvicar, Abbeyboyle, Belanfad, Persons less active in their defence, even from the first surprizals of the Rebels, acting to amazement, when nothing but their own courage secur’d their Forts; though the last, for want of Water, was compell’d (after a long siege) to yield to the Rebels, after that the Governour’s two Brothers, (the Kings from Boyle) with Sir Charles Coot, had resolv’d to have reliev’d him; but at Carickdrumroosk, Sir Charles Coot having intelligence that his own Castle was assaulted, he was forced to retire back, and very happily prevented that Design in the nick of execution, though thereby the other Design was frustrated.

The 30th. of April, the Lords Justices and Council appointed a Fast to be observed monthly upon each Friday before the Sacrament, to continue until Declaration were made to the contrary, for the wonderful discovery of the late Plot against the State and true Religion, as for the happy and prosperous success which God in his mercy had given his Majesties Forces against the Rebels, and for the avoiding Gods just indignation for the future.

Upon the return of our Forces from the Battle of Kilrush, within few days, Philip Sidney, Lord Viscount Lisle, eldest Son to the Earl of Leicester, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, landed at Dublin, (his Regiment having arriv’d before.) He was a Member of the House of Commons in England, and by them recommended to his Father, to be made Lieutenant-General of the Horse in Ireland, though very young. Assoon as he landed (being desirous to put himself upon action,) he undertook the relieving of the Lady of Offalia; (Relict of Sir Robert Digby) who (upon the most insolent Menaces of the Rebels,) had return’d a noble answer, seconding that (though then very aged) with an unparallel’d and gallant defence, besieged in her Castle of Gheshell in the Kings-County, by a numerous company of Rebels, in a place of most difficult access, by reason of the Bogs and Woods which encompassed it on every side.

The Rebels Letter to the Lady Offalia, at Gheshel.

Honourable,

We his Majesties loyal Subjects, being at present imployed in his Highnesses Service, for the taking of this your Castle, you are therefore to deliver unto us free possession of your said Castle, promising faithfully, that your Ladyship, together with the rest in the said Castle restant, shall have a reasonable Composition; otherwise upon the not yielding of the Castle, we do assure you, that we will burn the whole Town, kill all the Protestants, and spare neither Man, Woman, nor Child, upon taking the Castle: Consider (Madam) of this our offer, and impute not the blame of your own folly unto us, think not that here we brag; Your Ladyship upon submissiion shall have a safe Convoy to secure you from the hands of your Enemies, and to lead you where you please. A speedy Reply is desired with all expedition, and thus we surcease.

Henry Dempsy.
Charles Dempsy.
Andr. Fitz. Patrick.
Con. Dempsy.
Phelim Dempsy.
John Vicars.
James Mac Donnel.

Superscrib’d, To the Honourable and thrice Vertuous Lady, the Lady Digby:
These Give.

The Lady Offalia her Answer to the Rebels. Superscrib’d, For her Cousin Henry Dempsy, and the Rest.

I Receiv’d your Letter, wherein you threaten to sack this my Castle, by his Majesty’s Authority. I am and ever have been a loyal Subject, and a good Neighbour amongst you, and therefore cannot but wonder at such an Assault. I thank you for your offer of a Convoy, wherein I hold little safety; and therefore my resolution is, that being free from offending his Majesty, or doing wrong to any of you, I will live and die innocently, and will do my best to defend my own, leaving the issue to God; and though I have been, and still am desirous to avoid the shedding of Christian Blood, yet being provoked, your threats shall no whit dismay me.

Lettice Offalia.

Sir Charles Coot accompanied the Lord Lisle in this Action, which, with 120 Foot and 300 Horse, was perform’d without much difficulty, the Rebels not daring to attend their Approaches to the Castle in a Body, but made little skirmishes from the Bogs as they passed along. In their way they took in the strong Fort of Phillips-Town in Kings-County, which was built upon a Pass in a Countrey, almost inaccessible in the former Wars, and kept always by the English against the Irish; but the Rebels, having by Treachery surprized this, (as they had done most of the other Places of Ireland) it was now taken from them by this small Party under the Lord Lisle, with their Pistols and Muskets, the swiftness of their March, and the illness of the Way, not admitting any other Artillery, such an Enemy not much needing it.

Being now upon their return to Dublin, understanding that the Lord Gormanston, and other Lords and Gentlemen of the Pale, had gather’d a considerable Force together about Trym, the Lord Lisle (by the advice of Sir Charles Coote) turn’d his March that way with that small company. When they came near the Town, they saw those Lords at no great distance from them, but in such a posture as shewed they intended not to fight; and so facing about, they marched directly into the Town of Trym, which was a Place of very inconsiderable strength, but pleasantly situated upon the River of the Boyne, in an open Champion Countrey, and incompassed with a stone-Wall so old and ruinous, as afforded (in some places of it) entrance to Horse, over the heaps of rubbish, that lay instead of the Wall. The Lord Lisle approach’d with those Forces to the Town, and Sir Charles Coote finding a place where he could get in some of his Horse, brought them on, and got them in without opposition, the Lords of the Pale resolving, of their dis-ability, to keep that Town, (though they had treble the number of the Assailants) quitted it, and march’d out in some hast, while the Lord Lisle’s Horse enter’d in: so as they became Masters of the Town without the loss of one Man, and finding it a Place of great advantage, situated in the most plentiful part of the Rebel’s Quarters, they resolv’d to make a Garrison of it. And for this Reason Sir Charles Coote got the Lord Lisle to go to the Lords Justices at Dublin, and acquaint them with the success they had had, and the great benefit which might redound to the service of the State, if they would think fit to send them down Moneys to fortifie that Place, and a Regiment of Foot to keep it.

The Lord Lisle (willing to improve all Arguments that might secure the present Affair) took some of his Horse to guard him to Dublin, and soon acquainted their Lordships with the Concern, pressing the Business with all advantages imaginable, whilst the Rebels having notice (the day following) of his repair to Dublin, (no Business being carried so private, as they had not soon intelligence thereof) gathered all their Forces together, and having near 3000 Men, they came (in the dead of the Night) to the very Walls of Trym, before they were discerned, thinking to surprize it. But the Sentinels gave the Alarm, and Sir Charles Coote (who never us’d to go to Bed when he was abroad) was the first that took it, and having his Horse ready, presently mounted, but could not (at the instant) get above 17 Horse with him; with these, however, he goes to the Gates, knowing that expedition was not only the life of Action, but must (at that time) be the only means of their preservation. He issued out, and fac’d the Enemy, very numerous, making their approaches towards them, some few more Horse re-inforcing his strength: He charged the first Troop of the Rebels that came towards him, routing them immediately, and following on, (upon their disorder) charg’d their main Body, which presently began to grow loose, which he perceiving, so vigorously charg’d in amongst them, as they all betook themselves to flight, and he (having now more Men come out of the Town) pursued them with great alacrity, doing singular execution with his own hands. And as he was encouraging his Men, (bravely to pursue their flying Enemy) he was unfortunately shot in the Body (as it was thought) by one of his own Troopers, whether by design or accident was never known, it being (for many months after his death) generally reported, and as generally believed, that He was accidentally slain by one of the flying Rebels, who in despair turn’d about and discharg’d his Musket at him. And this end had this gallant Gentleman, who began to be so terrible to the Enemy, as his very Name was formidable to them: His Body was brought to Dublin, and there inter’d with great solemnity, floods of English tears accompanying him to his Grave: After whose death, and Sir Simon Harcourt’s, the Fate of the English Interest in Ireland seem’d eclips’d, if not buried; the great Artifice being then (under several pretences) to keep the Souldiers within their Garrisons, to consume the Provisions and Stores they had, or else to lead them forth without any considerable service till the Battle of Ross.

About the beginning of June, 1642. came over some Regiments, under the Conduct of Sir Foulk Hunks, and Lieutenant Colonel Kirk, who brought over the Regiment design’d for the Lord Rannelagh; whereupon two Regiments were immediately dispatch’d for Connaght, and accompanied thither by the Lord Lieutenant, who in that Expedition, took by storm, Knocklinch, a strong Castle of Mr. Linches, the besieged, except Women, (not accepting of Quarter) were put to the sword; and Trimbleston, a Castle of the Lord Trimbleston’s, quitted on the former’s success, as Kymkelf, a fair Castle of the Lord Nettervile’s, and divers other Castles: And upon his approach towards Athlone, Sir James Dillon (who had besieged it ever since Christmass) ran away; so that the Lord President, with about 50 Horse, and some 200 Foot, met the Lieutenant General 5 miles from Athlone; and after an hour or two’s stay in the Field, the Earl of Ormond took leave of the Lord President, leaving at his departure a Regiment for the President himself, and another under Sir Michael Earnly, Sir Abraham Shipman, and Sir Bernard Ashley, and two Troops of Horse, with which Forces the Lord President might have subdued all Connaght, except Galloway. But he, instead of imploying such brave Men abroad, while the Summer lasted, kept them at home on short and rotten Commons, whereby most of them were famish’d, or contracted mortal Diseases, and were presently so enfeebled, that the tenth Man was hardly able to march. In the mean time, all almost that had fought against him of his Neighbours, were receiv’d under Contribution, which was never paid, nor Victuals brought in for his Men, though the Countrey yet abounded in Corn and Cattle; so that the Garrison of Castle-Coot, for meer pity, baked Bread, and sent them many Cart-fulls thereof, bringing away in their empty Carts many of their sick Men, that they might not perish. And yet at last the General (the Lord President) was perswaded to draw out his Men to service, besieging Ballagh Castle, in the mid-way between Roscommon and Athlone, wherein he made a breach, and commanded a Party to storm it. The Rebels killed many of our Men that day by shot, besides what perish’d by Stones, and other Materials thrown from the top of the Castle; the Night afterwards the Rebels stole to a Bog, not far distant, through the negligence of our Guards, and left us the Castle. The next Exploit of my Lord President, was (with the remnant of the two English Regiments, and what could be spared out of our Garrisons thereabouts) a March towards Balintober, to which he was provoked by the Enemy, and stimulated on by his own Party, impatient of further delays. O Conner Dun of Balintober, ever since his Son was taken, till now, (that is the middle of July, 1642.) had acted nothing, though the tacit Votes of the Province did seem to own him as their King, Prince, Roy telel, or what Name of Supremacy in that Province could be greatest; who seeing that those Forces which were sent from England, to the Lord President, to subdue that Province, (which at first much frighted the Rebels) had done nothing of moment, through a supine negligence, if not worse, and were much less considerable than those Forces which we had before, he began to awake out of his Ale and Aqua-vitae, and to call in Subjects to help him, out of all the Parts of Connaght; but above all that came to joyn with him, none were more forward, or came in greater numbers, than the County of Maio-Men, and the rather, because in all the Conflicts of Connaght with the English, few of that great County came to fight with us. They drew together 1800 or 2000 Foot, and 160 Horse, and more had joyn’d with them, if we had defer’d to visit them. It was therefore adjudged necessary by the Lord President, Sir Charles Coot, Sir Mich. Earnly, Sir Abraham Shipman, Sir Edw. Povey, Sir Bernard Ashley, and others of the Council of War, That we should draw out all the Men, sick or sound, that were able to march, and march to Balintober. It was a wonder to see with what alacrity and courage, our new-come English put themselves on this service, even they that were ready to die, (as divers of them did on the way) rejoycing that they might expire, doping their Countrey the best service they could, as Souldiers, and not as Dogs on a Dunghil. Our March that day was from Roscommon, through Molinterim, and over the Hill of Oran, near Clalby, which is little more than 2 miles from Balintober; from thence we might see the Enemy coming with all speed to meet us. The Lord President was of opinion that our Forces should retreat, and commanded it; but the rest were otherwise resolv’d, and without his Orders drew on towards the Rebels, whilst he washed his hands from what evil might accrew. Our Commanders as they march’d, agreed how to order their Men, and on what piece of Ground; but the Enemy came on so fast, that they could not gain the Ground desired, which made the Work on our part more difficult, for all the way on that Hill, till we come near Balintober, is boggy, with great long Heath in all places, very unfit for Horse-service. However, when the Rebels came near us, Captain Rob. King with his Troop (well mounted, and well arm’d with Back and Brest, and as well disciplin’d as any in Ireland) was commanded to pass by their Front to their left Flank, as Sir Charles Coot, and Sir Edw. Povey, with the rest of their Troops, being before, nearer to the top of that ridge of Ground, were almost past, that they might make way for our forlorn Hope of Musketiers, to play in the Front of their great Body of Pikes coming on. Captain Rob. King (an old Souldier) in executing of this, saw (by the badness of the Ground he march’d on, and by the Rebels haste to come up) that he should not, without disorder, get by the left Point of this Battalia, gave order to his Men to fire in flank all at once, when they should be close up with the Point of the Battalia, over one another’s Horses Manes, which was a thing seldom heard of or practised, yet was no new thing either to him or his, for he had taught them this, amongst other Points of War he had long nurtur’d them in, which they exactly perform’d, when he was come within two Pikes lengths of the Enemy, with their Carbines. At which time our forlorn Hope of Foot being come up, fired with excellent success on that part of the Front that lay to the right hand; so that by this unexpected way of firing by the Horse, (timely assisted by the Foot) the Enemy was soon put into disorder, with the loss of many Men; which breach Captain King soon apprehending, and finding the Pikes of the fall’n Men to have intangled and galled others, he rush’d in with his Horse, and breaking the left corner of the Battalia, so amazed the Rebels, as they fell into disorder, who (quitting their Pikes all at once) made a great noise, and began to run; but before their running, (that was almost as soon as Captain King was got into their Front) Sir Charles Coot and Sir Edward Povey charg’d them in the Flank with their Troops, with which they had kept the upper Ground, on purpose to encounter with the 160 Horse of the Rebels; and to them was Captain Robert King drawing to second them, or to fall into the Flank of this Battalia, (which he had new broken) but the Rebels Horse fled before they were able to come near, and therefore they had leisure to fall into the Flank of the Foot. This Battalia of Pikes was supposed to be 1200. They had 1000 Musketeers, which either by bad way, or staying longer than the other, for to receive Ammunition, were not come up to begin the Battel, but were within Musket-shot, who also ran for company. Our men pursued, and killed most of them, but were commanded not to come too near Balintober, where the Credulous were to believe, some had seen beyond the Castle another great Body of Men; so as not pursuing this Victory, we lost the benefit of it. In this Battel there was a young Gentleman on the Irish side, who very gallantly behav’d himself, after that his Party was fled, getting to the corner of a Ditch, where with his Pike he withstood the encounter of five Horse that had spent their shot, till an Agantick Soldier of the English getting within him, slew him. And amongst the dead, one pulling a Mountero from the head of one, there fell down long Tresses of flaxen hair, who being further search’d, was found a Woman. After this, the President consider’d what was to be attempted; and it was resolv’d to go into the County of Galloway. But as in all other Designs, many Objections were alledg’d, and the Lord President with a few, accompani’d with the Marquis of Clanrickard, went to Galloway, before which the Lord Forbes (Lieutenant General under the Lord Brook) was come (the 9th. of August, 1642.) to besiege the Town with a Fleet; and having taken possession of the Abbey near adjoyning, landed many of his Battering Guns. But before he attempted any thing (according to his Commission) he first advised with the present Governour, (the Lord of Clanrickard) affectionate to his Majesties Service. As the Town seem’d to be placing his Majesties Colours on the top of their Tower, charging Captain Willoughby (Governour of the Fort) with the breach of Pacification, (an Agreement, it seems, assented to by the State) though in vindication of himself, he and Captain Ashley alledg’d much: Great straits he had been put to, though at length happily reliev’d by the Earl of Clanrickard, when he was closely Beleaguer’d, together with the Archbishop of Tuam (Richard Boyle) and his Family, besides 36 Ministers, 26 of which serv’d as Soldiers, and did their Duty. After all, the Lord Forbes being by the Town, the Earl of Clanrickard, and the President of Connaght (with whom he had had several ineffectual Conferences) daily delay’d in what he endeavour’d to give Captain Willoughby satisfaction in, prepar’d to make his approach to the Town; but not being strengthen’d by any supply he could get from the Lord President, or Sir Charles Coot, and dishearten’d by Captain Willoughby, in that every House in the Town was a Fort, he drew off, being perswaded to a Composition to be paid in Money within two months, which he never got. And at the Lord Presidents return to Athlone, the Soldiers Mutini’d, both Officers and Soldiers offering to go to Dublin; but the Common Soldiers being very weak, not able to draw into a considerable Body, (the Irish Kerns killing all sick and fainty persons, that could not accompany the Body of the Army) that intent for the present was deferr’d; though not long after they return’d with Sir Richard Greenvile, whose seasonable relief, and the Battel of Raconnel, will be mention’d in its due place. Whilst the Lord Forbes sail’d up Limerick River, relieving some Places, and without much opposition took in Fits-Geralds (the Knight of the Valley, or Glyn) Castle, furnish’d with all Utensils and Provisions for a Family.

About the 20th. of June, 700 Foot, and two Troops of Horse, under the Command of Colonel Gibson, went into Wickloe, where the Rebels not daring to face them, they got much Prey, burnt many Villages, and return’d with success.

The Kings affairs now growing every day more straitned in England than other, Sir Lewis Kirk at Court withdrew Sir Henry Stradling and Kettleby from guarding the Irish Coast, whereby presently after there came in both Arms and Ammunition in great quantities to Wexford; as also several Irish Commanders, as Preston, Cullen, Plunket, and others, who having been Colonels in France, were readily entertain’d there, much to the heartning of the Rebels.

However, in Ulster, the 28th. of June, Sir Robert Stewart and Sir William Stewart (Persons deserving excellently well of the State) near Raphoe, got a considerable Victory over the Rebels under Sir Phelim O Neal, slaying near 2000 of them, though much inferiour in number, Arms, and Ammunition; whilst Monroe sought them towards the Newry, but had not so good luck to encounter them, as he had the 23d. of May preceding, when he gave the Irish Committee of the Parliament of England this account, That with 2000 Foot and 300 Horse, he beat Owen Mac-Art O Neal, Sir Phelim O Neal, and Owen Mac-Art the General’s Son, being all joyn’d together with their Forces, and forced them to return upon Charlemont: after quitting the Generals house to be spoil’d and burnt by them, with the whole Houses in Louhgall, being the best Plantation in Ulster, and straightest for defence of the Rebels.

Thus in some places whilst we find the War succeeded, the Lords Justices in the midst of August, suspecting Preston’s Forces should increase, and (according to the resolution of the Parliament at Kelkenny) should first gain the Out-Garrisons, and then besiege Dublin, were forced to require the Lord Conway to come unto their aid with 3000 Foot, and all the Horse he could procure, to prosecute the War in Leimster: Who return’d an Answer, That their Companies were so weak, they could not draw them together; and that the Rebels (having then receiv’d new Supplies) were strong, and that he was engag’d to meet the Earl of Leven (the Scots General) to encounter Owen O Neal, with all the Forces he could get. Thus that Province reserved to it self its own strength, not coming in, as by the Tenth Article with the Parliament of England the Scots were engaged to.

In Munster the Scene was hot; for the Parliament of England having sent over (as into Leimster) several Regiments of Foot, and some Troops of Horse unto Sir William St. Leger, Knight, who (having long serv’d in the Low-Countreys with singular reputation) was, some years before the Rebellion, made Lord President of Munster; a Command he discharg’d with much vigilance and courage, in as much as the Enemy now fear’d no man more: What he did upon the first breaking out of the Rebellion, (in hope to have stopt its current in that Province) we have already mention’d, and should have told you, that the State (to impower him thereunto) admitted him to raise a Regiment of Foot, consisting of 1000 men, and two Troops of Horse, 60 to each Troop; which afterwards (besides the supplies mention’d) were listed in his Majesties Musters, with Pay accordingly. But the Design being general, Munster (at length) was as well disturb’d as the rest of the Kingdom; Cashel, Clonmel, Dungarvan, and Featherd, with other Places, were all (on an easie summons) soon yielded to the Rebels, raging through the Countrey; which the Lord President endeavour’d to suppress, as far as those small Forces he had with him would admit, resolving near Redsheard to have given them Battle, having (at that time) in his company the Earl of Barrymore, the Lord Dungarvan, the Lord Broghil, Sir Hardress Waller, Sir Edward Denny, Serjeant Major Searl, Sir John Brown, Captain William Kingsmil, with 600 Foot, and 300 Horse. But the Rebels on the other side the Mountain privately avoided them, though four to one; and getting to Cashel, held there a general Rendezvous; from whence Mountgarret went with his Forces to Kilmallock, a Town treacherously surrendred to the Rebels (a little before) on demand, situated on the Frontiers of the County of Limmerick towards Cork, environ’d with a strong Wall, which held out Loyally for the Crown all Tyrone’s Wars, though sometimes strongly besieged, and highly distressed. And the 9th. of February, 1641. he went to Butavant, where the Gentry from all parts appear’d. It is an antient Town, belonging to the Earl of Barrimore, in the Barony of Orrory, an old Nest of Abbots, Friers, and Priests. There the General Mountgarret exercis’d his greatness with reserv’d gravity and distance, so as none, except Serjeant Major Purcel (who had now joyn’d himself with the Confederates, contrary to the expectation the Lord President had of him) were admitted to any Command in the Army, more then they had over the Men they brought with them. However, Mountgarrets Forces infinitely increas’d, so as the Lord President (to secure Cork) thought it most convenient to retreat thither, whilst Mountgarret, the 11th. of February, lodges his Forces in Moyallo, (brought thither by Serjeant Major Walsh) the Inheritance of Captain William Jephson, a Town containing one Street of near 200 English Houses, thirty whereof were strongly built and Slated, having at the South-end thereof a very fair and pleasant House, called, The great Castle, committed to the charge of Arthur Betesworth, with 200 Men, Arms, and Ammunition convenient, and one Iron Piece of Ordnance, with two Curriers, whereof they made good use and advantage. And at the North-end of the Town stood another strong Castle, called, The short Castle, excellently well afterwards defended by Lieutenant Richard Williamson, who, after many Breaches in the Wall, the best Assaults Serjeant Major Purcel could make, and the loss of many Men, was given over, though at length yielded out of necessity, on terms never perform’d; though the remarkable stoutness of Lieutenant Williamson was such, as he (finding the Rebels to faulter in what they had promised) resolutely getting up a Sword, vowed to be the death of those who should hinder his and his Parties repair to the other Castle, never yielded by Betesworth; which (being resolutely and on a sudden done) struck such a fear in the Rebels, as Williamson and his Party were all admitted to go to the Great Castle with what they had, which was not irreparably rifled from them by the Rebels. And shortly after, the Rebels having some aiery rumors of the Lord Presidents Forces to fall upon them, Mountgarret march’d thence with his Army, the Lord Muskery (notwithstanding all his fair pretences to the President) being now come to the Rebels, which was a great strengthning to that Party, he having a considerable Estate, and much Money left him by a miserable Father; whilst it may be thought, the Lord Roch, Mac-Donnogh, and others, (being brought to great straits) could not worsen, but might advance their Estates by the Rebellion. Many were much concern’d, that the Lord Mountgarret would go from Moyallo, leaving the Countrey to be govern’d by themselves; a great contest arising amongst them who should be Chief, Serjeant Major Purcel (Baron of Loghmo) challenging the Generalship of that Province: But the Heads of the Confederacy meeting at the Lord Muskery’s House, (to avoid contention about Superiority) there resolved, that none of the Gentry of the County should bear any Office in the Army; but that one Garret Barry (who had long serv’d under the King of Spain, and was reputed a good Soldier) should be General, and the Lord Muskery, and some other prime and select Men, should be call’d, The Council of War; so that that difference at the present was composed. And this doughty General mustering up his Forces, hover’d about Cork, without any Attempt worth notice; whilst other parts of the Irish Army visited Lismore, the Cattle in and about that Place being driven away by Colonel Richard Butler. The 23d. of February, Mr. Richard Bealing summon’d the Castle; but the Lord Broghil, whom neither Promises nor Threats could work any thing upon, told them, That he knew not what Quarter meant, daring him to the Assault as soon as he would; which He threatned within half an hour after: But intelligence being brought, that Sir Charls Vavasor was landed at Youghal with 1000 Men, the Enemy fled to Dungarvan; and the Lord President determining to look abroad, advanced with that Regiment, and the Lord Broghil’s, and Captain Courtney’s Troop of Horse, towards Talloe, hoping to surprize Colonel Richard Butler; but being disappointed (Intelligence flying swifter than our March) he set forward towards Dungarvan, burning the Countrey as he went, being in all 2000 Horse and Foot, taking order, that a Peece of Artillery should be brought him from Cork by Sea; and, having slain many of the Enemy in Talloe, he burnt the Town, and so went forward to Dungarvan; and coming to it the 3d. of March, 1641. sent a Summons; but they refusing, (and setting out a Flag of Defiance) he with his Men violently entred the Town, and upon the 5th of March took the Castle, giving the Enemy Quarter. He put a Ward of 40 Musketeers into the Castle, under the Command of Lieutenant Rosington, from whom the Enemy not long after surpriz’d it. The Lord Broghil, the Lord Barrymore, marching each of them afterwards on several Expeditions, happily succeeded, taking in divers Castles, as Tourin the 8th. of March, which the Lord Broghil burnt; and Bally-Mac-Patrick, standing upon the Black-water, which the Earl of Barrimore shortly after burnt; meeting now and then with the Enemy, on whom they did good execution: As did Captain Jephson in the relief of Rathgogan, and taking in of Balliha; as also in the Encounter, he and Lieutenant Downing had with the Enemy at his return, where he slew 150 of them: The like success he had in taking in Ballynageragh, Sir Philip Purcival’s Castle. Not long after, Captain Sherlock, Head of the Waterford Rebels, amounting to 700, endeavouring to take Cappaquin, guarded by Captain Hugh Crocker with a hundred men, was in the streets killed, and his Forces routed. The 3d. of July, 1642. the Lord Broghil, with 60 Horse, and 140 Foot, went to fetch off Sir Richard Osborn from his Castle of Knockmone, in the County of Waterford, six miles from Lismore, who in his advance thither, burnt and destroy’d the Rebels Quarters, though in his return towards Lismore, he sent his Scouts to descrie the Enemy, suspecting they should way-lay them, as indeed they did, setting themselves in Battalia in a Field near unto Cappaquin, having a little half-Grove at their backs; upon which the English perceiv’d, that there was no way to secure themselves, but by making their way with the Sword, and therefore put their Men in the best posture they could, the Enemy playing very hard upon them: upon which the Lord Broghil resolutely encountred them with his Horse, whilst Captain Stephen Brodrip led on his Foot in an orderly and well-compacted Body, galling them on all sides so effectually with his Musketeers, that the Enemies Horse and Foot were soon put to flight, with the loss of one onely man of ours, and at least 200 of theirs, besides two of their best Captains, who died the next day, though their Horse carried them off then. This was the first pitcht Battel since the Rebellion in Munster; and had the Enemy succeeded, Cappaquin, Lismore, and some other Places would have been an easie Prey. Not long after, the Earl of Barrymore took in, upon Quarter, the strong Castle of Cloghleagh in the County of Cork, the Inheritance of Sir Richard Fleetwood, who admitted Sir Arthur Hide to keep it, but most treacherously he left it to be surprized by Condon, whose Ancestors had been formerly the Proprietors of it; (an insolent Rebel, as his Predecessors were before him.) Afterwards the Lod Dungarvan, and the Lord Broghil, summoning the Castle of Ardmore, in the County of Waterford, belonging to the Bishop of Waterford, after some petty boasts to withstand the utmost hazard, it was yielded the 21 of August, 1642. on Mercy, Women and Children being spared, but 140 Men were put to the Sword: into which Castle they afterwards put a Ward. And here I might give you a Diary of Passages concerning his Majesties Fort of Dunganon, the Lord Esmond (an old experienc’d Soldier) being Governour thereof, to its surrender the 4th. of August, 1642. to the Rebels, at which time it was yielded up upon Quarter for Life and Goods: Serjeant Major Flin, accompanied with Captain Cronyne, entering thereupon; Flin protesting, that he had a Commission for that end, and in taking of it, resolv’d to keep it against the Puritans, his Majesties Enemies; otherwise he and the rest loved the English, and thereupon setled the Lord Roch in the possession of the same, and the rest of Mr. Courtney’s Estate. To which I might add the Siege of the Castle of Limerick, Captain George Courtney Constable, from the 15th. of January, 1641. to its surrender to the Rebels the 23 of June, 1642. in which time many memorable accidents happen’d, worthy the besieged. As of Bonrattie, under the Earl of Thomond; Rosmanagher, possess’d by Christian Powel; as of Cappagh, defended by Francis Morton; as of Dromline, kept by Edward Fenner; or should we particularly take or give you a Diary of the Passages of the Ward of Michaels-town to the Cessation, and of the Services of Knockmone, Sir Richard Osborn’s Castle. But we are scanted in time, as we should be more, should we take notice of the Siege of the Castle of Archerstown, in the County of Tipperary, commanded by Henry Peisly Esq, from the 1st. of December, 1641. to its surrender to Purcell, Baron of Loghmo. As also should we insist on the Siege of Rathbarry-Castle, in the County of Cork, Arthur Freek Owner thereof, and Commander in Chief, from the 14th. of February, 1641, to the 18th. of October following, when Sir Charles Vavasor Baronet, and Captain Jephson, fetch’d them off safe to Bandon, firing the Castle and its Appurtenances. As also the Rebels taking in of the Castle Dundede, the 14th. of February, 1641. as also Dunowen shortly after. As also of their taking in of the Castles of Traley, Clare Castle, Clonelowane, and 26 others in the County of Clare, whose name, with their Governours, would be too tedious to rehearse. Not to particularize the Siege of the Castle of Asketon, in the Barony of Conello, in the County of Limrick, William Eams Seneschal, from the midst of November, 1641. to the 14th. of August, 1642. when it was surrendred (upon Conditions) to Patrick Purcel of Croe, Lieutenant General of the Rebels. To which we might add the Siege of Castle Matrix, in the Parish of Raceele, in the Barony and County foremention’d, beginning the last of April, 1642. by Morrice Herbert the Younger, and was yielded up to the Rebels in October following. As also the Castle Loegar, William Weekes and Richard Hart Constables, so appointed by the Lord President St. Leger, the 18th. of March, 1641. to its surrender. And amongst the rest, (omitting many whom we have not time to insist on) we might particularize the passages of the Siege of the Castle of Kilfinny, in the County of Limrick, the Lady Dowdall Commandress, and Owner of the Castle, which after forty weeks resistance, (in that time behaving her self, in several Encounters, with more than Amazon courage, and exemplary conduct) was delivered up to the Rebels, she being reduc’d to the uttermost extremities: which particularly to insist upon, would extend this to a Volume beyond my leisure, though I will not say, the Readers content, which they (as well as persons interessed in the excellent management of those and other affairs) must favourably pass over, it being safer (in general) to name them, than (not particularly) to express their actions, deserving a History; which the imperfect information (I could hitherto reach to) rather wounds than illustrates. Yet that from Hercules his Foot, the success and courage of the English may be drawn, accept of an Abbreviate of Sir William Cole’s Services with his Regiment, consisting of 500 Foot, and one Troop of Horse, out of his Garrison of Eniskillin, perform’d in the Counties of Fermanagh, Tyrone, Monaghan, Cavan, Leytrim, Sligoe, and Donegall, since the 23d. of October, 1641.

Swordmen of the Rebels, kill'd in several Fights and Skirmishes, that account hath been taken of2417
Starv'd and Famish'd of the Vulgar sort, whose Goods were seiz'd on by this Regiment7000
English and Scotch Protestants rescued from bondage, and reliev'd by this Regiment5467
Colours taken from the Rebels in those Fights0013
Drums (with some Arms) taken from them0011
Boats taken from them in Loghearn and Loghmelvie0027
Cotts broken and sunk there0109
Islands taken and clear'd in Loghearn0365
in Loghmelvie0006
Leather Boats or Curaghs taken from them by Sea-service at Tel­linhead and Loghearn0010
Boats gain'd there by Sea from them by this Regiment0005
Castles taken from the Rebels0004

Viz. The Castle of Newportown, Castle Atkinson, Castle Knockballymore, Castle Hasset, alias Crewmish.

After this rate the English (in all parts) fought, so as indeed the Rebels (by the War they had commenc’d) lost in the general many Men, and much of their substance, as a Judgment upon their Design and Treachery.

And here we cannot but mention Sir Frederick Hamilton, who had a Garrison of Horse and Foot at Mannor Hamilton, in the County of Leytrim in Connaght, by which he perform’d frequently excellent service against the Rebels, never attempting them or their Quarters but with singular success; as at Sligoe, about the 1st. of July, he enter’d and burnt the Town, freed many Protestants, slew in the streets 300 of the Irish, and in his return encounter’d Owen O-Rork from Cavan, who besieged his Castle (in the interim) with 1000 men, which he clear’d of the Rebels without any considerable loss to himself, but much to the Enemy: a Diary of which, even from the 23d. of October, 1641. to the end of the ensuing year, I have read with much satisfaction. And had not some differences happen’d betwixt Sir William Cole and him (the one not liking a Superiour, the other an Equal) their concurrence might have been more fatal to the Enemy; though, apart, they did what became worthy men.

We have declared how the excellent management of Affairs in Munster (by the Lord President and his Assistants) kept all things in some reasonable temper, (though the English were much despoil’d, and driven out of their habitations in several Places, by their Irish Neighbours) until the Battel of Kilrush before mention’d: When the Lord Mountgarret, and others of the Rebels Commanders (having had ill success there) fell back with all the Forces they could make into Munster, and there wasted the Countrey with Fire and Sword, making that Province a seat of the War, coming down even to the very Walls of Cork with great Forces; not far from whence the Confederates, promising General Garret Barry, with the consent of his Council of War, (the Lord Muskery and others) planted his Camp at Rochforts Town, holding thereby Cork (in a manner) besieg’d on the North-side; whilst my Lord Roch, the Lord of Ikern, Dunboin, the Baron of Loghmo, Mr. Richard Butler, with the Tipperary Forces, were drawing down on the South, till by the valour of those few English then in Town, (viz. the Lord Inchiquin, Col. Vavasor, and 400 Musketeers, and 90 Horse) they were beaten off, with the loss of 200 of their Men, their Tents, and whole Bag and Baggage being taken. In the whole Service, Sir William St. Leger (as long as he had health) was active with the meanest Officers of the Army, doing many times a private Soldiers duty, as well as a careful Generals. But finding at length the Rebels multitudes to increase, and his Men to decay, (even in being victorious) and the Supplies of Men and Money with Provisions (which he expected out of England) to come over very slowly, and far short of what the necessities of that Province required; well understanding too the difference then in England betwixt his Majesty and the Parliament, and what were the designs of some, putting fair Glosses on the Rebellion of Ireland, which his Soul apprehended as one of the most detestable Insurrections of the World: These things so troubled his Spirit, as being discouraged in the desperate undertakings, necessity, and the honour of his Nation put him daily upon, so deep an impression fixed in his mind, as the distemper of his body increasing, he wasted away, and died at his house at Downrallie, four miles from Cork, in the County of Cork, 1642. and was there buried; a little before whose death, he writ (the second of April, 1642.) a most significant Letter to the Lord Lieutenant touching the Affairs of that Province, and his utter detestation of the Rebels Remonstrance (sent him after a motion made for a Cessation) which he would have seconded with further testimony of his aversion to their insolency, as would have tended much to their dis-encouragement, had he been enabled with any reasonable strength so to have done.

The Command of the Forces in this Province was, after the death of Sir William St. Leger, for the present (by the Lords Justices and Council) committed to the Lord Inchequin, who had married his Daughter, and (during his Father in Law’s life) had shewed himself very forward in several Services against the Rebels: He was a meer Irish-man, of the antient Family of O-Brian’s, but bred up a Protestant, and one that had given good testimony of the truth of his Profession, as his hatred and detestation of his Countrey-mens Rebellion; and having match’d into the Lord President’s Family, was held the fittest Person to cast the Command upon, till there were another Lord President made by the King, or he confirm’d by his Majesty in that Province. In the mean time, the Lord Inchequin takes some opportunity, and having beaten the Rebels Forces at the Battel of Liscarrol in the County of Cork, got great reputation by that action. The Battel was fought on Saturday the 3d. of September, 1642. in which, on the English Party, was kill’d Lewis Boyle, Lord Viscount Kynalmeaky, second Son to the late Earl, and Brother to this of Cork, who behav’d himself most nobly in that Expedition, and was buried at Youghall in his Fathers Tomb. And on the Irish side was slain Captain Oliver Stephenson, Grandson of him, who in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth had done eminent service in the Wars against the Earl of Desmond. And afterwards the Division increasing in England, the sending over a new Lord President was neglected; so as the Lord Inchequin continu’d in the Government, managing affairs there, sometimes for the King against the Parliament, sometimes for the Parliament against the King, as he conceiv’d might bring on the absolute settlement of that Government upon himself; of whom we shall speak more hereafter.

And now having shewed you the effects of the English Courage strangely reviv’d, and managed against the Rebels; it will be seasonable to acquaint you by what means the Forces there have been animated to so eminent a Service.

You have already read the generous resolutions of the Parliament in England, upon the first discovery of the Rebellion, as the encouragement his Majesty gave them upon his first and second appearance in the House of Lords, after his return from Scotland. And you have read (if it would have been admitted) how he would have adventured his Royal Person thither, and have rais’d 10000 English Volunteers speedily for that Service, if so the House of Commons would have declared that they would pay them; which would not be accepted, but instead thereof, the 24th. of January following, the Town and Castle of Carickfergus were advised (by the two Houses) to be given in Command and Keeping to the Scots, 2500 of which were to be transported thither, and paid by England; so as to be accountable (according to their Order the 22. of Jan.) to the King and Parliament, and the Lord General in his Place, for all their actions in that Service. Which his Majesty was loath to grant, as prejudicial to the Crown of England, and employing too great trust for Auxiliary Forces. Though at the importunity of the Parliament, it was so setled at Windsor the 27th. of January, 1641. But what service the Scots did in those Parts, more than subsist by English Pay, deserves an enquiry.

It will now be convenient to acquaint you, that after many necessary Propositions to the King from the Parliament, (passionately affected with the miseries of Ireland) it was, in the Petition of the House of Commons, December the first, mov’d, That his Majesty would be pleas’d to forbear to alienate any of the Forfeited or Escheated Lands in Ireland, which shall accrue to the Crown, by reason of this Rebellion, that out of these, the Crown may be the better supported, and some satisfaction made to his Subjects of this Kingdom (England) for the great Expences they were like to undergo in this War. To which his Majesty answer’d, That concerning Ireland, he understood their desire, of not alienating the forfeited Lands thereof, to proceed from their much care and love, and likewise that it might be a Resolution very fit for him to take: But whether it be seasonable to declare resolutions of that nature before the event of a War be seen, that he much doubted. Howsoever, we cannot (repli’d his Majesty) but thank you for this care, and your chearful Engagement for the suppression of that Rebellion, upon the speedy effecting whereof, the Glory of God in the Protestant Profession, the safety of the British there, our Honour, and that of the Nation so much depends; all the Interests of this Kingdom being so involv’d in that business. We cannot but quicken your affections therein, and shall desire you to frame your Councils, and to give such Expedition to the Work, as the nature thereof, and the pressures in point of time require, and whereof you are daily put in mind by the insolencies and increase of the Rebels.

Upon which the Parliament (willing to omit no time, precious in so weighty a Concern) past a Bill of Loan towards the Relief of Ireland, beginning thus.

Whereas (sit hence the beginning of the late Rebellion in Ireland) divers cruel Murthers and Massacres of the Protestants there have been, and are daily committed by Popish Rebels in that Kingdom, by occasion whereof, great multitudes of Godly and Religious People, there inhabiting, together with their Wives, Children, and Families, for the preservation of their Lives, have been enforced to forsake their Habitations, Means, and Livelihood in that Kingdom, and to flee for succour into several parts of his Majesties Realm of England, and Dominion of Wales, having nothing left to depend upon, but the charitable Benevolence of well-disposed Persons.

The Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament taking the same into their charitable considerations, for the Honour of Almighty God, and the preservation of the true Protestant Religion and Professors thereof, have resolv’d presently themselves to contribute towards the necessities of the said poor distressed Christians, who being many in number, it is thought expedient, that through all his Majesties Realm of England, and Dominion of Wales, a general Collection should be with all expedition made for that purpose, &c.

Other Expedients (considering the state of the Kingdom at that time) not being convenient to be urg’d, the effect of which was incredible, so vast and free a Sum flowing in thereupon, as nothing but a compassionate sense of the sufferings of their Brethren, and a duty to their Religion, could ever have rais’d so much: Yet that being short of their Exigencies, the State was then forc’d to another Act pass’d for Subscriptions on certain Propositions, for Lands of the Rebels in Ireland. To which those of the United Provinces of Holland were also encourag’d, by a Declaration of both Houses, the 2d. of Feb. 1642. which is worthy often to be considered; but being long, though excellently, and with much caution, pen’d, we shall refer you to the Act it self, Anno 17. Carol. primi. Immediately upon which Act, divers Captains, (entertain’d for the Irish service) adventur’d their first 6 Months Pay upon the Propositions.

Yet before these Propositions could be brought into an Act, (that no time in so great a Concern might be omitted) both Houses of Parliament joyn’d in a Letter to the High Sheriffs of England, that they might publish at the ensuing Lent-Assizes, all the Propositions touching his Majesty’s Promise, to pass the two Millions and half of Acres of Land in Ireland, for an encouragement to such as should in the interim subscribe: After which, the Act fore-mention’d, immediately ensued; upon the passing of which Act, these subscrib’d in the House of Commons.

Mr. Walter Long, 1200£ Sir Robert Pie, 1000£ the 8th. of March, 1641. Mr. Samuel Vassall, 1200£ Sir Samuel Rolls, of Devon, 1000£ William Lord Munson, 2400£ Sir John Harrison, 1200£ the 19th. of March: Sir William Brereton, 1000£ the 21. of March: Sir Edward Aishcough, 600£ Mr. John and Mr. Edward Ash, 1200£ the 24th. of March: Sir Gilbert Pickering, 600£ the 25th. of March 1642. Sir John Clotworthy, in Money, 500£ Sir John Clotworthy, for his Entertainment, as Colonel in the Irish Wars, 500£ Mr. Henry Martin, 1200£ the 26th. of March: Mr. Arthur Goodwin, 1800£ Sir Arthur Haslerigge, of Leicestershire, 1200£ Mr. Robert Reynolds, 1200£ Sir Robert Parkhurst, 1000£ Sir Thomas Dacres, 600£ Sir John Pots, 600£ Sir Arthur Ingram, 1000£ Dr. Thomas Eden, 600£ Mr. Oliver Cromwel, 500£ Mr. Nathaniel Fines, 600£ Mr. John Pym, 600£ Sir Walter Earle, 600£ Mr. Cornelius Holland, 600£ Sir John Northcot, 450£ Mr. Roger Matthew, 300£ Sir Nathaniel Bernardston, 600£ Sir William Masham, 600£ Sir Martin Lomley, for Martin Lomley Esq his Son, 1200£ Mr. Thomas Hoyle, of York, 600£ Mr. Anthony Bedingfield, and Mr. William Cage, 700£ Sir William Allenson, of York, 600£ Mr. William Havengham, 600£ Mr. Harbert Morley, 600£ Sir William Morley, 1200£ Sir John Culpeper, 600£ Sir Edward Partherick, 600£ Richard Shuttleworth Esq 600£ Mr. John More, and Mr. William Thomas, 600£ Mr. John Lisle, 600£ Mr. John Blackston, 600£ Sir Gilbert Gerrard, 2000£ Mr. Bulstrod Whitlock, 600£ Sir Edmond Momford, and Mr. Richard Harman, 600£ Mr. John Trenchard, 600£ Mr. John Gurdon, 1000£ Mr. John Barker, 1000£ Mr. William Harrison, 600£ the 29th. of March: Mr. John Wilde, Serjeant at Law, and Mr. Thomas Lane, 1000£ Nathaniel Hallows, of Derby, for himself and others, 1400£ John Franklin, 600£ Mr. George Buller, of the County of Cornwal, 600£ Sir Henry Mildmay, 600£ the 1. of April: Mr. Oliver St. John, 600£ Sir John Wray, 600£ Sir Thomas Barrington, 1200£ Mr. Robert Goodwin, and Mr. John Goodwin, 600£ the 2. of April: Mr. Denzil Hollis, 1000£ Mr. John Crew, 600£ Sir John Peyton, 600£ the 4th. of April: Sir William Plactors, 600£ Sir William Strickland, 600£ Sir Thomas Savine, 1000£ Alexander and Squire Bence, 600£ Mr. John Rolls, of Devon, 450£ Mr. John Hampden, 1000£ Mr. William Jesson, 300£ Sir Edward Baynton, 600£ Thomas Lord Wenman, and Mr. Richard Winwood, 1200£ the 5th. of April: Sir William Drake, 600£ Mr. William Spurstow, 600£ Sir John Welyn, of Godstow, in the County of Surrey, for himself and others, 1500£ the 7th. of April: Mr. Miles Corbet, 200£ the 9th. of April.

And that this intended Design might proceed, (till the whole made up a considerable sum) the Gentlemen of the County of Buckingham, freely offer’d unto the House of Commons, to lend 6000£ upon the Act of Contribution for the Affairs of Ireland, and to pay in the same before the first of May, 1642. which the House took in very good part, and accepted of, and order’d the 9th. of April, 1642. that the said 6000£ should be repaid out of the first Moneys, that shall be rais’d in that County, upon the Bill of 400000£ and that Mr. Hampden, Mr. Goodwin, Mr. Winwood, and Mr. Whitlock, should return thanks to the County of Bucks from this House, for their kind offer, and acceptable service. And it was further order’d and declared by the House of Commons, That if any other County or Persons shall do the like, it will be kindly accepted of by them, and that the Moneys so lent shall be repaid them, (with Interest, if they desire it) out of the Moneys that shall be rais’d in those Counties where such Persons inhabit, out of the Bill of 400000£

To strengthen which precedent Act for Subscriptions, &c. there was an Act of Additions, and Explanation of certain Clauses in the former Act; as also an Act giving further time to Subscribers for Lands in Ireland, with an Advantage of Irish Measure: By vertue of which great sums were rais’d, and (in truth) the Forces of Ireland yet competently well supplied. But his Majesty perceiving a defect, in the necessary Transportations of what was requisite, he (by the Advice of his Council) declares, That he hopes, that not only the Loyalty and good Affections of all our loving Subjects, will concur with us, in the constant preserving a good understanding between us and our People, but at this time, their own and our Interest, and compassion of the lamentable condition of our poor Protestant Subjects in Ireland, will invite them to a fair Intelligence and Unity amongst themselves; that so we may with one heart, intend the relieving and recovering of that unhappy Kingdom, where those barbarous Rebels practise such inhumane and unheard of Outrages, upon our miserable People, that no Christian Ear can hear without horrour, nor Story parallel.

And yet further to dis-burthen his thoughts for Ireland, he was pleas’d to signifie to both Houses of Parliament, the 24th. of Feb. 1641. That for Ireland, in behalf of which his heart bleeds, as he hath concurred with all Propositions made for that Service by his Parliament, so he is resolv’d to leave nothing undone for their relief, which shall fall within his possible power.

And because his Majesty’s removal to York from the Parliament, should not hinder the Supplies for Ireland, he, from Huntingdon, the 15th. of March, 1642. declares, That he doth very earnestly desire, that they will use all possible industry, in expediting the Business of Ireland, in which they shall find so chearful a concurrence by his Majesty, that no inconvenience shall happen to that Service by his absence, he having all that passion for the reducing of that Kingdom, which he hath expressed in his former Messages, and being unable by words to manifest more affection to it, than he hath endeavour’d to do by those Messages, (having likewise done all such Acts, as he hath been mov’d unto by his Parliament;) therefore if the misfortunes and calamities of his poor Protestant Subjects shall grow upon them, (though his Majesty shall be deeply concern’d in, and sensible of their sufferings) he shall wash his hands before all the World, from the least imputation of slackness, in that most necessary and pious Work.

Thus his Majesty resented that horrid Rebellion, having nothing left further to express the deep sense he had of the publick miseries of his Kingdom. Yet the Parliament, who conceiv’d themselves deeply intrusted with the Concerns of Ireland, (the prosecution of that War being left to them, but not so as to exclude his Majesty) replied That they humbly besought his Majesty to consider, how impossible it is that any Protestation, (though publisht in your Majesty’s Name) of your tenderness of the miseries of your Protestant Subjects in Ireland, &c. can give satisfaction to reasonable and indifferent Men, when at the same time divers of the Irish Traitors and Rebels, the known Favourers of them, and Agents for them, are admitted to your Majesty’s Presence with Grace and Favour, and some of them imployed in your Service, and when Cloaths, Munition, Horses, and other Necessaries, bought by your Parliament, and sent for the supply of the Army against the Rebels there, are violently taken away, some by your Majesty’s Command, others by your Minister’s. To which it’s replied, That those Cloaths, &c. entring into Coventry, his Majesty had good reason to believe, they would have been dispos’d of amongst the Souldiers, who there bore Arms against him; putting the Parliament besides in mind, That he was so far from diverting any of those Provisions made for the relief of Ireland, (the thought of whose miserable condition made his heart bleed) that 3000 Suits of Cloaths being found at Chester, for the Souldiers in Ireland, he commanded that they should be speedily transported thither, no necessity of his own Army being sufficient to prevail with him to seize on them.

Thus both the King and Parliament, interessed in the great Concern of Ireland, were passionately affected with her sad condition, whilst the distractions and jealousies at home so dis-cemented their Forces, as the Irish Harp hung on the Willows, and those noble Souls (which even now return’d with Laurels) droopt betwixt the living and the dead.

Affairs standing in this posture, neither of them prov’d at leisure to consider, (more than in Declarations) the miserable condition of bleeding Ireland; inasmuch as they were so far from sending over thither any further supplies of Men, Money, or Ammunition, how incessantly soever they were mov’d to it from the Lords Justices and Council, as the Parliament at that time (finding themselves under great Necessities for want of Money) order’d the sum of 100000£ of the Adventurers Money, (then in the hands of the Treasurer, for the relief of Ireland) to be made use of, for the setting forth their Army, under the Command of the Earl of Essex, then ready for his March against the King at Nottingham; notwithstanding a Clause in that memorable Act, That no part of that Money shall be imployed to any other purpose, than the reducing of those Rebels. This rais’d a great noise, and highly reflected upon the Parliament, That they (who so heartily on all occasions, had complain’d of the King’s neglect of his poor Protestants in Ireland) should now make use of that Money, to raise Arms against him in England, and so leave the remnant of those suffering Souls in Ireland, to the Insolencies of the Rebels, and their own Forces, Flesh of their Flesh, sent over with so much Charge, for the suppression of that horrid Rebellion, to neglect and scorn, for want of a seasonable and just supply. Upon which, his Majesty, from York, the 30th. of August, 1642. sent a Message to the House of Commons, requiring them to retract that Order: To palliate which, they alledg’d many things against the King; As the denying the Lord Wharton, to go with 5000 Foot, and 500 Horse, for the relief of Munster; the hindring of two Pieces of Battery, (writ for by the Lords Justices;) the detaining of the Lord Lieutenant, (the Earl of Leicester) when the Affairs of Ireland were known to suffer, for want of a Commander in Chief; notwithstanding his Majesty had charged them, that they had detain’d the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, on whom (writes he) he relyed principally, for the conduct and management of Affairs there, never regarding his earnestness, formerly prest, (when he was thought to be stayed by the Parliament) that he should repair to his Command; of which, the Earl of Leicester, in a Letter to the Earl of Northumberland, is not silent, order’d by the Parliament to be printed, the 26th. of September, 1642. To which the Parliament adds, The calling away of Sir Charles Lloyd, Captain Green, and others, in actual imployment against the Rebels, attesting, that the 100000£ borrowed of the Subscription-Money for Ireland, they soon re-paid with advantage, being then forc’d to make use of it, to prepare a competent Army for the defence of the King and Kingdom, without any prejudice to the Affairs of Ireland, whose subsistence depends on the welfare of this. In Answer to which it was replied, That that Kingdom (were the Money restored) in the mean time suffered by that Diversion; and that had the Lord Wharton’s Forces been approved of, there was no further security, (that those should have been sent for Ireland) than other Forces that were rais’d for that purpose, and yet imployed against his Majesty at Edge-hill; the other Exceptions of the Parliament (in his Majesty’s Papers) being also answer’d, which begot a Reply, not altogether pertinent in this place to pursue.

However, the Parliaments imploying the 100000£ (contrary to the Interest of the foremention’d Act, in the 17th. year of Car. 1. with his Majesties full consent before he left the Parliament,) was the cause that it produced so little good effect for Ireland; many of the Subscribers taking that occasion (as others before had done upon his Majesties motion to go for Ireland) to withdraw their subscriptions, and others not to pay in their Money, which was with so much Caution provided for, and guarded with so many advantagious Circumstances for all the Adventurers, as if it had been carried on, and seasonably applied, with that Care and Sincerity it ought to have been, it would in a little time have reduc’d that whole Kingdom, and have eas’d that poor People of many of those Calamities, they have since endur’d. The want of which put the Lords Justices and State on many difficulties.

Yet that something might seem to be done, there was an Order of the Commons House of Parliament, the 3d. of August, 1642. That the Ministers about the City of London, should be desired to exhort the People, to bestow old Garments and Apparel, upon the distressed Protestants in Ireland; in reference to which, the 19th. of September following, the Lord Mayor of London ordered, that those Cloaths should be brought to Yorkshire-hall in Blackwel-hall, to be ready for shipping them for Ireland; and a vast Supply was brought in, Charity never so much manifested its compassion as in that Cause; which afterwards was entrusted to a Reverend Person, who discharged his trust with singular Prudence and Integrity; though as to the Army these Cloaths never reach’d or intended.

And now the Rebels finding their Strength much augmented by the unhappy differences in England, their chief Contrivers of the Conspiracy (the Clergy) met at Kilkenny, and there Established in a General-Congregation, several Considerations for their future Government.

Upon which Proceedings, and the validity of the 6th. Article of those Prelate-Dignities, and learned men; the first General-Assembly at Kilkenny, sate the 10th. of November, 1642. according to what Scobel gives us an account of; Though Peter Walsh (one of the Assembly certainly to be credited) in his second part of the first Treaties of his History, and vindication of the Loyal Formulary, writes that the first General or National-Assembly of the Confederates, began at Kilkenny, the 24th. of October, 1642. and continued to the 9th of January following, upon which day they were dissolved, having constituted (to succeed them) the Supream Council of the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland; and that they might be the better tied together with the Holy bond of Union and Concord (as is expressed in the thirty third Article of the General Assembly, and the third of the Congregation;) They framed the ensuing Oath of Association to be taken by all in that Confederacy.

The Preamble to the Oath of Association.

Whereas the Roman Catholicks of this Kingdom, have been inforc’d to take Arms for the necessary defence and preservation, as well of their Religion Plotted; and by many foul Practises endeavour’d to be quite suppress’d by the Puritan Faction, as likewise their Lives, Estates, and Liberties, as also for the defence and safeguard of his Majesties Regal Power, just Prerogatives, Honour, State, and Rights, invaded upon; and for that it is requisite that there should be an unanimous Consent, and real Union between all the Catholicks of this Realm, to maintain the Premisses, and strengthen them against their Adversaries: It is thought fit by them, that they, and whosoever shall adhere unto their Party, as a Confederate, should for the better assurance of their adhering fidelity and constancy to the publick Cause, take the ensuing Oath.

The Oath of Association.

I A. B. do profess, swear and protest, before God, and his Saints, and his Angels, that I will, during my life, bear true Faith and Allegiance to my Soveraign Lord Charles, by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, and to his Heirs, and lawful Successors; and that I will, to my power, during my life, defend, uphold, maintain all his and their just Prerogatives, Estates and Rights, the Power and Priviledge of the Parliament of this Realm, the Fundamental Laws of Ireland, the free exercise of the Roman Catholick Faith and Religion, throughout this Land, and the Lives, just Liberties, Possessions, Estates and Rights, of all those that have taken, or shall take this Oath, and perform the Contents thereof; and that I will obey and ratifie all the Orders and Decrees, made and to be made by the supream Council, of the Confederate Catholicks of this Kingdom, concerning the said publick Cause; and that I will not seek directly or indirectly, any Pardon or Protection, for any Act done or to be done, touching this general Cause, without the consent of the major part of the said Council; and that I will not directly or indirectly do any Act or Acts, that shall prejudice the said Cause, but will, to the hazard of my Life and Estate, assist, prosecute and maintain the same.

Moreover, I do further swear, That I will not accept of, or submit unto, any Peace, made or to be made with the said Confederate Catholicks, without the consent and approbation of the general Assembly of the said Confederate Catholicks. And for the preservation and strengthning of the Association, and Union of the Kingdom, that upon any Peace or Accommodation, to be made or concluded with the said Confederate Catholicks, as aforesaid, I will, to the utmost of my power, insist upon, and maintain the ensuing Propositions, until a Peace, as aforesaid, be made, and the Matters to be agreed upon, in the Articles of Peace, be establish’d and secured by Parliament.

So help me God, and his holy Gospel.

The Propositions mention’d in the aforesaid Oath.

1. That the Roman Catholicks, both Clergy and Laity, to their several Capacities, have free and publick Exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion and Function throughout the Kingdom, in as full lustre and splendor, as it was in the Reign of King Henry the 7th. or any other Catholick King’s, his Predecessors, Kings of England, and Lords of Ireland, either in Ireland or England.

2. That the secular Clergy of Ireland, (viz.) Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, Ordinaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Archdeacons, Prebendaries, and other Dignitaries, Parsons, Vicars, and all other Pastors of the secular Clergy, and their respective Successors, shall have and enjoy all and all manner of Jurisdictions, Priviledges, Immunities, in as full and ample manner, as the Roman Catholicks secular Clergy had or enjoy’d the same, within this Realm at any time, during the Reign of the late H. 7. sometimes King of England, and Lord of Ireland, any Law, Declaration of Law, Statute, Power and Authority whatsoever, to the contrary notwithstanding.

3. That all Laws and Statutes made since the 20th. year of King H. 8. whereby any Restraint, Penalty, Mulct, Incapacity or Restriction whatsoever, is or may be laid upon any of the Roman Catholicks, either of the Clergy or of the Laity, for such the said free Exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion within this Kingdom, and of their several Functions; Jurisdictions and Priviledges, may be repeal’d, revoked, and declared void, by one or more Acts of Parliament to be pas’d therein.

4. That all Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, Ordinaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Archdeacons, Chancellors, Treasures, Chaunters, Provosts, Wardens of Collegiate Churches, Prebendaries, and other Dignitaries, Parsons, Vicars, and other Pastors of the Roman Catholick secular Clergy, and their respective Successors, shall have, hold and enjoy, all the Churches and Church-Livings, in as large and ample manner, as the late Protestant Clergy respectively enjoy’d the same, on the first day of October, in the year of our Lord, 1641. together with all the Profits, Emoluments, Perquisits, Liberties, and the Rights to their respective Sees and Churches, belonging as well in all Places, now in the possession of the Confederate Confederate Catholicks, as also in all other places that shall be recovered by the said Confederate Catholicks from the adverse Party, within this Kingdom, saving to the Roman Catholick Laity their Rights, according to the Laws of the Land.

And that the Supreme Council (the legitimate issue of the General Assembly) might look with the better face of Authority, they fram’d to themselves a Seal, bearing the mark of a long Cross, on the right side whereof a Crown, and a Harp on the left, with a Dove above, and a flaming Heart below the Cross, and round about this Inscription, Pro Deo, pro Rege, & Patria Hibernia unanimis; with which they seal’d their Credentials to Princes, and under that Seal pass’d their principal Acts of Sovereignty.

Having now modell’d themselves into a separate State, confronting his Majesties Royal Government setled in Dublin, ordering in their Supreme Council at Kilkenny (in the said Province of Leimster) all their Affairs, Civil and Military, through the whole Kingdom.

As to War, they had their Forces under the Conduct of four well experienc’d Generals, (before mentioned) answering the several Provinces of Leimster, Munster, Connaght, and Ulster. Giving out Letters of Mart, An Example of which, together with the Authority they assum’d, (notwithstanding his Majesties Proclamation of the 1st. of January, 1641.) we shall hear give you at large.

By the Supreme Council of the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland.

To all Men, to whom this Present shall come. We the Supreme Council of the Confederate Catholicks of this Realm, send Greeting. Know ye, That we have taken into our serious consideration the great and necessary use we have of Ships of War, for the defence of the Coasts of this Realm, and advancement and furtherance of Commerce with Foreign Nations, and for opposing his Majesties Enemies, who daily hinder and annoy his Majesties good Subjects of this Kingdom by Sea, and stop all free Trade in this Realm and abroad; have therefore constituted and appointed, and do hereby ordain, constitute, and appoint our well-beloved Friend, Captain Francis Oliver, Native of Flanders, having received good testimony of his sufficiency and integrity, to be Captain of the Ship, called, St. Michael the Archangel, of burthen 120 Lasts or Tuns, or thereabouts; hereby giving and granting unto the said Captain, full and absolute Power, Commission, and Authority, to furnish the said Ship with all Necessaries, fit for Sea and War; and with the same to cross the Seas, and take, hinder, and prejudice all such as he shall find or meet of His Majesties Enemies, the Enemies of the General Catholick Cause now in hand in this Kingdom, their Ships and Goods whatsoever, either by Sea or Land, by what means soever; and the said Shipping or Goods to set to sale, and dispose of as lawful Prizes, and open Enemies Goods; saving unto his Majesty and his lawful Officers, and unto all other Person or Persons, Bodies Politick and Corporate, all Rights, Requisites, and Duties, due or usual, answered out of all Prizes. And we hereby command all Officers of all our Ports, Harbours, and Havens, within our Jurisdiction, throughout this Realm, to admit the said Captain Francis Oliver, and his Companies, Ships, and Goods, from time to time, to pass and repass, come and go, without molestation or trouble. And that all Commanders of Forts, and all other Officers of his Majesties loving Subjects, to be aiding and assisting unto him in execution, and furtherance of the Premisses whatsoever, and as often as occasion shall require.

And lastly, we pray all Foreign Princes, States, and Potentates, to defend, protect, assist, and favour the said Captain, his Ships and Goods, when, and as often as he shall come into their respective Coasts and Harbours.

This our Commission to continue during pleasure. Given at Kilkenny, the last of December. 1642.

Was signed, Mountgarret, Hugo Armachanus.
Gormanston, Johan. Episc. Clonfertensis.
Nic. Plunket, Patr. Darcy, James Cusack, Jeffry Brown.

And as to Civils, they had their Officers of State, Justices of Oyer and Terminer, and of the Peace, with their Courts of Judicature in several kinds, and Councils Supreme, County, Provincial, and (on occasion) National; this being as Parliamentary called their General Assembly.

They had their Negotiations also abroad, and from abroad, and by Envoys, Agents, and publick Ministers, Extraordinary and Resident; they receiv’d the sense of other Princes, and return’d their own, being also by those Princes treated at home, in like manner as if they had been some State absolute, or more considerable; of which, read theAppendix. All the subsequent Acts being derived from the Orders establish’d at Kilkenny, the 24th. of October, 1642.

By what I have mention’d you may see, how the Rebels endeavour’d to get credit abroad, and repute at home, managing their Concerns with so much subtilty, as having them anvil’d in every Covent: nothing was omitted to mature their designs, or colour what they had now begun with the fairest pretence; whilst the State in the interim (through the distractions in England daily increasing, which gave fresh fuel to the Rebels presumption) were so straitned for want of Supplies, that the Lords Justices having (by all the ways imaginable) represented (as well to his Majesty as to the Parliament) the miserable condition they were in; assuring them, that without further Supplies of all kinds, (the Soldiers being so unruly, as the Lieutenant General, the 23d. of May, 1642. was forc’d to publish a sharp Proclamation against their exorbitancies) it was not possible for them to carry on the War, or to hinder the Incursions of the Rebels, even into those parts which they had recovered out of their hands; thought fit to take another course for the present: And that the Forces they had in Ireland might be ready for action, and in the mean time not wholely unserviceable, they allotted (after no little opposition to the contrary) to several Captains and other Officers of the Army, such convenient Houses and Villages, as they had taken from the Rebels, giving them leave to carry their several Troops and Companies under their Command to Quarter in them; by which means they freed themselves from the present Charge of providing Victuals for them, forcing them to live upon the spoils of their Enemies; which they quickly found the way to do, and made themselves Masters of all the Cattel and other Substance of those that lived within reasonable distance of them. By which means, all the considerable Places belonging to the Rebels (within twenty miles of Dublin) came to be in the hands of the Soldiers, as having them granted by way of Custodium for the present unto them: an Expedient acceptable to the Officers, and extremely prejudicial to the Rebels.

The 10th. of June, the Lords Justices and Council finding themselves much prejudic’d by their Protections they had given to many, who under pretext of labouring at the Plow, had their Weapons hidden near them, to cut off stragling Soldiers and Protestants, as they passed by them single. The State, to prevent such inconveniencies, withdrew their former Protections by a Proclamation of that Date. A circumstance much insisted on by the Rebels; but the Reasons of the State will best appear by their Proclamation, no Protection being ever violated by the State with their privity, or revoked, but on time given.

And now that the State of Ireland might have the less charge upon them, they thought it convenient to send the Lord Mac-Guire and Mac-Mahon into England; whose Fates I shall here give you a particular account of, though they suffered not till some years after.

Mac-Guire was one principally design’d for the surprizal of the Castle of Dublin, and the securing or murthering of the Lords Justices and Council, for which intent he came purposely the day before to Dublin; but the Plot being that night detected, he fled disguised from his usual Lodgings at one Nevils, a Chirurgeon, in Castle-street, and secretly hid himself at one Kerns, a Tailor, in Cook-street, where he was found in a Cock-loft by Mr. John Woodcock, one of the Sheriffs of Dublin, standing with his Cloak wrapped about him in an obscure place; in which posture he was apprehended, and brought before the Lords Justices and Council, to whom he confessed sufficient to be committed to the Castle the 23d. of October, about the time he intended to have perpetrated his Villany in that Place; from whence, the 12th. of June, 1642. (after several Examinations had of his Guiltiness) he, with Hugh Oge Mac-Mahon, was sent into England, where they both continued Prisoners some years in the Tower of London; whence they made an escape the 18th. of August, 1644. and were retaken the 20th. of October following. Strange! that in such a time they could not secure their Escape; but vengeance would not suffer them to live. Mac-Mahon, in Michaelmass-Term, the 18th. of November that year, was tried at the Kings-Bench-Bar in Westminster-Hall, and shortly after executed at Tyburn: Whilst the Lord Mac-Guire made such a defence for himself, as his final Trial was not till the 10th. and 11th. of February, 1644. in Hilary-Term, at which time he was brought to the Kings-Bench, where (after his Indictment read for conspiring to disinherit the Kings Majesty, to raise Sedition, and breed a miserable slaughter amongst the Kings Subjects) he first mov’d to have his Peers, (being Baron of Inskillin in Ireland, and forceably brought to Westminster) for that none ought to be condemn’d but by such; in pursuance of which, he pleaded the Statute, the 10th. of H. 7. whereby all the Statutes made in England should from thence-forth be in force in Ireland. Upon which, the King’s Council (Serjeant Roll and Whitfield) beside Pryn and Nudigate, demurr’d, and the Defendant joyn’d in the Demurrer. At length, Judge Bacon declar’d, that an Irish Baron was triable by a Jury in England, (so the Lord Grey was tried for Acts done in Ireland) upon which an Order pass’d the 10th. of February, by the Lords and Commons for his Trial; at which he desir’d respite for the summoning of his Witnesses; which, in consideration that his Lordship had had long time to expect his Trial, and that no Witnesses could say any thing against what the Witnesses (on the Kings side) could prove, was deni’d. Afterwards he made a general Challenge against 23 that were Empannel’d for the first Jury; which peremptory Challenge was accepted, the Law allowing it: And the Prisoner (for that time) was discharg’d, with a Command to be brought again the next day; which was done accordingly. Then he mov’d, that his Plea of Peerage might be referr’d to another Court, or to the Lords; but that was deni’d, for that he had put himself on the Countrey: besides, the Lords and Commons had order’d his Trial. Then another Jury was nam’d, which his Lordship accepted against, for that he conceiv’d it not fit, that those who had bought his Land, should pass upon his Trial. To clear which (after some heats in arguing betwixt the Kings Council and the Defendant) the Judge consented, that the Jury should be required upon Oath to answer, whether any of them had any Adventure, or share of the Rebels Lands in Ireland: Which being answer’d in the Negative, the Court proceeded; and he being in several Circumstances (besides his Confession) found Guilty, the Judge demanded, why Sentence should not pass against him, his Lordship (amongst other things, too tedious, and of little concern to mention) desir’d to know by what Seal the Judge proceeded against him? Who answer’d, By the Old, and Order of Parliament. To which the Lord Mac-Guire repli’d, That (under favour) he conceiv’d, that the Ordinance of Parliament for a new Great Seal, made the old invalid. To which the Judge repli’d, That he acted by the old Seal, being made a Judge at that time. Besides, there is nothing (saith he) done in this Court by the new Seal; the Sheriffs are hereby a Charter that comes in from year to year, and there is no other Seal in order of Execution. After which, the Judge proceeded to Sentence, which he heard patiently, having doubtless long the Sentence of death in himself; and accordingly he was Drawn, Hang’d, and Quarter’d, at Tyburn, the 20th. of February, 1644.

But to return to the State, who, in the manner before mention’d, continu’d the Army Quarter’d in several Custodiums, not being able (by reason of the want of Money, Provisions, and other necessaries) otherwise to furnish any part of it out in such manner, as might put them in a posture to undertake any great Action abroad; some in the interim improving the present necessities to the advantage of a Design then in the womb.

However we find, that though the Parliament in England wonder’d (as one in eminent Place then heard) that the Army in Ireland did little, Yet it was to be admired (writes he) they did so much, considering the small means they had to effect so great things: They did then abound onely in sickness, and hurt men, which made the Regiments and Companies very weak; Monies came not in at all, and for Cloathes and Shoes few or none: notwithstanding they had hearts manifested by their works; for no Enemy, but as soon as they looked on them, instead of using their Arms, exercis’d their Heels; no Fort or Castle which they offer’d to keep, which they ever deserted, or any that they attempted, but yielded to them. In as much as that Noble Person (which observ’d this) in some passion could not but take notice, That if all this were nothing, let it be so esteem’d! The Enemy in the interim having supplies of Men and Arms.

Indeed that Affairs proceeded with no currenter a pace, (this year) many obstacles contributed thereunto. The Government was in the hands of Two, though in the main entirely faithful and knowing, yet vastly differing in their tempers; one being of a sedentary, the other of an active life; He allied to most of the leading Men of the Council, the other onely prevalent as his Reason and Gallantry, wrought on the generous. Besides, some had such interest else-where, as all was not resented with such integrity as was meant; That, in the management of Affairs at the Helm, Authority it self was often Eclipsed; nor could any (who was necessitated to hold the Reins with others) possibly evade the inconveniences they were then frequently inforced upon, how well soever they had been vers’d in the Art of Government; some will have it, that there was much artifice used to lengthen out the War: For at that time, whether by the Governours of the City of Dublin’s omission, or some other Fate upon the Army, hard for me to determine, the Rebels on one side came often to the Gates, giving frequent Alarms, and took away the Cattle from under the Walls. And in Lowth, the most considerable Garrison was almost destroyed through those Persons, who (having the Government of the County) protected their Tenants; nor would those that had Power to force a Supply improve their interest, being better able to disperse an Enemy, than disoblige a Neighbour.

The Scots General (the Earl of Leven) in the North, who with the recent and veterate Soldiers made up 20000, did little, desirous rather it seems to keep themselves safe in Knockfergus, and the Frontiers, than venture much abroad, as appear’d by their repulse at Charlemont, whence they retir’d with no Honour, and admitted Dunganon to be re-taken by the Irish, after it had been bravely recovered by the vertue of an English Gentleman. Indeed the English-Scots, who joyn’d with the English Regiments, did excellent service; and that the other fail’d, may be imputed to the rawness of their Men, the want of Victuals, (of which they stood in great need) and some hardship they endur’d, happily not incident to their tenderness.

Now for Connaght, such was the carriage of some there, that two compleat Regiments, consisting of full 2000 Men, were in six months reduc’d, through want, (though the Countrey thereabouts was stored with all manner of Provisions, not having been harrass’d by an Enemy) to 600. Upon which, several Articles were preferr’d by Persons of Honour, against those, who were charg’d with that misfortune, and the business, referr’d to the Council of War; which wav’d their Censure; and the main Parties concern’d therein voluntarily undergoing (afterwards) a private Duel, (producing no ill to either Party) no more was urg’d thereupon: Though as to the carriage of that business (in reference to the Soldiers Clothes and Necessaries) it could not easily be wip’d of, nor the deserting of a Government without Orders, where there was more store of Ammunition, Arms, and other Necessaries, than Soldiers to use them.

However, in August this year, 1642. the Lord Moor, Sir John Borlase jun. and Colonel Gibson, with 500 Men apiece, went into the Counties of Lowth and Meath, with two Pieces of Battery, and two Field-Pieces, with which they assaulted the Castle of Sedan, obstinately defended thirty hours by Captain Flemming, thrice stormed, who at last fought with them out of the Ruines. At which time the Lords of the Pale were not so resolute, the Lord Gormanston flying from the Fort of the Nabar, and the Lord Slane, from the Castle of Newtown, thereby leaving Lowth and Meath clear’d of the Enemy; who finding good heels lost 500 onely at Sedan, whilst Captain Burrows, Pigot, and Grimes, with some others, defeated 800 of the Rebels near Athy, and slew about 200.

And now in respect that the State found great inconveniencies by the Protections, the Commissioners (they had formerly given authority to,) gave, the State of the Countrey being now far different from the Condition wherein it stood, 27 of October, 1641. at the granting of the said Protections; and that the Rebels of all Degrees and Conditions, had since with hateful and bloody obstinacy declared their Purpose, to extirpate the British throughout the whole Kingdom, without hope of reconcilement, other then by the strength of his Majesties Forces; They did the 19th. of August, 1642. revoke, repeal, make void, and annul all such Protections, from and after ten days from the date thereof, more at large to be seen in the Instrument it self in the Appendix, carrying weighty reasons for that Act.

The 25th. of August, the Lords, in a Letter to Secretary Nicholas, sent a Copy of the Rebels Petition, together with the Rebels of the Pales Letter to the Earl of Ormond, in the answer to which, exceptions were taken, that they had not sent the Original, and with all took notice, that as his Majesty would be ready to punish the Rebels, so he would not shut up his mercy against those who did unfeignedly repent; upon which the Original was sent, and his Majesties Pardon beg’d.

Soon after the Lord Lisle, with the men under his Command, marched towards the Counties of Westmeath, and Cavan, where they arriv’d about the middle of September, having destroyed all where they had pass’d, without striking a stroak; the Rebels being (according to their usual Custom) retired to Places of strength, (confiding more in their Walls then Valour) wherefore passing into the County of Monaghan, he sate down before Carrickmacross, a house of the Earl of Essex’s, very well Fortified, where the Rebels having endured the battery of two small Pieces of Cannon for one day, fled away the next night (the outward Guards of the Besiegers, being remisly attended) leaving their Provisions of all sorts behind them: The Lord Lisle, after this success, better much then he could expect, with so small Forces, having put a Garrison in the Place, returned to Dublin.

About one month after my Lord Lisle’s return to Dublin, the State was inform’d by the Lord Moore, that Carrickmacross was besieged by near 2000 Rebels, and that if it were not suddainly relieved, not onely the Place would be taken, but our men lost; whereupon it was resolv’d to send away presently 1000 Foot, with some Troops of Horse, under the Command of Sir Henry Tichborn and my Lord Moore, to raise the Siege; And it fell into debate what should be done with the Place, and upon a due consideration of all Circumstances, and an impossibility on our part, to Man and Victual the Place; from hence an Act of Council was made for the demolishing of the house, and bringing of our men back: before this was put in execution, Letters came from Captain Vaughan from Dundalk, to acquaint the State, that with 100 Foot and 50 Horse, he had been to see in what state Carrick was; that he found the men well, Victualled for 14 days, and that the Siege was raised; that there came upon him in his return 2000 of the Rebels, who charged him, and (as Captain Martin said) shot near 5000 shot at his men, who thereupon began to be somewhat in disorder, so as he saw they could not well retire; Whereupon he charged them with his Horse, routed them, killing 30 or 40 of them, and got some Arms: Yet the resolution taken to demolish Carick was not alter’d.

The Summer being thus spent, the Winter apace drew on, and the Provisions of the County failing, where the Souldiers lay in Garrison in the Custodiums, the greatest part of them return’d to Dublin, where they took up their Quarters, to the great grievance of the Inhabitants: And now the differences between the King and his Parliament in England were grown so high, and their preparations (to encounter one another in a set Battle) so considerable, as upon that fatal day, the 23. of October, 1642. They came to an Engagement at Edge-Hill, where the encounter was so fiercely maintain’d on both sides, with so much courage and resolution, (headed by the Earl of Lindsey for the King, and the Earl of Essex for the Parliament, manfully discharging the parts both of Generals and Souldiers) as the loss being (in a manner) equal, both reported themselves Conquerors, but neither were thenceforth in a condition, to administer sufficient relief, to the distressed Estate of the poor Protestants in Ireland, whereby the Army (though but lately sent over out of England) was wholly neglected, which made many of the Commanders take up thoughts of quitting that service, and repairing to the King at Oxford, having (as it was said) secret invitations thereunto: which being understood by the Parliament, and finding that (from the Battle of Kilrush, which was fought in April 1642. till October following) the Army in Leimster had not been so active, as reasonably might have been expected. The Parliament to quicken the War, to inform themselves of the wants and defects of the Army, and of all other things, that might enable them the better to send thither and dispose of there, such Forces, Moneys, Ammunition, and necessaries for that service (according to the Statute which enabled the Lords and Commons in Parliament, from time to time to direct) thought it very expedient, (though by Secretary Nicholas from his Majesty, expresly commanded to the contrary) to send into Ireland a Committy for that purpose (in the depth of Winter, Members of the House of Commons, Mr. Robert Goodwin, and Mr. Robert Reynolds, authorized from both Houses, called (by his Majesty) their Ambassadors, to which the Citizens of London joyn’d one Captain Tucker, who carried with them 20000£ in ready money, besides 300 Barrels of Powder, ten Tun of Match, and other Ammunition. They arriv’d at Dublin the 29th. of October by long Sea, and upon the 2d. of November, presented them to the State, producing the Ordinance of Parliament, together with their instructions to be read. The Lords Justices and Council ordered their Reception with respect, which they improv’d to the voluntary putting on of their Hats, sitting behind the Council on a Form; nor could this their carriage be reproved, though resented, Affairs at that time having brought on those Exigencies, which their coming could onely relieve, during whose abode there (having Votes onely in Military Affairs) they saw that Parties were continually sent forth to encounter the Rebels, and when there was a failing either in Money or Provisions, they engaged their own particular Credits to make up the defect: Yet in respect of their being admitted, as they were (consequently were thought to be spies on his Majesties Ministers there) His Majesty much disliked their Address, and in a Letter (deliver’d to the Lords Justices and Council, the 10th. of February,) Order’d their removal, which was done with much content by the Board, but some regreets to the Commissioners; who resolv’d presently to quit Ireland; and to speak truth, it soon appear’d (by the Index of some mens spirits) what hazard they might have run, should they have been obstinate therein: though many suspected (as it fell out) their return would certainly slacken the relief of the Protestant Army against the Irish.

There were three main things principally intended by this Committee, during their stay in Ireland.

1. They used their utmost endeavours to satisfie the Officers of the Army, of the great care the Parliament took to provide their Pay, and to send over money, and in the mean time to furnish the Army with all manner of Provisions and Ammunitions, that should be thought necessary, for the carrying on the War against the Rebels.

2. They made a Book, wherein they desired, that all the Officers of the Civil List, as well as the Army, should subscribe, and declare their free consent, that some part of their Pay and Arrear, due to them for their service there, should be satisfied out of the Rebels Lands, when they were declared to be subdued: Upon which many great sums were underwritten; (but upon information of his Majesties dislike thereof) the Commissioners (being sharply threatned) returned the Book, so that most struck out their Names, frustrating thereby a Design, which would infinitely have obliged others to have subscribed: In reference to which, the Kings Commissioners at Uxbridge ascertain’d, That his Majesty never sent any such Letter, to divert the course of the Officers subscribing, but the Souldiers were meerly discouraged from the same, by discerning that for want of Supplies, they should not be able to go on with that War.

3. They finding that most of the Officers of the Army had lodg’d their Troops and Companies in their Custodiums, which were most of them Places of strength, enough at least to keep them from being surprized suddainly by the Rebels, and that there were 7 or 8000 of the Army quartered in Dublin, who consumed all the Provisions sent over for their supply, lying idle there, and oppressing the poor English Inhabitants, and such English as had taken sanctuary there; Or else making but small expeditions abroad, wasting not the Enemy so much as they did their own Provisions: It was moved therefore, and furthered by this Committee, that a considerable Force should be sent forth; Whereupon it was resolved, 4000 men should be sent out to take Ross, or some other Town thereabouts, where they might Winter, and live in part upon what they could take from the Enemy; whereupon many difficulties being found in the Design, the Lord Lisle, General of the Horse, accepted of it, with Colonel Monk, and others, who made ready to go; the Lieutenant General of the Army, the Earl of Ormond, being then much indisposed: But as soon as his Lordship recovered, he came to the Council Board, and there declared, that he could not in Honour permit such a considerable part of the Army, to go out upon such an important Service, under any other Command then his own; and so undertook the leading out of the Army himself, and carried it to Ross, of which you shall hear more in its due place. The Parliaments Committee imbarked for London by long Sea, the 27th. of February, 1642. the difference of whose Carriage was observable; so much Integrity, Discretion, and Humility appear’d in the one, and so much Pride, Arrogancy, and Intemperancy in the other; as the one went away highly valued, and well esteem’d, and the other extreamly hated and despised. As for Tucker, he was the City’s property, which every one improved to their own humour.

During their continuance in repute, hearing that Balanokil was Besieged by Preston, the most reputed Captain amongst the Rebels, Colonel Monk, was sent forth with 600 Foot, and two Troops of Horse, the 5th. of December, 1642. to relieve it, which he soon did, the Enemy raising the Siege upon his reproach; but in his return he met Preston with 3000 men, in a disadvantagious Place; and though he saw evident danger in so unequal a Fight, yet he thought there would be more in a Retreat. Wherefore having intrench’d himself, so as to fear no attack but in the Front, he resolved to receive them bravely; and taking care that his Musketiers should not spend their shot in vain, he saluted the Rebels, in their approach, with such a shower of Bullets, as killed the boldest of them, and made the rest begin to give way, which the English perceiving, came hotly upon them. But the Fight was soon ended, by the cowardliness of the Irish, who with much more shame than slaughter, losing not above 60 Men there, betook themselves to the next strong Place, and Colonel Monk, without the loss of one Man, return’d to Dublin.

The Committee of Parliament (whilst they remain’d at the Council) interpos’d in many things: Amongst the rest, it being desired by the Officers of the Army, that Major Wodowes might repair to his Majesty, to express their service; the Committee demonstrated, that the Parliament would certainly withdraw their Supplies, on notice of such an Address: Upon which the Ships were stayed; yet the Business was so argued, as the Major had licence to proceed in his Journey.

And now the Committee being discharg’d the Council, where the prosecution of the War was to be managed, the Parliament took it ill, inasmuch as the want of all things afterwards was exceeding great, and the main part of the remaining Army was quarter’d within the City and Suburbs of Dublin, upon the poor Inhabitants, altogether unable to bear the Necessities of their Families, much less support 7 or 8000 Men. In alleviation of which, the Lords Justices and Council, the 31st. of December, 1642. publisht a Proclamation, That all Custodiums should send to his Majesty’s Granaries, or Stores of Corn, half the Wheat gather’d there, at 10 s. the Barrel, in ready Money, &c. to the Relief of that and the adjoyning Garrisons. Yet small Supplies coming in thereupon, the Lords Justices and Council order’d by another Proclamation, the 15th. of January, That all Corn-Masters, and others, should sell their Corn at a lower rate, than was propos’d the 28th. of December, 1641. and that Bakers accordingly should size their Bread.

About the 20th. of January, 1642. Sir Richard Greenvile, with a Party of 200 Horse and 1000 Foot, with 600 Suits of Cloaths, and Money, reliev’d Athlone. In his return, he was encounter’d at Raconnel by 5000 Rebels, which he routed, took their General Preston’s Son Prisoner, killed many, gained 11 Colours, and surprized many Prisoners; for which service, Captain William Vaughan was by the Lords Justices (to whom he brought the News) Knighted. The Irish thought much of this Victory; for that there was an old Prophesie, That who got the Battle of Raconnel, should conquer all Ireland. The Army return’d to Dublin the 10th. of February, with the remnant of Sir Michael Earnley’s Regiment, and others, who for their better Accommodation, would have had some of these Cloaths, which was denied, and they laid up in the Castle, where (with others) they afterwards prov’d unserviceable to his Majesty’s Forces, much in want of them in the depth of Winter.

The Lords Justices being driven to great strait, and left without hopes of Relief from England, and the Inhabitants of Dublin being no longer able to support the Necessity of their Families, and relieve the Souldiers, their Insolencies being high, the State entertain’d a Design of sending the greatest part of the Army (then quarter’d in Dublin) into some Parts distant from that City, where they might live upon the Rebels; and for this end, coin’d their own Plate, encouraging others to the same Advance of the State’s service, whereupon (at first) they order’d Pieces of Money marked to their Weight.

Many brought in freely; those indeed who (considering their imployment, and what was expected from them) had least reason to do it, whilst others issued only out their Warrants and Receipts, never yet discharged: Yet by the help of what came in, and some supplies out of England, (which had not wholly deserted Ireland) the Army march’d out 2500 Foot and 500 Horse, under the Command of the Marquess of Ormond, whose carriage in that Business, and his success at the Battle of Ross, we shall leave to the Lords Justices and Council’s Letter, to the Speaker of the House of Commons in England, the 4th. of April, 1643. where (besides the Account of that Battle) they present a true state of their Affairs, Civil and Military.

SIR,

OUr very good Lord, the Marquess of Ormond, having in his March, in his last Expedition, consulted several times with the Commanders and Officers of the Army, in a Councel of War, and so finding that subsistence could not be had abroad, for the Men and Horses he had with him, or for any considerable part of them, it was resolved by them, that his Lordship with those Forces should return hither, which he did on the 26th. of March.

In his return from Ross, (which in the case our Forces stood, he found difficult to be taken in, as though our Ordnance made a breach in their Walls, it was found necessary to desert the Siege) he was encountred by an Army of the Rebels, consisting of about 6000 Foot and 650 Horse, well arm’d and horsed; yet it pleas’d God so to disappoint their Councels and strength, as with those small Forces which the Lord Marquess had with him, being of fighting Men 2500. and 500 Horse, not well armed, and for the most part weakly horsed, (and those, as well Men as Horse, much weakned, by lying in the Fields several nights in much Cold and Rain, and by want of Man’s Meat and Horse Meat) the Lord Marquess obtain’d a happy and glorious deliverance and victory against those Rebels, wherein were slain about 300 of them, and many of their Commanders, and others of Quality, and divers taken Prisoners; and amongst those Prisoners, Colonel Cullen, a Native of this City, who being a Colonel in France, departed from thence, and came hither to assist the Rebels, and was Lieutenant General of their Army, in the Province of Leimster; and the Rebel’s Army was totally routed and defeated, and their Baggage and Ammunition seized on by his Majesty’s Forces, who lodged that night where they had gain’d the Victory, and on our side about 20 slain in the Fight, and divers wounded.

We have great cause to praise God, for magnifying his Goodness and Mercy to his Majesty, and this his Kingdom, so manifestly, and indeed wonderfully, in that Victory.

However, the joy (due from us upon so happy an occasion) is, we confess, mingled with very great distraction here, in the apprehension of our unhappiness to be such, as although the Rebels are not able to overcome his Majesty’s Army, and devour his other good Subjects, as they desire, yet both his Army and good Subjects are in danger to be devoured, by the wants of needful Supplies forth of England: For as we formerly signified thither, Those Forces were of necessity sent abroad, to try what might be done for sustaining them in the Countrey, so as to keep them alive till Supplies should get to us. But that Design now failing, those our hopes are converted into astonishment, to behold the unspeakable Miseries of the Officers and Souldiers for want of all things, and all those wants made the more insupportable in the want of Food, whilst the City (being all the help we have) is now too apparently found to be unable to help us, as it hath hitherto done. And divers Commanders and Officers in the Army, do now so far express the sense of their Sufferings, (which indeed are very great and grievous) as they declare, That they have little hope to be supplied by the Parliament, and press with great importunity to be permitted to depart this Kingdom, as it will be extream difficult to keep them here.

By our Letters of the 23d. of March, we signified thither the unsupportable burthen laid on this City, for victualling those of the Army left here, when the Marquess of Ormond, with the Forces he took with him, marched hence; which burthen is found every day more heavy than other, in regard of the many House-keepers thereby daily breaking up House, and scattering their Families, leaving still fewer to bear the burthen. We also by those Letters, and by our Letters of the 25th. of February, advertised thither the high danger this Kingdom would incur, if the Army so sent abroad, should by any distress, or through want, be forced back hither again, before our Relief of Victuals should arrive forth of England.

When we found that those Men were returning back hither, although we were (and are still) full of distraction, considering the dismal consequences threatned thereby in respect of our Wants: Yet we consulted what we could yet imagine feasible, that we had not formerly done, to gain some Food for those Men; and found, that to send them or others abroad into the Countrey we cannot, in regard we are not able to advance Money for procuring the many Requisits incident to such an Expedition. In the end therefore, we were inforced to fix on our former way, and to see who had yet any thing left him untaken from him, to help us; and although there were but few such, and some of them poor Merchants, whom we have now by the Law of Necessity utterly undone, and disabled from being hereafter helpful to us, in bringing us in Victuals, and other needful Commodities, yet were we forc’d to wrest their Commodities from them. And certainly there are few here of our selves and others, that have not felt their Parts in the inforced rigour of our Proceedings, towards preserving the Army; so as what with such hard dealing, not less grievous to us to do, than it is heavy to others to suffer, and by our descending (against our hearts) far below the Honour and Dignity of that Power we represent here, under his Royal Majesty, we have with unspeakable difficulty prevail’d, so as to be able to find Bread for the Souldiers for the space of one Month.

We are now expelling hence all Strangers, and must instantly send away for England, thousands of poor dispoil’d English, whose very eating is now unsupportable to this Place.

And now again, and finally, We earnesty desire, (for our Confusions will not now admit the writing of many more Letters, if any) That his Majesty, and the English Nation, may not suffer so great, if not irrecoverable, prejudice and dishonour, as must unavoidably be the consequence of our not being reliev’d suddenly; but that yet (although it be even now at the point to be too late) Supplies of Victuals and Munition in present to be hastned hither, to keep life until the rest may follow, there being no Victual in the Store, nor will there be a 100 Barrels of Powder left in store, when the out-Garrisons (as they must be instantly) are supplied, and that remainder, according to the usual necessary expence, besides extraordinary accidents, will not last above a month. And the residue of our Provisions must also come speedily after, or otherwise England cannot hope to secure Ireland, or secure themselves against Ireland, but in the loss of it, must look for such Enemies from hence, as will perpetually disturb the Peace of his Majesty, and his Kingdom of England, and annoy them by Sea and Land, as we often formerly represented thither; which Mischiefs may yet be prevented, if we be yet forthwith enabled from thence with means to overcome this Rebellion.

We hope that a course is taken there, for hastning thither the Provisions of Arms and Munition, mention’d in the Docquet, sent in our Letter of the 20th. of January, and the 600 Horses, which we then moved might be sent hither for recruits, and that the 7893£ 3 s. for Arms to be provided in Holland, (besides those we expect in London) hath been paid to Anthony Tierens in London, or to Daniel Wibrants in Amsterdam; and if that Sum had been paid, as we at first desired, we might well have had those Provisions arriv’d here by the 10th. of March, as we agreed. However, we now desire, that that Money, if it be not already paid, may be yet paid to Mr. Anthony Tierens in London, or Mr. Wibrants in Amsterdam, that so those Provisions may arrive here speedily, which (considering that Summer is now near at hand) will be very necessary, that when our Supplies of Victuals, Munition, Cloaths, Money, and other Provisions, shall arrive, we may not, in the publick Service, here lose the benefit and advantage of that Season. And so we remain.

From his Majesty’s Castle of Dublin,the 4th. of April, 1643.

This Letter, as you see, was writ some weeks after the Battle of Ross; however, in brief, it gives you a faithful Account: Yet that a more particular one may also be committed to Posterity, accept of the following, from the Pen of a chief Officer in that Expedition.

March the 2d. 1642. the English Army march’d forth from Dublin toward Kilkenny, consisting of about 2500 Foot and 500 Horse, together with two Pieces of Battery, and four small brass Pieces, the Marquess of Ormond being Lieutenant General of the Army, and my Lord Lisle General of the Horse.

The 3d. the Army being come nigh Castlemartin, the Rebels then possessing it, gave it up to the Lieutenant General, upon his promise of fair Quarter, which they accordingly had, to march away thence with the safety of their Lives, they being in number above 400 Men and Women; and the same day 3 Divisions of Foot were sent to Kildare, and a Castle called Tully, which the Rebels then quitted, and left unto us.

The 4th. the Army came to Tymolin, where finding two Castles possest by some Rebels, our Cannon compell’d them to submit to mercy, very few of them escaping with their Lives, there being about 100 of them slain; and also of the English Army was slain Lieutenant Oliver, and about 12 Souldiers.

The 11th. my Lord Lisle march’d from the Army at Temple-soul before day towards Ross, having with him Sir Richard Greenvile, Sir Thomas Lucas, and about 400 Horse, and also Sir Foulk Huncks, with about 600 Foot. Being come within two miles of Ross, our Horse took 4 Horsemen of the Rebels, Prisoners, who inform’d us, that the Army of the Rebels lay then about 3 miles distant thence, being near 4000 Men. Shortly after my Lord Lisle came before the Town of Ross, and by a Trumpeter he sent to the Town, to have some one of Quality therein to come to treat with him, concerning the surrender of the same to the King’s use, which they refused to do. Then Sir Thomas Lucas, fearing the safety of the Army, (by reason he understood that the Rebel’s Army lay the last night within 2 miles of the English Army) importuned my Lord Lisle to march back with all his Horse, to secure the Army, leaving Sir Foulk Hunks with his Division of Foot, to guard a Pass in that way. And then after a few miles riding further, the English Army appear’d at hand, which march’d on towards Ross, nigh before which that night a great part of our Horse and Foot lodged. And the next morning our Cannon were drawn and planted against the Town, and continued battering with two Pieces, on a part of the Town-Walls, about two days together, which made a fair breach therein, which Sir Foulk Huncks undertook to assault with his Men, and attempted it, but were beaten back with some loss, which so much dis-heartned the Souldiers, that they would not be drawn on again; and finding that the besieged had both daily and nightly very many Men, and much Ammunition, and other Recruits, conveyed by Boats into the Town, and understanding that the Rebel’s Army was grown very strong within few miles of ours, and our Lieutenant General finding Bread to be grown scarce in our Army, resolv’d to leave Ross as it was, and gain Honour by a Battle with the Irish.

The 18th. our Army being march’d away, about 2 miles distant from Ross, the Irish Army appear’d fairly in view, who hastned their Forces into Battalia, on a Ground of some advantage, nigh the way our Army was to pass. Whereupon our Commanders endeavour’d with all diligence to draw their Forces into Battalia, to confront the Rebels within the distance of Cannon-shot, our Cannon being plac’d at the Front of our Infantry, which was winged by our Horse-Troops, and advanc’d forwards before our Army, within Musket-shot of the Enemy’s fore-Troops; Sir Richard Greenvile (having that day the Vauntguard of the Horse) had his Division for the right Wing of the Army; likewise my Lord Lisle’s Division (having the Battle) had the left Wing of the Army; Sir Thomas Luca’s Division (having the Rearguard of the Horse) had the one half of his Division, appointed to stand for Reserves for both the Wings of Horse. Both Armies being order’d against one another, Sir Richard Greenvile sent forth towards the Rebels a forelorn Hope of 60 Horse, commanded by Lieutenant White, which advancing towards 2 Troops of the Rebels, they seem’d to shrink from. Then (our Cannon beginning to play) Captain Atkins, commanding a forelorn Hope of about 100 Musketiers, march’d forwards directly before our Foot-Army towards the Rebels, who had mann’d a Ditch in a High-way, lying right before their Army, with a great number of Musketiers; during which time, certain other Divisions of the English Foot followed orderly their forelorn Hope, Captain Atkins with his shot excellently performing his part, by exchanging shot with the Rebels that lay in ambush. Sir Richard Greenvile, with his Division on the right Wing, advanced to begin the Battle; in the interim whereof, Sir Thomas Lucas (being Major General of the Horse) came and took upon him the chief Command thereof; and so leading those Troops on towards the Enemy, being come past a deep High-way, that lay between both Armies, presently (at hand) advanc’d towards those Horse, a Division of Horse and Foot of the Rebels. Sir Richard Greenvile being then in the head of his own Troop, (which had the right hand of that Division) commanded his Men to keep together and charge home without wheeling; which was no sooner spoken, but immediately Sir Thomas Lucas call’d aloud to our Troop, to wheel to the left hand, which they presently performing, were gotten into a Lane in some disorder, and before they could get out of the same, and come into any good order again, a Troop of above 100 of the Rebel’s Horse, all Gentlemen of Quality, and Commanders, led by Cullen, their Lieutenant General, charg’d our Horse on the left Flank. Whereupon Sir Richard Greenvile encouraged several of his Troops, by his example, to charge the Enemy, where meeting with Colonel Cullen in the head of his Troops, divers blows pass’d betwixt them; mean while my Lord Lisle with his Troops, gallantly charg’d Cullen’s Troop, on his Flank and Rear, whereby they were so routed, that the Troops were all intermixed one with another, and the execution of both Parties continued violent, until about 20 of the Rebel’s Horse escaped away together, leaving the rest of their Company to be killed and taken Prisoners, (as they were;) during which time, the Foot and Cannon performing well their parts, drove the Enemy to shift away to save themselves, which Captain Hermon seeing, pursued their Rear with some Horse, with which he did notable good execution; and, to say the truth, it is probable that most of the Rebels had that day been cut off, had not the un-passable deep High-way betwixt both Armies, hindred our left Wing of Horse from giving on upon their side, and also the disorder that hapned to the right Wing of the Horse, by their unhappy wheeling to the left hand. But so soon as the Officers of those Troops could reduce their Men again into order, my Lord Lisle and Sir Richard Greenvile presently pursued the Enemy with 2 Troops, and sent Sir William Vaughan with 2 Troops more to pursue others, flying away to the right hand. And having followed the chase of them about 2 or 3 miles distant from the Army, (the Rebels having made their escape over Bogs, and un-passable Grounds for Horse) our Horse were fain to leave them, and return to the rest of the Army, where the Cannon stood. In which service were 300 of the Rebels slain, amongst which were a great number of their best Gentry and Commanders: There were of the Rebels taken Prisoners, Colonel Cullen their Lieutenant General, Major Butler, besides divers other Captains, and some of their Ensigns; of the English Forces were slain not full 20 Men: in which service, Sir Thomas Lucas unhappily received a very sore wound in his head. That night, the English Army lodged at Ballybeggan. After which time, the Army march’d without molestation of any Enemy, until they return’d to Dublin, whether the Rear of the Army came safe on Munday the 27th. of the same month, 1643.

Where they were again Quarter’d, even to the undoing and great desolation of that poor City, which had now suffered so much, and so long, under the burden and insolencies of unpaid, wanting Soldiers, as they were unable to bear it longer, and with loud cries and complaints made known their Grievances to the Lords Justices and Council, wholely unable to relieve them. And indeed, such was the posture of the present affairs at that time, as every thing tended to bring on a Cessation; yet for the present, the Lieutenant General (that the Soldiers might be quieted) publish’d a strict Edict, Prohibiting all Soldiers to offer the least violence to any who brought Provision to the Market, or any Inhabitants of the Town, under the severest Penalties of the Marshals Court; which, for a time, begat an obedience. But the Army being ill Cloath’d, meanly Victuall’d, worse Paid, and seldom employ’d in service, necessity enforc’d them to those outrages Humanity could not take notice of, many of them being the effects of a very pinching want; though the Lords Justices and Council (to the great dislike of the Army) pursued some of the Offenders with exemplary Justice: A sense of which, with the Meagre return which Serjeant Major Warren brought out of England, on his sollicitation for the Soldiers Pay, and the dissatisfaction that thence arose; some of the Officers, not all, (there was a Party that presum’d they might have gone through with the work, had there not been another in the Loom) afterwards presented the State, the 4th. of April, 1643. with a Paper, in such a stile, threatning so much danger, as the Lords Justices and Council remitted the Copy of it to the Parliament of England, which here follows.
My Lords,

At our first entrance into this unhappy Kingdom, we had no other design, than by our Swords to assert and vindicate the Right of his Majesty, which was here most highly abused, to redress the wrongs of his poor Subjects, and to advance our own Particulars in the prosecution of so honest undertakings. And for the rest of these, we do believe they have, since our coming over, succeeded pretty well; but for the last, which concerns our selves, that hath fall’n out so contrary to our expectations, that instead of being rewarded, we have been prejudic’d; instead of getting a Fortune, we have spent part of one: And though we behave our selves never so well abroad, and perform the actions of honest men, yet we have the Reward of Rogues and Rebels, which is Misery and Want, when we come home. Now (my Lords) although we be brought to so great an Exigence, that we are ready to rob and spoil one another; yet to prevent such outrages, we thought it better to try all honest means for our subsistence, before we take such indirect courses. Therefore if your Lordships will be pleased to take us timely into your considerations, before our urgent wants make us desperate, we will, as we have done hitherto, serve your Lordships readily and faithfully. But if your Lordships will not find a way for our preservations here, we humbly desire, we may have leave to go where we may have a better being: And if your Lordships shall refuse to grant that, we must then take leave to have our recourse to that first and primary Law, which God hath endued all men with, we mean, the Law of Nature, which teacheth all men to preserve themselves.

Hence (with what countenance some gave it) it was thought, the Rebels (as to the bringing in of the Cessation, and their further Aims) prevail’d more, than in all their Battels, Treacheries, and Surprizals.

About Easter, the Rebels, under Preston, besieg’d Baranokil; at which time (even the 11th. of April) Colonel Crafford march’d forth of Dublin with 13000 Foot, and 130 Horse, a Culvering and a Saker Drake, towards Monastar-Even, that with his Party he might there live; and (if he should be advised by the Garrisons thereab outs) he had Orders to set upon Preston, who had with him 4000 Foot, 500 Horse, three Pieces of Battery, and four Field-Pieces.

But here we must acquaint you, that about November, 1642. the Lords Justices sent his Majesty, then at Oxford, a short Petition, in the name of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland, which they had received from them, desiring, that his Majesty would appoint some persons to hear what they could say for themselves, with many expressions of Duty and Submission. Shortly after which, Sir James Mountgomery, Sir Hardress Waller, Knights and Colonels, Colonel Arthur Hill, and Colonel Audley Mervin, a Committee for Ireland, in behalf of themselves and other Commanders in his Majesties Army, there attended his Majesty at Oxford, setting forth by their Petition as follows.

May it please your Sacred Majesty.

We your Majesties most humble Subjects, being entrusted from considerable parts of your Majesties Forces in the Kingdom of Ireland, to petition your Majesty, and your Parliament for Supplies; and finding that your Majesty had committed the care and managing of that War to your Parliament here, we address’d our selves unto the same, whose sense of our miseries, and inclination to redress, appear’d very tender unto us. But the present distempers of this your Majesties Kingdom of England (to our unspeakable grief) are grown so great, that all future passages, by which comfort and life should be conveyed to that gasping Kingdom, seem totally to be obstructed; so that unless your Gracious Majesty, out of your singular Wisdom, and Fatherly Care, apply some speedy Remedy, We your distressed and loyal Subjects of that Kingdom must inevitably perish. Our condition represents unto your Majesty the estate of all your Majesties faithful Protestant Subjects in Ireland; the influence of Princely favour and goodness so actively distill’d upon your Kingdom of Ireland, before the birth of this monstrous Rebellion there, and since the same, so abundantly express’d in Characters of a deep sense, and lively presentment of the bleeding condition thereof, gives us hope, in this our deplorable extremity, to address our selves unto your Sacred Throne, humbly beseeching, that it may please your Gracious Majesty, amongst your other weighty cares, so to reflect upon the bleeding condition of that perishing Kingdom, that timely relief may be offered; otherwise your Loyal Subjects there must yield their Fortunes a Prey, their Lives a Sacrifice, and their Religion a Scorn to the merciless Rebels, powerfully assisted from Abroad. Whilst we live, we rest in your Majesties Protection; if our deaths are design’d in that Cause, we will die in your obedience; living and dying, ever praying for your Majesties long and prosperous Reign over us.

Montgomery, Hard. Waller, Arth. Hill, Aud. Mervin.

Unto which his Majesty, by his Principal Secretary, the Lord Faulkland, return’d this Answer, from the Court at Oxford, the 1st. of December, 1642.

His Majesty hath expresly commanded me to give this Answer to this Petition.

That his Majesty hath, since the beginning of that monstrous Rebellion, had no greater sorrow, than for the bleeding condition of that his Kingdom; and as he hath by all means labour’d, that timely relief might be afforded to the same, and consented to all Propositions (how disadvantagious soever to himself) that have been offer’d him for that purpose; and at first recommended their condition to both his Houses of Parliament, and immediately of his own meer motion sent over several Commissions, and caused some proportion of Arms and Ammunition (which the Petitioners well know to have been a great support to the Northern parts of that Kingdom) to be conveyed to them out of Scotland, and offered to find 10000 Volunteers to undertake that War; but hath often since prest by many several Messages that sufficient Succours might be hastned thither, and other matters of smaller importance laid by, which did divert it; and offered, and most really intended, in his own Royal Person, to have undergone the danger of that War, for the defence of his good Subjects, and the chastisement of those perfidious and barbarous Rebels; and in his several Expressions of his desires of Treaty and Peace, hath declared the miserable present condition, and certain future loss of Ireland to be one of his principal Motives, most earnestly to desire, that the present Distractions of this Kingdom might be compos’d, and that others would concur with him to the same end: So his Majesty is well pleas’d, that his Offers, Concurrence, Actions, and Expressions, are so rightly understood by the Petitioners, and those who have employ’d them, (notwithstanding the groundless and horrid Aspersions which have been cast upon him) but wishes, that instead of a meer general Complaint (to which his Majesty can make no return but of Compassion) they could have digested and offered to him any such desires, by consenting to which, he might convey (at least in some degree) comfort and life to that gasping Kingdom, preserve his distressed and Loyal Subjects of the same from inevitably perishing, and the true Protestant Religion from being scorn’d and trampled on by those merciless and Idolatrous Rebels. And if the Petitioners can yet think on any such, and propose them to his Majesty, he assures them, that by his readiness to consent, and his thanks to them for the proposal, he will make it appear to them, that their most pressing personal sufferings, cannot make them more desirous of relief, than his care of the true Religion, and of his faithful Subjects, and of that Duty which obliges him to his Power to protect both, renders him desirous to afford it to them.

Faulkland.

Upon the Petition of the Confederates of Ireland, his Majesty granted a Commission to the Marquis of Ormond, to meet, and hear what the Rebels could say or propound for themselves; by vertue of which, the Earl of St. Albans and Clanrickard, the Earl of Roscommon, Sir Maurite Eustace, and other his Majesties Commissioners met at Trim, to whom the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland Commissioners (the Lord Viscount Gormanston, Sir Lucas Dillon Knight, Sir Robert Talbot Baronet, and John Walsh Esq) produced a Remonstrance the 17th. of March, 1642. to be presented to his most Excellent Majesty, by the name of, The Remonstrance of Grievances, presented to his Majesty in the name of the Catholicks of Ireland. Yet though (as you see) this Remonstrance was solemnly received by his Majesties Commissioners, and by them transmitted to his Majesty; as before had been the presumptious Propositions from Cavan, the Letter of the Farrals to the Lord Costilough, Dr. Cale’s Agency from the Rebels, the United Lords Letter to the Earl of Castlehaven, and the Lord Mountgarret’s to the Lieutenant General, and all other Addresses to the State; as afterwards the Propositions of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland, even to his Majesty (by their Agents) to himself at Oxford: Yet the bleeding Iphigenia abounds in so much Impudence, as to affirm, that to this day, (the 23d. of December, 1674.) they were not heard to speak for themselves. Shameless Soul! The Commission from his Majesty, that the Rebels might be heard, was brought over, and confidently delivered at the Council-board, the 22. of January, by Thomas Bourk Esq (a Contriver of the Rebellion) to the amazement of All not acquainted with the Plot. In the Remonstrance there are pieced together (saith that excellent and judicious Person, who knew as well their Sophistry, as the States Interest) so many vain inconsiderable fancies, many subsequent passages acted in the prosecution of the War, and such bold, false, notorious Assertions, without any the least ground or colour of truth, as without all doubt they absolutely resolv’d, first, to raise this Rebellion, and then to set their Lawyers and Clergy on work to frame such Reasons and Motives, as might with some colour of justification serve for Arguments to defend it. It is indeed, to speak plainly, a most infamous Pamphlet, full fraught with scandalous aspersions cast upon the present Government, and his Majesties Principal Officers of State within this Kingdom: it was certainly framed with most virulent intentions, not to present their condition and present sufferings to his Majesty, but that it might be dispers’d to gain belief amongst Foreign States abroad, as well as discontented Persons at home, and so draw assistance and aid to foment and strengthen their Rebellious Party in Ireland. Of which, if any desire to be more fully satisfi’d, each Particular is clearly answer’d (by a Person then at the Helm, very faithfully, though not with that vigour the truth requir’d) in a Book, entituled, The false and scandalous Remonstrance of the Inhumane and Bloody Rebels of Ireland. And upon the 8th. and 9th. of April following, it came to be considered in the Commons House of Parliament in Ireland, seemingly disliked by all, though with that artifice by some, as the Remonstrants themselves could not have insinuated more in its defence; in as much as these (not finding they gain’d on the Anti-Remonstrants) at last brought into discourse the Solemn League and Covenant, the more colourably to take off the dispute concerning the Remonstrance; whereby the business growing hot, the House was Prorogu’d till the 6th. of May.

All things being now in that condition, as the necessities of the Army daily increas’d, a Cessation grew generally to be spoke of; his Majesty having imparted his Commands therein to the Lords Justices by the following Letter.

C.R.

Right Trusty and Well-beloved Counsellors, We greet you well. Whereas considering the present Condition of Our Affairs, as well in this as that Our Kingdom, through the famous Plots and Practises of Persons, disaffected to Our Person and Government, We have given Command and Authority to Our Right Trusty, Entirely, and Well-beloved Cousin and Counsellor, the Marquis of Ormond, Lieutenant General of Our Army and Forces in Ireland, to Treat with Our Subjects, who in that Kingdom have taken up Arms against us; and to agree with them upon a Cessation of Arms for one Year; which, as it is a Service of very great Concernment to Vs and Our present Affairs, both here and there; so We Will and Command, that you therein give your most effectual assistance and furtherance to advance the same, by your Industry and Endeavours, as there shall be occasion.

Given at Our Court at Oxford,the 23. of April, 1643.

About the 1st. of May, 1643. the Lord Inchequin (since the death of his Father-in-law, Sir William St. Leger, as yet Commander in Chief in the Province of Munster) march’d forth with his Army, divided into two Parties; one Commanded by himself, into the West of the County of Cork, doing excellent service there, without resistance: and the other under the Conduct of Sir Charles Vavasor, with select Numbers, respectively gathered from the Garrisons of Toughall, Talloe, Castle Lions, Lismore, Mogily, and Cappaquin; the whole number consisting of about 1200 Musketeers, and 200 Horse, besides Volunteers and Pillagers. In which Expedition, Major Appleyard, May the 2d. near the Castle of Cosgrave, was assign’d to fall on Ballykeroge, (Sir Nicholas Walsh’s Town and Lands) that he might burn and spoil them: And Sir Charles Vavasor undertook the Passage to the Comroe; upon the left hand whereof there stands an exceeding high Mountain, and under the brow a large Wood, through which the Army was necessitated to pass, an unpassable Bog being on the right hand. The Enemy (never wanting intelligence) against Sir Charles came, had cast up a Trench breast high, with spike holes along the side of the Wood, from the Mountain to the Bog, with a strong Barricado, and two Courts of Guards for Musketeers to lodge in, more artificially done than they were accustomed to: But by the help of a Fog (our Guide proving faithful) the Rebels were not aware of us till our Horse were upon them, at which they shot, and we retreated leisurely (our Foot not being come up) through Providence, without harm; and Sir Charles commanded some Dragooners, of Captain Pynes Company, to alight, which they did, soon entring the Enemies Trenches, and, before the Foot came, gain’d the Pass; and the Horse and Foot march’d within Musket-shot of Dermod O Brian’s (Lord of the Countrey) Castle, where they made a stand, till the Soldiers had fir’d the Countrey, and took away their Cattle, the Enemy not daring to rescue them, firing (as they march’d away) by Comroe-Castle, a good House of Peter Anthony’s, an English Papist, with many other Thatch’d Houses thereunto belonging. The same day the whole Army Rendezvousing on a Hill near Kilmac-Thomas, resolv’d that night to have advanc’d to Stradbally; but marching by Mac-Thomas’s Castle, they within gave fire upon us; 60 of our Soldiers, being not able to endure such an affront, ran out of the Main Body to the Castle, without either Captain, Lieutenant, Ensign, or other Officer; and recovering a Ditch upon the South-side of the Castle, (the Wind blowing Southerly) they set the Thatch’d Houses on fire, and assaulted the Castle by the help of the smoak, (blinding the Warders) upon which the Besieged cri’d, A Drum, a drum; at which, many who had flown thither for safety inconsiderately, ran out, and were by our Soldiers knock’d on the head; whilst the Warders (delivering the Castle on some Terms) had Quarter, as the other might have had too, had they staid in the Castle; from amongst which, six or seven that were thought dead rose up, which (the Soldiers would have killed) but in pity, Sir Charles Vavasor suffer’d to go with the Warders to Ballykeroge. After which service, Ensign Boughton and 40 Musketeers took in a House, built by James Wallis Esq strongly fortifi’d by John Fitz-Gerald, Son and Heir to Mac-Thomas; the Warders and the rest being on Terms also convey’d to Ballykeroge: And so facing Clonea (belonging to Tibbot Fitz-Gerrard) and Cosgrave Castles, and passing by Dungarvan, some of the Rebels issued out of Town; but the English Forces drawing into a Body to oppose them, they retired without the least Encounter, our Forces marching to their own Garrisons.

About the 27th. of May, the Lord Inchequin compleats an Army of 4000 Foot, and 400 Horse, which Rendevouz’d at Buttevant; out of which he sent 200 Horse, under the Command of Captain Bridges, (a resolute active man) and 1200 Foot, under the Conduct of Lieutenant Colonel Story, (no ways backward of the Employment) into the County of Kerry; a dangerous Journey, considering the length of the way, and scarcity of Provision they had with them, the Enemy having wasted and fired Trally, (a Place as well accommodated with good Land for Corn and Cattle, as any other Place in Munster) lest the Lord Inchequin should quarter there. Whereupon the Lord Inchequin (considering the danger of the Journey) to divert the Enemy, laid a pretended Siege to the Town of Kilmallock, (a Place of great consequence, and a Key to Limerick) whereby, the Rebels eyes being fixed on Kilmallock’s relief, the Expedition was much facilitated; Bridges and Story bringing away a great Prey of Cattle, some Prisoners, and fetch’d off many English from the Castle of Ballybeggan without any resistance, save a loose Skirmish, wherein the Enemy lost four men, and were routed.

The Lord Inchequin, the 28th. of May, having sent Colonel Myn to Patrick Purcel of Croe, Governour of Kilmallock, to acquaint him, he came forth onely to meet an Enemy in the Field, not to Besiege the Town. He released the Lady Humes and her Son, Prisoners at Kilmallock, for one Burget, a Prisoner at Cork, whether the Lord Inchequin march’d, whilst Sir Charles Vavasor, after a well regulated Dispute (stoutly defended by the Rebels) took in Cloghleigh, commanded by one Condon, wherein was 20 Men, 11 Women, and about 7 Children, some of which the Soldiers stript, in readiness to kill them; but Major Howel drawing out his Sword, defended them; and whilst he went to Colonel Vavasor, (then at Ballyhindon, Mr. Roche’s House, where he was invited that day to Dine) committed them to Captain Wind, who leaving them to a Guard of Horse, they stripped them again, and afterwards fell upon them with Carbines, Pistols, and Swords: a cruelty so resented by Sir Charles Vavasor, that he vowed to hang him that commanded the Guard; and had certainly done it, had not the next days action prevented it, which was the most considerable loss the English ever received from the Rebels, a mischief they might have avoided had they been less confident, and given greater credence to their Intelligence.

The 4th. of June, being Sunday, early in the morning, before break of day quarter, Mr. Hill, with a Squadron of Horse, was sent to Scout about Cloghline and Castlegrace, in the County of Tipperary; and before day-light he was encompassed by the Enemies Horse; so that he, with his Company, with great difficulty escap’d, and bringing word to the Leaguer at Cloghleigh, the Alarm was up, and presently our Foot drew themselves into two Divisions in a Field next the Mountain, where the Enemy came down, when presently two or three Bodies of the Enemies Horse appear’d on the side of a Hill, (a mile and a half from us.) In the mean time Sir Charles Vavasor (lying the night before at Castle Logons) was sent for, and he (without delay) came away as fast as his Horse could carry him: but before he came, a Party of Musketeers, to the number of 200, under the Command of Captain Philip Hutton, and a Troop of Horse commanded by Captain Freek, drew up nearer to the Enemy by half a mile, and there stood for the space of two hours; some of the Horse in the interim advanc’d further, founding their Trumpets on both sides. At length, Christopher Brian (the Lord Inchequin’s Brother) desir’d to Parle with Quartermaster Page, and after some Complements and Discourses past, they parted; as did afterwards Captain Richard Fitz-Morris (the Lord of Kirries Brother) with the said Christopher Bryan. Presently after notice was given, that the Enemy was advancing; but we could discover no Foot all this while, (their management of this business being very close.) Whereupon Sir Charles Vavasor demurr’d upon it, and took order for what was needful, and called back the said Hutton and the Horse from the Mountain. In the interim, Captain George Butler (a Native of this Kingdom, a man of undanted spirit, and well experienc’d in Martial Discipline) came to Sir Charles from the Lord Inchequin with a Letter, importing, That the said Butler’s Company and Sir John Brown’s were marching from Moyalloe towards him, and now within a mile and half to him, were at his disposal. Upon that, Sir Charles and the rest of the Officers consulted what was best to be done, and concluded, such a Body of Horse could not be without a considerable Body of Foot, and therefore fully resolv’d to make good a Retreat, giving order, that all the Carriages with the Artillery (that were now at a stop on the Manning Water) should hast away, till they recovered the Black Water at the Ford of Farmoy, to help to make good that Pass, in case he should be hard put to it. After this, Sir Charles staid a while, so long as he might well conceive the said two Companies, Carriage and Ordnance to be at the Ford, and then presently marched on to Castle Lyons, the Front led by Lieutenant King, the Body by Major Howel, and the Rear by Sir Charles himself, a Forlorn-hope of about 160 Musketeers in the Rear was commanded by Captain Pierce Lacy, Captain Hutton, and Lieutenant Stardbury, and all our Horse in the Rear likewise; who no sooner came over the Manning Water, and recovered the top of the Hill, but the Enemies Horse were at our heels: From this Hill to the Ford there is a dangerous Passage of a Narrow Lane, which the Enemy knew full well, and so did our Men too: And the Enemy perceiving that most of our Men were marching within this Lane, (excepting the Forlorn-hope and the Horse) charged us in the Rear, coming on as the Moorish and Getulian Horse, mention’d by Salust in Jugarth’s War, not in Order and Warlike manner, but by Troops and scattering Companies at adventure, that the Fight rather resembled an Incursion than a Battel; and so hemm’d in and prest on our Horse, (being but 120) that they were able to move no way, but fall into that Lane amongst the Foot, which they did, thereby routing our whole Foot. The Ordnance by this time was not carried over the Black Water, nor the two Companies as yet come to make good the Passage, so that all our Colours (save one brought off by Dermot O Grady, Ensign to Captain Rowland St. Leger, who gallantly sav’d It and himself) were taken, our two Pieces of Ordnance surpriz’d, and Sir Charles himself (together with Captain Wind, Lieutenant King, Ensign Chaplain, Captain Fitz-morris, and divers others) taken Prisoner; besides those that were kill’d in the Place, (viz.) Captain Pierce Lacy, Captain George Butler, Lieutenant Walter St. Leger, (three Natives of this Kingdom) Lieutenant Stradbury, Lieutenant Rosington, Lieutenant Kent, Ensign Simmons, with divers other Lieutenants and Ensigns, besides common Soldiers, to the number of 300, some affirm 600.

Upon which success, they boldly attempted Cappaquin, which more gallantly withstood them, in as much as after all their attempts, the Assailants were shamefully beaten off towards the end of June, and forc’d to retreat, having lost upon the first Assault 62 men; afterwards, attempting it again, they were repuls’d, and fearing the Lord Inchequin’s approach, marched away, having lost in that enterprize Lieutenant Colonel Butler, (Brother to the Lord of Armally,) Captain Saint John of Saint Johnstown, Captain Pierce Butler of Ballypaddin in the County of Tipperary, Captain Grady desperately hurt, one Ensign killed, as were four Serjeants, and two hurt, besides several Prisoners taken: one of their Horsemen compleatly arm’d ran to us, who (amongst other passages) discovered the particular losses of the Enemy, their chief Gunner was likewise slain in this service: Upon the retreat and marching away, a Party of our Horse commanded by Sir John Brown sallied out of the Town after them, and killed some of their Men and Pillagers in the Rear of their Army, who found 25 graves after them in the Camp, wherein they buried their dead by 4 and 5 in a grave, as by veiw appear’d.

Yet though the Enemy had no success in taking in Cappaquin, we by Colonel Myn took in the Castles of Timolege, Roscarby, and Rathbarry in the West, and Lismore nobly defended it self under Captain Barderoe, whilst the Lord Inchequin appearing with 2500 Horse and Foot, rais’d the Siege, whose Army upon news of the Cessation, drew off, then ready to give Battle.

In Connaght, after the Battle of Raconnel, till Midsummer, there was not any considerable service done by our Souldiers; and the Enemy either kept close in Garrisons, or was drawn off to the Siege of Galloway’s Fort; And now the Enemies finding that without the Command of some experienc’d General, and the uniting of their Forces, they were able to do little, yea, not to defend themselves; they got for Commander John Bourk (or as they more commonly called him, Shane O-Tlevij) descended from the Bourks of Castle Barr, or if you please of the Mac Williams: His first exploit was against the Fort of Galloway, to the taking and demolishing of which, the Townsmen contributed both with Bodies and Purse very largely; they wanted good battering Guns, and therefore resolv’d to take it by Famine, it being but poorly provided by such as the Parliament appointed to bring timely supplies by Sea, knowing that in it they should get battering Guns, to take in the rest of the English Garrisons in that Province. To this end, they made a Chain of Masts, Casks, and Iron, across that part of the Harbour next to the Fort, and planted strong Guards at each end of it; They prepared some few Ship-Guns, and a Morter-Piece, which was well cast by a Runnagate out of the Lord Forbes Ships, which afterwards they made use of at the Siege of Castle Coot; so that with much Industry rather then Gallantry, they at length got the Fort by Composition, its Relief coming too late into the Harbour; The event of which so much struck the Governour, as he did not many months after survive the loss.

Upon the taking of the Fort, the Irish were overjoy’d to be Masters of so many brave Guns, and thought that the Reputation of this and the help of the Guns, would reduce suddainly all Connaght; they resolv’d first to fall on Castle Coot, the most painant thorn in their side, being confident that upon their success there, they might in all probability expect to have the rest, not because it had any great strength in its Walls, but was well mann’d, and vigilantly attended; though with 4000 Horse and Foot, and answerable Accommodations of War, they question’d not but to Master it soon, having Preston’s Engineer, Monsieur La Loo (an expert Low-Countrey Souldier) to manage their Works, who upon the knowledge of the situation of the Place, question’d not its surrender, Galloway having (for Fireworks, and fitting expedients for that service) furnished him with 300£ However, though they had made as regular and handsom a Fortification about the Castle, as ever was attempted in Ireland, yet the Garrison so nobly attack’d each Redoubt, that thence ensued many brave Attempts, much certainly to the prejudice of the Besieged; the Garrison maintaining their own against all the Attempts the Besiegers ever adventur’d, which in truth were many, not without Skill as well as Courage maintain’d; in as much as the Governour Captain Richard Coot, since Lord Baron of Coloony, having sent forth a private Messenger to Major Ormsby, (who before with the help of the English Garrisons, had very successfully beaten Owen Roe-O Neal out of the Province with great loss, coming to set upon Boyle, Jamestown, Carrickdrumzoosh, and Elphin,) at Tulsol, to inform him of his wants, very carefully consulted with Boyle and Roscommon, who joyntly agreed (upon a private Sign) to relieve them of Castle Coot; which the Enemy having notice of by one, whom the Garrison had familiarly entertain’d, the Treachery (on the Enemies side) was carried on, as they set forth two parties, as if one had made to the Castles Relief, whilst the other oppos’d it; to the countenance of which, the Governour being (from the Walls) encouraged by the Souldiers (though against his own suspicions) adventured forth with 60 Musketiers, but soon found the deceit of the business; The Enemy all this while having skirmish with themselves as two Parties, who now joyntly fall upon the Governour with those he drew out, who so gallantly oppos’d them, though (in compute) not less then 700 Men, as they retired to their Camp, and he secured his Retreat (with much Honour) to his Castle; The Enemy in the Interim, making a bold assault on the other part of the Castle, which he came time enough to relieve, beating off the Enemy with a considerable loss, and having slain many of their men, caus’d them decently to be laid out (not beheaded as the Irish barbarously are accustomed to do) for which their General sent him a Present of Tobacco, (then very acceptable;) However, afterwards he beat them to inaccessible Places, in Bogs and Woods (their usual Refuge) and recover’d at that time store of Tobacco, Cloaths, and 11 weeks Pay, newly come, to satisfie their Souldiers; Yet they hearing of the Cessation, but not yet having an Express from the Marquiss of Ormond, more violently (then ever) shot at the Castle; and having now a Messenger of the Cessation, they so far suspected him as a spy, as they imprison’d him, endeavouring still to gain the Castle; but finding their attempts vain, Forces from Boyle, Roscommon, &c. faithfully having relieved the Castle, all joyntly gallantly set on the Rebels, which their General perceiving, grew so much enraged against his Souldiers, as to profess he had rather be Captain of the 200 in the Garrison, then General of the 3000 he had; so as at length the Governour as well as Bourk, having an Express from the Marquiss of Ormond, both acquiess’d therein.

Thus his Majesties Forces (where they were unanimous) vigorously proceeded; nay should I adventure to recount all their actions, time would fail, we are obliged to be brief, though in omitting any, injuries may be done excellent Persons, whose pardons I beg, whilst they had no better supplies then other Places.

However, the necessities of the Army were daily aggravated, yet they (in some mens opinion) not seeming sufficient to bring on a Cessation, such as were principal opposers of it, were thought requisite to be remov’d; And the 23. of April, 1643. Sir Francis Butler arriv’d from England with a Supersedeas for the Lord Parson’s Government, and a Commission to the Lord Borlase, and Sir Henry Tichborn, to be Lords Justices; who accordingly the first of May, were instituted in the Government; Who (betwixtthe unpaid and Refractory Souldiers, and the difficulties that arose about the Cessation, which they were to consent to, but acted little in) encountred no small difficulties in their Government, whatever censure it hath since met with: Soon after their admission, fresh hopes of a more plentiful Supply exceedingly cheer’d the Souldiers; but that failing, Murmures, Mutinies, and a discontented Spirit raged every where, highly fomented, that necessity might be a main plea for the Cessation; of which his Majesty being daily inform’d, writes this Letter.

C. R.

Right trusty and Right well beloved Cousen and Councellor, we greet you well, by our Letters of the 23. of the last month: We gave you our Command to Treat and Agree upon a Cessation of Arms for one year, with those our Subjects in that our Kingdom, who have taken up Arms there against our Authority; and having since seen the Propositions, which you and the rest of our Commissioners sent us from our said Subjects, We find the same to be of such great importance, and many things therein alledged, so necessary to be further examined and inquired into, as we have been the rather induced to have such a Cessation, as we have formerly written unto you, so as it may be with Honour to us, and without prejudice to our Interest and Service; This Bearer Mr. William Brent, is a Person whom we have purposely sent over, to give us an account of your proceedings in a Business of this Consequence, to whom you may give credit, and by him we shall desire to hear from you, when you shall have any Matter of moment to send over unto us.

Given at our Court at Oxon,the 3d. of May, 1643.

To our right trusty and entirely beloved Cousen and Counsellor, James Marquiss of Ormond, Lieutenant General of our Army in Ireland.

This (upon the Treaty) the Confederates Commissioners acknowledge to have seen, but insisted upon one (formerly mention’d) of the 23. of April, (more important they conceive) which upon promise (that upon the agreement of the Treaty perfected,) they should have a Copy of the Treaty, went on: though as to his Majesty, that there might be a further evidence of his Intentions, to subdue the Rebellion in Ireland, he (being presented the 5th. of May, 1643. by Sir Robert King, William Jephson, and Arthur Hill Esquires, from the Parliament, with a Bill entituled, An Act for the speedy payment of Moneys, subscribed towards the reducing of the Rebels in Ireland, which yet remain’d unpaid) was so far from denying to pass the said Act, (though driven from his Parliament, with far the Major part of both Houses) that he inclin’d to pass the Act, if he might be assured to have it imployed to no other purpose, then the Reducing of the Rebels, &c. Which Conditions not being answered, no more was attempted by that Bill, a defect not resting in his Majesty, but those that sent it; whereby the straights in Ireland still increasing, the Lords Justices writ to his Majesty (as a little before they had done to the Parliament) the ensuing Letter.

May it please your Most Excellent Majesty.

As soon as we your Majesties Justices entred into the charge of this Government, we took into our consideration at this Board, the state of your Army here, which we find suffering under unspeakable extremities of want of all things, necessary to the support of their Persons, or maintenance of the War; here being no Victuals, Cloaths, or other Provisions requisite towards their sustenance, no Money to provide them of any thing they want, no Arms in your Majesties Stores, to supply their many defective Arms, not above 40 Barrels of Powder in your Stores, no strength of serviceable Horses being now left here, and those few that are, their Arms for the most part lost or unserviseable, no Ships arriv’d here to guard the Coasts, and consequently no security rendred to any, that might (on their private Adventures) bring in Provisions of Victuals, or other necessaries, towards our subsistence, and finally, no visible means by Sea or Land of being able to preserve for you this your Kingdom, and to render deliverance from utter destruction, to the Remnant of your good Subjects yet left here.

We find that your Majesties late Justices and this Board, have often and fully by very many Letters, advertised the Parliament in England, of the extremities of Affairs here, and besought relief with all possible importunity, which also have been fully represented to your Majesty, and to the Lord Lieutenant, and to Mr. Secretary Nicholas, to be made known to your Majesty: And although the Winds have of late for many days (and often formerly) stood very fair, for accessions of supply forth of England hither, and that we have still with longing expectations, hope to find Provisions arrive here, in some degree answerable to the necessities of your Affairs: yet now (to our unexpressible grief) after full 6 months waiting, and much longer patience and long-suffering, we find all our great expectations answered in a mean and inconsiderable quantity of Provisions, (viz.) 75 Barrels of Butter, and 14 Tun of Cheese, being but the fourth part of a small Vessels Lading, which was sent from London, and arriv’d here on the 5th. of this Month, which is not above 7 or 8 days Provision for that part of the Army which lies in Dublin, and the out-Garrisons thereof, no Money or Victuals (other then that inconsiderable proportion of Victual) having arriv’d in this Place, as sent from the Parliament of England, or any other forth of England for the use of the Army, since the beginning of November last.

We have (by the blessing of God) been hitherto prosperous and successful in your Majesties Affairs here, and should be still hopeful, by the mercy of God, under the Royal Directions of your Sacred Majesty, to vindicate your Majesties Honour, and recover your Rights here, and take due vengeance on these Traitors, for the innocent blood they have spilt, if we might be strengthned or supported therein by needful supplies out of England: But these supplies having hitherto been expected to come from the Parliament of England, (on which if your Majesty had not relyed, we are assured, you would in your high Wisdom have found out some other means to preserve this your Kingdom) and so great and apparent a failer having hapned therein, and all the former and late long continuing Easterly winds, bringing us no other Provisions then those few, Cheese and Butter; And no advertisement being brought us of any future supplies to be so much as in the way hither, whereby there might be any likelihood, that considerable means of support for your Majesties Army, might arrive here in any reasonable time, before that we be totally swallowed up by the Rebels, and your Kingdom by them wrested from you; we find our selves so disappointed of our hopes from the Parliament, as must needs trench to the utter loss of the Kingdom, if your Majesty in your high Wisdom ordain not some present means of preservation for us.

And considering, that if now by occasion of that unhappy and unexpected failing of support from thence, we shall be less successful in your Services here against the Rebels, then hitherto (whilst we were enabled with some means to serve you) we have been, the shame and dishonour may, in common construction of those who know not the inwards of the Cause, be imputed to us, and not to the failing that disabled us: And considering principally and above all things, the high and eminent trust of your Affairs here, deposited with us by your Sacred Majesty, we may not forbear in discharge of our Duty, thus freely and plainly to declare our humble apprehensions, to the end your Majesty thus truly understanding the terribleness of our Condition, may find out some such means of support, to preserve to your Majesty and your Royal Posterity, this your ancient and rightful Crown and Kingdom, and derive deliverance and safety to the Remnant of your good Subjects yet left here, as in your excellent Judgment you shall find to be most to your Honour and Advantage.

And so praying to the King of Kings to guide and direct you for the best, in this high and important Cause, and in all other your Councels and Actions, we humbly remain,

From your Majesties Castle at Dublin,the 11th. of May, 1643.

Your Majesties most Loyal and most Faithful Subjects and Servants.

The 12th. of May, the Lord Taaffe, Roch, and Fitzwilliams arrived out of England, and that morning Major Warren, and Sir Francis Butler came to the Council, the Lords sitting, and presented a Petition to the Lords Justices, accusing the Lord Parsons of high Misdemeanors, and other Treasonable Matters; requesting that his Person and Goods might be secur’d, though (in conclusion) nothing was ever filed against him: an Evidence to most, that there was more of a Design, then Crime, in the Accusation.

And having (as before) presented you with the Lords Justices Letter to his Majesty, we should now give you the Declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament the 16th. of June, 1643. concerning the present lamentable estate and miserable condition of Ireland; In answer to what, the Lords Justices and Council had faithfully acquainted them withall, that it may appear how sensible they were of the information they had receiv’d of the straights and exigencies of the Protestant Forces in Ireland; which certainly is very Emphatical, resenting (with a just aggravation) the miserable condition of that Kingdom; but being legible in Husbands Collections, we shall refer you thither, not busing our selves how far it prevail’d. Certainly the Exigencies of the Souldiers, and State of Ireland were then very considerable, in as much as his Majesty not being able (by any other expedient) to remedy (as he was perswaded) their complaints, then by a Cessation, he (to that end) sends this Letter to the Lords Justices.

C. R.

Right trusty and well beloved Counsellors, and right trusty and intirely well beloved Cousen and Counsellor, we greet you well: The present Distractions here have rendred us as unable, as by experience we find the remaining part of the two Houses, are unwilling to supply or relieve our Army in Ireland; and if the Money we consented should be rais’d in this our Kingdom for the Relief of Ireland, had not been diverted by them, and Rebelliously imployed against us here in England, we should not have been constrain’d to have hearkned to a Cessation of Arms now on that side; But since we see no other hope, during the unhappy distempers here, to settle the Peace of that our Kingdom, but by a Cessation of Arms between us and the Irish, now in Arms there, and doubt very much, how our Forces now in that our Kingdom will be there maintain’d, if we shall admit of a Cessation: We have thought it expedient by these our Letters, to recommend it to your care and industry to consider seriously how our Forces on that side, may be enabled to subsist during the Cessation: and if there may be means found for that, we do then hereby Authorise, and require you, to agree to a Cessation of Arms there for a year, and in our Names to assure the said Irish, that we are graciously inclin’d to dissolve the present Parliament, and call a new one between this and the 10th. of November next, and to take a course, to put all those that shall be chosen Members of the said Parliament, into such a condition, as they shall not be prejudiced of their Liberty of Assisting, Sitting, and Voting in the said Parliament; for better effecting whereof, we do hereby further authorise and require you, to give License to such Commissioners, as the said Irish shall appoint to come over hither to us, to treat of that Business, and such other Particulars (to be proposed by way of Petition) as shall necessarily conduce, not onely to the satisfying of the said Cessation, but to a preparation of what shall be requisite, for the setling of a just, honourable, and perfect Peace in that our Kingdom: And we further require, in case the said Irish now in Arms, shall agree to such a Cessation and Treaty, to advertise us of some such able and fitting Ministers, or Servants of ours on that side, as you conceive fit to be sent over hither to assist in the Treaty here, when Commissioners shall come over from the said Irish. In which Business we require you to use all convenient expedition, and to give us a speedy Account, for which these our Letters shall be your Warrant.

Given under our Signet at our Court at Oxford,the second day of July, in the 19th. year of Our Reign, 1643.

To our right trusty and wellbeloved Counsellors, Sir John Borlase, and Sir Henry Tichborn, Kts. Lords Justices of our Kingdom of Ireland, and to our right trusty and intirely beloved Cosen and Counsellor, James, Marquiss of Ormond, Lieutenant-General of our Army there.

But before this Letter came to the Lords Justices, the means to a Cessation were thought of: Yet the day before the Marquiss of Ormond proceeded to the Treaty, which was the 22. of June, the chief Protestants of the City of Dublin were called before the Council, to know if they would give 10000£ or have a Cessation; the latter they were very unwilling to, and the former they could not advance; indeed it was well known, though it serv’d (as an Argument) to evidence the necessity the State was put to: And the Irish Commissioners, the 23. of June, presented themselves unto the Marquiss of Ormond, in his Tent near Castle Martin, in the County of Kildare, in the presence of divers Colonels, Captains, and Officers in his Majesties Army, his Lordship sitting in his Chair covered, and the Irish Commissioners standing bare: after several passages betwixt them, (all tendred in writing) the Irish Commissioners gave his Lordship a Copy, of the Authority they had receiv’d from the supream Council of the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland at Kilkenny, in these words.

Whereas his Majesty’s most faithful Subjects, the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland, were inforced to take Arms, for the preservation of their Religion, for the defence of his Majesty’s just Prerogatives and Rights, and the maintenance of the Rights and Liberties of their Countrey, labour’d to be destroyed by the Malignant Party. And whereas his Majesty in his high Wisdom, and Princely Care of his said Subjects Welfare and Safety, and at their humble Suit, That his Majesty might be graciously pleas’d to hear their Grievances, and vouchsafe Redress therein, did direct, there should be a Cessation of Arms, and thereupon did Authorize the Right Honourable the Lord Marquess of Ormond, to treat and conclude the said Cessation, with the said Confederate Catholicks. Know ye, that the said Council, by the express Order and Authority of the said Catholicks, by them conceiv’d, and granted in their General Assembly at Kilkenny, on the 20th. day of the last Month of May, and in pursuance of the said Order and Authority, reposing special Trust and Confidence in the Wisdom, Circumspection, and provident Care, Honour and Sincerity, of our very good Lords, Nicholas Lord Viscount Gormanston, Donnogh Lord Viscount Muskery, and our well-beloved Sir Lucas Dillon Knight, Sir Robert Talbot Baronet, Tirlagh O Neal Esq Geoffry Brown Esq Ever Mac-Gennis Esq and John Walsh Esq have constituted, appointed and ordain’d, and by these presents do constitute, appoint and ordain, the said Nicholas Lord Viscount Gormanston, &c. our Commissioners, and do by these presents give and grant unto our said Commissioners, or any five, or more of them, full Power and Authority to treat with the said Lord Marquess of Ormond, of a Cessation of Arms, for one whole year, or shorter, and to conclude the same for the time aforesaid, upon such Terms, Conditions, and Articles, as to the said Commissioners, in their Judgements, Conscience and Discretion, shall be thought fit and expedient; by these presents ratifying and confirming, whatsoever Act or Acts our said Commissioners as aforesaid, shall do or execute, concerning the said Cessation.

Given at Kilkenny,the 20th. of June, 1643.

Montgarret, Castlehaven Audley, Malachias Arp. Tuamen, Fr. Thom. Fleming, Arch. of Dublin, Primate of Ireland, Maurice de Rupe & Fermoy, Nettervile, Nich. Plunket, Edm. Fitz-Maurice, Patrick Darcy, Rob. Linch, R. Bealing.

Upon which both sides proceeded, the Marquess not admitting the Title or Name, attributed by the Irish Commissioners unto them, in behalf of those for whom they treated; as likewise not admitting the Cause for which they took up Arms, as in the Protestation is expressed: Whereas the Irish Commissioners, on the other side, still propos’d all in the behalf of the Catholicks of Ireland, with protestation, that the said Catholicks took Arms in defence of their Religion, his Majesty’s Rights and Prerogatives, and the Liberties of Ireland, and no ways to oppose his Majesty’s Authority; so as (say they) neither the Title, or Protestation, (being justly due to them) were to be excepted against, being the same they always used in their immediate applications to his Majesty. Against which, though there were exceptions, the Treaty still proceeded, they owning the premisses: And at Sigginstown the Treaty went on, not without Debates of great concern, and much difficulty, and then was deferr’d from the 1st. of July, to the Thursday next come seven-night; at which time the Marquess of Ormond could not meet, in respect, That the necessity of his attendance otherwise upon the publick Service of his Majesty would not permit; which the Irish Commissioners seem’d much to resent, writing to his Lordship from Kilkenny, the 19th. of July, 1643. That although we conceive this Treaty to be of the greatest consequence of any Service, to be effected for his Majesty within this Kingdom, yet we are not apt to give an ill construction to the laying of it by for the present, until we do know of that Service that taketh place of it, which (being for the advantage of his Majesty’s Interests) we heartily wish may have good success: Yet your Lordship will give us leave to take notice, that we meet in these, as in all other Proceedings, (whereby we may have any expectation to enjoy the benefit of his Majesty’s Grace and Favour) some interruption and slackness, in conveying any part of his good Intentions, to his faithful Subjects the Catholicks of Ireland, which we add to our other Grievances, and will endeavour (in discharge of the many harms which may ensue by reason of this Protraction) to have it rightly presented to his Majesty. In Answer to which, the Marquess of Ormond replyed, the 21st. of July, That whereas they had no pretence of unaptness, to give an ill construction to the laying by of the Treaty, until they could know of what Service took place, he acquainted them, That he was not accountable to them, with the knowledge of his Majesty’s Services, wherewith he had the Honour to be intrusted, or to any but to his Majesty, and to those to whom he had intrusted the government of the Kingdom. And for what they said, They would endeavour to have rightly presented to his Majesty, he doubted not but to acquit himself as became him, as in other Commands, so in this Particular; and that they should find, when the other Occasions of his Majesty were over, the deferring of the Treaty at present, was not such a laying aside of the Matter, as their Letters inferr’d.

Thus at present, (more than by Letters, and the private Actings of some Men) there was nothing further attempted in the Treaty, till the 26th. of August following: In the interim, we must take notice of the Insolence of these Men, then expecting his Majesty’s Favour.

By the Lords Justices and Council.

Jo. Borlase. Henry Tichborn.

We the Lords Justices and Council do declare, That if Captain John Farrer be forthwith released by the Rebels, and safely sent hither, that forthwith upon his coming, so released, we will give Order for the releasing Synnot, lately imployed as Captain amongst the Rebels, out of Prison, the Jaylor’s just Dues being first paid, and will then permit him freely to depart without interruption.

Given at his Majesty’s Castle of Dublin,July 8. 1643.

La. Dublin, Ormond, Roscommon, Bramston, Ant. Midensis, Tho. Rotheram, Jo. Temple, Fra. Willoughby, Ja. Ware.

We do not know to whom this Certificate is directed, and we will avow ourselves in all our Actions, to be his Majesty’s loyal Subjects; neither shall it be safe henceforth for any Messenger, to bring any Paper to us containing other Language, than such as suits with our Duty, and the Affections we bear to his Majesty’s Service, wherein some may pretend, but none shall have more real desires to further his Majesty’s Interest, than his Majesty’s loyal and obedient Subjects.

Montgarret, Muskery, Fr. Tho. Dublin, Malachias Tuamen, Castlehaven Audley, R. Bealing, Torlo O Neile, Patr. Darcy.

Who reads this, may well think their Confidence built on other Grounds than appear’d. What! Shall such as fought in opposition to his Majesty’s Proclamation, be thought loyal Subjects, whilst the State (owning his Majesty’s Interest, Honour and Service) are said to pretend to what they really were? Surely so impudent a Reply, never before (without chastizement) escaped the Pen of suppliant Rebels; nor indeed (could some then have had the freedom of their just scorn and indignation) should such expressions have been swallowed.

During the respite of the Treaty for the Cessation, (viz. the 29th. of July) 7 or 800 of the Rebels gave us at mid-night, (by whose neglect I know not) an Alarm, even in the streets of Dublin, who were gallantly repulsed by Colonel Crafford’s Men, killing 20 of them, the Rebels by that means doing no more hurt, than plundering and firing some few thatcht Houses.

All things tending to a Cessation, the State held it their best policy not to retain their Forces wholly in their Garrisons; and therefore (though they had slender Provisions, and less Treasure to encourage the Souldiers abroad) the 27th. of June, 1643. Colonel Monk, with 1300 Foot, and 140 Horse, was sent against Preston, strengthned by Owen O Neal, whom he encountred near Castle Jordan, at a Pass upon the River Boine, being 5 or 600 Horse, and 6000 Foot, putting his Foot to rout, and killing many of his Men: Yet for want of Provision, he was forced to leave Clancurry, and turn to Wickloe, where he got store of Cattel. But thence he was soon recalled, to face the Rebels in Meath; and hearing of Owen O Neal’s Forces about Port Leicester Mill, (a great and secure Fastness) near 5 miles Westward from Trim, he, with the Lord Moor, vigilantly attended their motion: But so it fell out, that the Lord Moor observing O Neal’s encamping there, had some notice of his levelling a Piece of Cannon towards his Army; yet was so little concern’d at the advice, (danger in that Cause being never apprehended) as after that the Bullet had once (if not twice) grazed, he, with other Gentlemen, (who were not without of what might ensue, and intimated their suspicions) still travers’d the Ground, till most unfortunately the Bullet forc’d its passage through his Armour into his Body, but was not of strength sufficient to go through, however it there slew him; upon whose Fall, one readier to shew some sallies of Wit, than Skill, obtrudes this Distich:

Contra Romanos Mores res mira Dynasta,
Morus ab Eugenio canonizatus erat.

In Answer to which one readily writes this:

Olim Roma pios truculenta morte beavit,
Antiquos mores jam nova Roma tenet.

This Noble Gentleman was the first that adventur’d in this Cause, and the last Victime under his Majesty’s Commission; a Gentleman of clear Spirit, and Integrity. He fell not many days before the Cessation, which by several (even of the Privy Council themselves) was much disliked; nor indeed (till some of those were remov’d from the Council Board, the Reasons they gave in being un-answerable) could the Cessation be brought on without opposition; and then not so easily as some thought, many difficulties, and those not easie to reconcile, (in reference to his Majesty’s Exigencies, and the Interest of the distressed Protestants) pressing in on every Dispute. Now the Parliament in England (conceiving themselves much interess’d in the Affairs of Ireland, (as already hath been said) to advise, order, and dispose of all things concerning the Government and Defence of that Kingdom) made, the 30th. of September, 1643. (not knowing that the Cessation had been then 15 days before concluded) a Declaration against any Cessation, or a Treaty of Peace with the Rebels in Ireland, for that (amongst many other Reasons) the Cessation would be for the preservation of the Rebels and Papists only, who under pretexts of civil Contracts, would continue their Antichristian Idolatry. Besides, several Commissioners of both Houses of Parliament, who by the Broad Seal, (the publick Faith of the State) were intrusted with the Irish Affairs, would by the Cessation be further dis-enabled to Act; and the Adventurers (who had so many Acts for their Security) would by a Cessation be disappointed, as the exiled Protestants (turn’d out of their Habitations) be thereby continued in misery and want.

Whilst these things were thought on in England, the People of Ireland (who took a liberty at the uncertainty of Affairs) were strangely divided, whether the Cessation should be concluded or no. Some (who were sensibly touch’d with the Injuries and Cruelties of the Rebels) could not brook it; others (hoping for their advantage by the Change) daily expected it, whilst the City (in general) being burthen’d with Taxes, quartering of Souldiers, &c. having no hopes of Relief from abroad, willingly hearkned to their Freedom: so as now the strong Affections which had been commonly born against the Rebels, began to wither into an indifferency, and the course which had been then took to weather out the resolute, either for despair or terrour humbled many, and as Interest lay, several resolv’d what Party to take in England, upon the conclusion of the Cessation. And that the Cessation might be put forward, his Majesty writ to the Lords Justices, and the Marquis of Ormond from his Court at Matson, the 25th. of August, the 19th. year of his Reign, which came not to them till the 26th. of September, eleven days after the Cessation was concluded; Authorizing them, or any two of them, to treat and conclude for him, and in his name, with his Subjects then in Arms in that his Kingdom, for a Cessation of Arms for one whole year. But before this Letter arriv’d, the Treaty at Sigginstown began with the Confederates Commissioners, by vertue of the Letter the Marquis had formerly received from his Majesty, dated at Oxford the 31. of July, 1643. who to that purpose order’d a Commission, dated at Dublin under the Broad Seal, the last of August, 1643, in the 19th. year of his Majesties Reign, to conclude the Cessation with the Irish Commissioners; who, the 26th. of August, 1643. having met the Marquis of Ormond (Lieutenant General of his Majesties Army) there, where insisting upon the Name, Title, and Protestation which at first they had assum’d (not permitted of by the Marquis of Ormond) they proceeded: The Enemy, in the interim, besieging Tully, and afterwards taking it, even whilst his Majesties Commission of Grace was not far thence in execution; and in all places they shewed themselves most active, endeavouring either to surprize, force, or gain by allurements what they could, exceedingly animated with hopes of a Cessation, that upon its conclusion, what was in their power might be peaceably possess’d. During which Treaty, many difficulties arose; one (whether in this or the former Treaty, I am not certain) was much insisted on, (viz.) How the several Indictments and Outlawries against the Irish might be repealed? After some dispute, at length Plunket (one of the Irish Agents) told them, He had found a Remedy; the Judges before whom they were Indicted might be summon’d to the Star-Chamber, and there be Fined. And there replied one (who is seldom found to sign any Act of State till the Cessation was concluded) all that are concern’d may be confident to find reparation. This the Lord Chief Justice Shurley thought reflected upon him, who thereupon express’d much courage and integrity. And the Dispute fell: And the 15th. of September, 1643. the Cessation was concluded by the Marquis of Ormond, who for his Courage, Affection, and Loyalty, his Majesty had made his Lieutenant General of his Army in Ireland, and who (having gotten so many notable Victories over the Rebels) was very well approv’d of by the two Houses of Parliament in England. The publication of which, with the Articles, and his Majesties Motives thereunto, you may read in his Majesties Works, from fol. 353. to 365. In confirmation of which, the Lords Justices and Council issued out a Warrant to the Lord Chancellor, to draw Letters of Confirmation under the Great Seal of Ireland, which accordingly bore date the 26th. day of Septemb. in the 19th. year of his Majesties Reign: And to express the necessity thereof, many Persons of Quality sign’d, the said 15th. of Septemb. 1643. a Writing, therein concluding it necessary for his Majesties Honour and Service, that the Lord Marquis of Ormond should assent to a Cessation of Arms; though some of these afterwards (joyning with the Parliaments Forces) resolved to die a thousand deaths, rather than to descend to any Peace with the perfidious Rebels; but stuck not at length to that Protestation, altering as the Scene chang’d.

Whilst the Cessation was in agitation at Sigginstown, the Consequences of dissolving the Parliament were not the least in consideration at the Council-board, nor was there any thing more desired by the Rebels, who thereby hoped to be re-seated in a new Parliament, which they question’d not to manage to their own ends and advantage. Wherefore that the State might still steer by the same Compass they had hitherto done, they committed the Case to the Judges; who unanimously agreed upon the following Reasons for its continuance.

May it please your Lordships,

According to your Lordships Order of the xi. of September, 1643. we have considered of such inconveniencies, as we conceive may arise to his Majesty, and his Service, as Affairs now stand, if this present Parliament should be determin’d, and have reduc’d the same to writing, which we humbly present to your Lordships further consideration.

The greatest part of the Free-holders of this Kingdom are now in actual Rebellion, whereby his Majesty ought to be justly entituled to all their Estates, both Real and Personal; this cannot be done but by their Conviction and Attainder, either by course of Common Law, or by Act of Parliament. By course of Common Law it will be very difficult to be effected, for these Reasons following.

First, Those who are indicted in most of the Counties of this Kingdom cannot be Attainted by Outlawry, by reason that the Sheriffs of those Counties, by occasion of the present Rebellion, cannot keep their County-Courts, to Proclaim, and make due Return of the Exigence: Nor can they be Attainted by Verdict for want of Jurors, most of all the Free-holders in the Kingdom being now in Rebellion.

Secondly, Those that are not Indicted, or those that are already Indicted, and in Prison, or upon Bonds, cannot be proceeded against Legally at the Common Law for want of Jurors; because, as aforesaid, most of the Freeholders are in Rebellion.

Therefore of necessity, those Persons must either not be Attainted at all, or onely by Act of Parliament, which is scarce possible to be effected, if this present Parliament be Dissolved, or Discontinued; for that upon a new Parliament to be Summon’d, the Knights and Burgesses must be Elected by the Free-holders and Inhabitants respectively, most whereof are in Rebellion. And yet the present Parliament will be discontinued, unless a Commission under the Great Seal of England to the now Lords Justices, or other the Chief Governour or Governours for the time being, be here before the 13th. of November next, being the day of Prorogation, for the beginning of the next Session of Parliament, to enable them to continue this present Parliament; the last Commission for the continuance thereof being onely to the Lords Justices, one whereof is since remov’d.

Unless the Parties now in Rebellion, being Legally Attainted, which cannot be here, as is aforesaid, as the case now stands, but by Act of Parliament, his Majesty cannot have power to dispose of their Estates, as in his wisdom he shall think fit, either for the increasing of his Revenues, or for the Peaceable establishment of this Common-wealth, and indifferent Administration of Justice therein.

Rich. Bolton Cancell. Geo. Shurly, Gerrard Lowther, Ja. Donnalon, Sa. Mayard.

The Cessation as yet not being known to his Majesty, the Lords Justices and Council received a Letter from him at the Camp at Matson near Gloucester, of the 4th. of Septemb. passionately resenting the sufferings and complaints of the Officers, who (upon all occasions) had a tender affection in his breast. And to the end they might not be frustrated of their Arrears, he commands their Debentors should be respectively sign’d, that they might take an effectual course to be paid the same by the Two Houses of Parliament that engaged them.

And left there should be any defect in acknowledging of their Merits, who had so faithfully ventur’d their lives for his Majesties Service, he is yet further pleased to provide for their Encouragement and Entertainment, who, upon the Cessation, were now free to serve him, though as yet he knew not of its conclusion, but (by the Contents of the following Letter) seem’d to expect it, giving particular Orders for the management of Affairs upon that occasion.

C. R.

Right Trusty and Well-beloved Counsellors, and right Trusty and intirely Beloved Cousin and Counsellor, We greet you well. Whereas not onely the great neglect of the Affairs of that Our Kingdom, by the remaining part of our Houses of Parliament, who pretended so great care of it, but their impious preventing all Supplies destin’d to their Relief by Our Authority, (which did ever most readily concur to any Levy of Men, Money, or any other Work, in order to the Assistance of Our Protestant Subjects there) and employing the same in an unnatural War against Us their Liege Lord and Sovereign, hath reduc’d our Army in that our Kingdom into so heavy straits, that out of Our Care of the preservation of them, who so faithfully ventur’d their Lives for Our Service, We were brought to condescend to a Treaty for a Cessation of Arms: Our Will and Pleasure is, and We do hereby Charge and Command you, that in case, according unto the Authority given unto you by Us, you have agreed upon a Cessation, or as soon as you shall agree thereupon, you, or any two of you do immediately consider of, and put in execution these Our following Commands.

1. That you agree upon what number of Our Army will be necessary to be kept in Garrison there, for the maintenance of the same during the time of the Cessation, and what Soldiers they shall be, and what Persons shall command the same; and that you settle them accordingly in that Command, as shall appear to your discretion to be most conducing to our Service.

2. That you do consider and advise of the best means of Transporting the rest of Our Army in that Our Province of Leimster, (excepting such as are to be kept in Garrison in Our Kingdom of Ireland) and to that end We do hereby give you, or any one of you, full Power and Authority, to hire all Ships, Barques, or Vessels whatsoever, and to treat with any Persons whatsoever for the Loan, Hire, or Sale of any Ships, Barques, or Vessels, upon such Conditions as you, or any one of you, shall agree upon with them.

3. That in such time and manner as to you shall seem meet, you communicate to the Officers and Soldiers of that Our Army this Our intention, to make use of their known Courage and Fidelity in the defence of Our Person and Crown, against the unnatural Rebellion rais’d against us in this Our Kingdom, and against the like labour’d by the Rebels here, to be rais’d against Us out of Our Kingdom of Scotland.

4. That you signifie unto them, that We are the more mov’d and necessitated unto this course, for as much as it is resolv’d by some ill affected Persons in that Our Kingdom of Scotland, to call over the Army of Our British Subjects out of Our Kingdom of Ireland, to the end to make use of them for the Invasion of Us, and of Our Good Subjects of England. And for as much as this Rebellion against Us, under colour of the humility of Our two Houses of Parliament, hath exhausted the Means appointed, by the concurrence of Our Royal Authority, for the sustentation of that Our Army there, and by force hath stai’d and taken from Us all those Our Revenues, which might have enabled Us to have supplied them in that Our Kingdom, so that we ought in reason (besides the Bond of their Allegiance) to expect their ready concurrence against those Persons, who are as well the Causers of all the Miseries they have endured, as of all the Injuries We have suffered.

5. That you assure them, both Officers and Soldiers, that upon their Landing here, they shall immediately receive Our Pay, in the same proportion and manner with the rest of our Army here. And you are to assure the Soldiers, that all care shall be taken, that Cloathes, Shoes, and other Necessaries be forthwith provided for them, after they are Landed here; and that care shall be taken for the Provision of such as shall happen to be maim’d here in Our Service; and for the payment of all their Arrears that shall be due to any of them that shall happen to be kill’d in the same, to their Wives, Children, or nearest Friends. And you are to assure both Officers and Soldiers, that we will take special care to reward all such according to their Merit and Quality, that shall do us any eminent Service in this Our War, against this odious and most unnatural Rebellion.

6. We will and require you, and do hereby authorize you, to use your utmost Interest and Industry, for the speedy Transportation of this forementioned part of Our Army, with their Arms, Horses, and such Ammunition, and the like, as you shall think fit, into Our Kingdom of England; and particularly, if it may be, to our Fort of the City of Chester, or to the most commodious Haven in North-Wales. And for Our obedience in this, and every other of these Our Commands, this shall be to you, and every of you, sufficient Warrant.

Given at Our Court at Eudely-Castle,
7thSept. in the 19th year of Our Reign.

Superscrib’d as before, For the Lords Justices, and the Lieutenant General of the English Army.

To what Party the Cessation was happy, will be hard to determine; that thereby the Rebels had an opportunity (which they improv’d) to provide themselves of Arms and Ammunition, may easily be conceiv’d; in as much as the Parliament of England concluded, the Cessation in Ireland was of advantage to none, but to the bloody Rebels of that Kingdom: Agreeable to what Camd. well observs, for as much as in that (space wherein a Cessation is allowed to the Rebels) the Rebels enjoy free liberty to digest all their secret Plots and Machinations, to strengthen their Sides by new Confederacies abroad, and to encrease them at home with new Forces; whilst all this while the English lay at a costly idleness, feeding on the fruits of their Friends, and faithful Well-willers; when by reason of the Cessation they might not prey upon the Enemy. Certain it is the Parliament improv’d the Cessation to a very specious pretence, in as much as no estate (say they) of the Rebels was to be disposed of (consequently no Cessation or Peace to be made) till the Lords and Commons of the Realm of England should, in Parliament, by order, declare, that the said Rebels were subdued, and this present Rebellion appeas’d and ended. But on the contrary, his Majesty shew’d the necessity of his good Protestant Subjects, and the Army (being not longer able to subsist for want of Supplies) enforced that Cessation; though he is told again, That many (since the Cessation) have, and do subsist: And that one end for which the Cessation was made, was, that the Forces might be brought out of Ireland into England, and employ’d against the two Houses: Which, in Answer, his Majesty shews the reason of, when the Scots Army before was made use of against him. The whole Scene is excellently stated in his Majesties Answer to the two Papers concerning Ireland, at the Treaty at Uxbridge: How passionately soever the Parliaments Commissioners conclude, That whatsoever becomes of us, (say they) if we must perish, yet let us go to our graves with that comfort, that we have not made Peace with the Enemies of Christ, yea, even Enemies of Mankind, declared and unreconciled Enemies to our Religion and Nation. And (indeed, to give the Parliament their due) when they had reduc’d the Affairs of England to their own Module, the Rebels of Ireland were frequently chastised, and so affectionately pursued, that neither Men, Money, or Courage was wanting to that service. Of the first part of which Paragraph, his Majesty seems most sensible, expressing (in his Answer before-mention’d) That he would be glad, that either a Peace in England, or any other Expedient, might furnish him with Means and Power to do Justice upon them; if this cannot be, we must not desperately expose our good Subjects there to Butchery, without means or possibility of Protection: God will, in his due time, avenge his own quarrel. In the mean time, his Gospel gives us leave, in case of War, to sit down and cast up the cost, and estimate our power to go through with it; and in such case, where Prudence adviseth, it is lawful to propose Conditions of Peace, though the War otherwise might justly be pursued. This wrought much on many. But the Parliament (who persisted resolutely to have his Majesty disclaim the Cessation) would not allow any necessity for it, alledging, that though some of great estimation with the Parliament (whom his Majesties Commissioners produc’d as principally interessed in the managing of Affairs in Ireland, and the War there) had prest for Supplies, as in all likelihood to perish speedily without them; yet they were assur’d (even by some who were at the Council at that time when those Letters were written) that the same was done onely to press for Supplies out of England, without the least intention in them of inducing a Cessation; which is granted. But as the necessities were there laid open, so they were considered by his Majesty, and no other Expedient remaining for the Protestants safety, save a Cessation, thereupon it was concluded*; though to this day some will have it, that his Majesties expectation to be supplied thence, and the preservation of the Irish, almost swallowed up by his Forces, were the principal Motives to that Cessation. And it must be acknowledged, from the series of Affairs since, that the Irish (in concluding the Cessation) had a respect to their greater security and designs, those being thereby withdrawn to his Majesties service in England, which otherwise would certainly have oppos’d them.

And here I cannot but observe, that the Irish afterwards acquired much confidence, by a Bull of Pope Urban’s the 8th. dated at Rome the 25th. of May, 1643. commending their forwardness against the Protestant Hereticks, which they publish’d even after the Cessation of Arms was agreed on; to what intent may be easily conceiv’d, considering their subsequent frequent violation of Compacts and Agreements with the State. Though the bleeding Iphigenia (who, in pleading their Cause, grosly betrays it) would not have it thought, that this charitable Bull cherish’d the Catholicks in Rebellion, but was onely an Indulgence to so good and just a Quarrel, not any dis-respect to the King, to whom (saith he) his Holiness advised them, by their Agents, to be Loyal; as if that, and the breach of his Majesties Commands to lay down Arms, could rationally agree. Before which Bull, an Indulgence had been sent, Dilecto filio Eugenio Onello, the 8th. of October, 1642, in the 20th. year of his Papacy.

The Cessation now concluded, Obedience was expected from all parts; but instead of an absolute compliance from the Scots in Ulster, their Officer in Chief return’d this Letter.

Right Honourable,

Your Lordships of the 21. I received at Ardmagh the 29, together with the Printed Cessation, which was very displeasing unto this Army, who being sent Auxiliary for supply of the British Forces in distress, were promis’d by his Majesty, and the Parliament of England, Pay and Entertainment from three months to three months; nevertheless, in eighteen months time, they have endured (both Officers and Soldiers) unparallel’d miseries: And now a great part of the Service being done, they are rewarded with the conclusion of a Cessation, without assurance of entertainment for the time, or any certainty of the payment of their Arrears, and they must conform to the Treaty. This kind of usage and contempt would constrain good Servants, though his Majesties Loyal Subjects, to think upon some course which may be satisfactory to them, being driven almost to despair, and threaten’d to be persecuted by the Roman Catholick Subjects, as they are now called. Nevertheless, of the foresaid Contempt (for obedience to his Majesties Command) I have mov’d the Army for the time to cease any hostile Act against our Enemies, till such time as your Lordships will be pleased to consider better of our present condition, and grant us time to acquaint the General, who has onely Commission over the Army, to advise us how to behave our selves in this Exigency; since I (as Governour of Carigfergus) can give your Lordships no positive Answer to this Cessation in the name of our Army, having not absolute Power over them: And immediately after receiving the General’s resolution, your Lordships shall be acquainted therewith; which is the least favour your Lordships can vouchsafe upon us, in recompence of our Bygan Service. And so I remain,

Ardmagh, 29 Sept. 1643.
Receiv’d the 2d. of Octob.

Your Lordships humble and obedient Servitor, Robert Monro.

To the Right Honourable, the Lords Justices and Council.

Upon this Answer of Monro’s, the Supreme Council at Kilkenny, maintaining their Umpire in the Empire, visits the Lords Justices and Council with this Letter.

Our very good Lords.

We whom his Majesties Catholick Subjects of this Kingdom, did intrust in the management of their Affairs, have by their publick Act, ratified and confirmed the Articles of Cessation, concluded upon by our Commissioners, willingly and cheerfully, hoping in the quiet of that time assign’d for it, by the benefit of the access which his Majesty is graciously pleas’d to afford us, to free our selves from those odious Calumnies, wherewith we have been branded, and to render our selves worthy of Favour, by some acceptable service, suiting the expression we have often made, and the real affections and zeal we have to serve his Majesty; and in as much as we are given to understand, that the Scots (who not long since in great numbers came over into this Kingdom, and by the slaughter of many Innocents without distinction of Age or Sex) have possessed themselves of very large Territories in the North, and since the notice given them of the Cessation, have not onely continued their former cruelties upon the Persons of weak and unarmed Multitudes, but have added thereunto the burning of the Corn, belonging to the Natives within that Province of Ulster. Notwithstanding which outrages, we hear that they have (although but faintly) and with relation unto the consent of their General, after some days consultation, whether it were convenient for their Affairs, desired to partake in the Cessation, intending, as is evident by their proceedings, so far onely to admit thereof, as it may be beneficial for their Patrons, the Malignant Party, now in Arms against his Majesty in England, by diverting us from assisting his Majesty, or of advantage to their desire, of eating further into the bowels of our Countrey: We who can accuse our selves of no one hollow thought, and detest all subtile Practices, cannot think of serving two Masters, or standing Neuters, where our King is Party: And we desirous, none should reside in this Kingdom, but his Majesties good Subjects, we beseech your Lordships therefore, that these who have other ends then his Majesties Service and Interest, and are so far from permitting the Natives, to enjoy three parts of what they have sown, as they may with no security look upon their former habitations, and do absolutely deny to restore their Prisoners, contrary to the Articles of Cessation, may by the joynt power of all his Majesties good Subjects, within this Kingdom, of what Nation soever, be prosecuted, and that while these Succours are in preparation, our Proceedings against them, may no way be imputed unto us, a desire any way to violate this Cessation: And we do further pray your Lordships, that for our justification therein, you will be pleas’d to transmit unto his Majesty these our Letters, and to send unto us the Copy of those directed unto your Lordships, from Serjeant Major Monro, concerning this Matter. Thus with the remembrance of our heartiest wishes unto your Lordships, we rest,

Kilkenny, 15. Octob. 1643.Received 25.
To the Right Honourable the Lords Justices and Council.

Your Lordships loving Friends, Mountgarret, Castlehaven Audley, H. Armach, Jo. Clonfert, Th. Fr. Dublin, R. Beling, N. Plunket, Gerrard Fennell.

And now many of those Officers who had served his Majesty most signally in Ireland, were treated with, to recruit his Forces in and about Chester; to which end all the encouragement (that his Majesty had given in his Letters of the 4th. and 7th. of September) were faithfully imparted to them, and what could possibly be rais’d for their Transportation, was effectually done: Whereupon several Regiments, as Sir Mich. Earnely’s, Sir Rich. Fleetwoods, Colonel Gibson, Colonel Monk, Colonel Warren, and others hasted over, but with such Reluctancy of the Common Souldiers, as the sharpest Proclamations (of which there were several) hardly restrain’d them from flying their Colours, both before and after their arrival in England: To prevent which, and that the Souldiers might be secur’d in their Loyalty to his Majesty, the Lieutenant General compos’d this Oath.

I Resting fully assured of his Majesties most Princely Truth and Goodness, do freely and from my heart promise, vow, and protest, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will to the utmost of my Power, and with the hazard of my Life, maintain and defend the true Protestant Religion, establish’d in the Church of England, his Majesties sacred Person, his Heirs, and lawful Successors, and his Majesties just Powers and Prerogatives, against the Forces now under the Conduct of the Earl of Essex, and against all other Forces whatsoever, that are or shall be rais’d, contrary to his Majesties Commands and Authority.

And I will do my best endeavour to procure and re-establish the Peace and Quietness of the Kingdom of England.

And I will neither directly or indirectly divulge or communicate any thing to the said Earl of Essex, his Officers, or any other, to hinder or prejudice the Designs of his Majesty, in the Conduct or Imployment of his Army.

Which that it may be taken by every Souldier, follows the Precept.

By the Lieutenant General of his Majesties Army.

Whereas his Majesty hath been pleas’d to command the present transportation of a part of his Army here into England, I do think fit, and hereby Order, that every Officer and Souldier, to be transported hence, do take the Oath, above-written, before they depart this Harbour.

Given at his Majesties Castle of Dublin,13. of Octob. 1643.

Ormond.

And in respect, that upon their going, many Souldiers listed themselves under other Officers, the Lord Lieutenant (besides other Courses) publisht, the 13. of November, an Edict, that no Souldiers, under penalty of death, should depart from their former Commanders and Officers; and that no Commanders and Officers, on pain of displeasure, should dare to entertain any Souldiers so offending: And the 4th. of Feb. 1643. the Lord General publisht a Proclamation, That if any Souldier should stay behind, that was commanded to go over, or should, after he was transported over into England, run away from his Colours, he being afterwards apprehended, should presently suffer death without mercy.

Upon which (as you see) many came over into England, and at Hawerden Castle, Beeston Castle, Bartomley Church, Dedington House, Acton Church, and Durtwich, improved their time; but the main body, the 25. of January, 1643. was utterly defeated by Sir Thomas Fairfax, raising the Siege of Namptwich, 1500 common Souldiers besides Officers being there taken Prisoners, besides those that were slain; so that what advantage accrewed to the Regal Army by their coming over, many believ’d was not very considerable, unless those, who came out of Munster, were more successful. The general (if not all those who came to his Majesties assistance out of Ireland) were his own Forces, which he had sent against the Rebels, from whom I cannot yet learn (after all their professions of having no one hollow thought, or subtile practice to serve two Masters, or standing Neuters, whilst their King was Party) that any formed Regiment, or considerable, Party reach’d England, no! it will hereafter appear, how shamefully they deserted his Majesties Affairs, even in Ireland it self, when their Interest might have united them in Loyalty and Obedience.

Some months after the arrival of these and other Forces out of Ireland, the Parliament of England made an Ordinance, against the giving of any Quarter to any Irish man, or to any Papist born in Ireland, taken in Hostility against the Parliament, by Sea or Land, which his Majesty thought very severe, they being called to the service of their Natural Prince.

The coming over of the English made several (that were not so forward) suspected in their Loyalty; though (in truth) never any Prince had an Army more intirely affecting his Person, then the generality of his Militia of Ireland; who being sent thither, or rais’d there, were not yet wean’d from the Justice of that Cause, hardly matchable in any example, the War being (said, long since, a great Instrument of State) not an ambitious War of Foraigns, but a recovery of Subjects (and that after Lenity of Conditions often tried) not onely to obedience, but to Humanity and Policy, from more then Indian Barbarism: whereas the Affairs of England imbrued Relations in one anothers blood, and the Concerns of Ireland were as much his Majesties as the other; and the Cause undoubtedly Gods.

The Lords Justices and Council (this while) had a great task, and not so much as straw to the Work, the Confederates paying in the Money, (viz. 30800£ they promised the 16th. of September, towards the maintenance of his Majesties Army, this Cessation) very uncertain, as their Cows and Cattle of the worst, taking within three days after the Cessation, near 369 head of choice English Cattle from the suburbs of Dublin, acting besides many other violencies on divers Castles, Forts, and Houses; so as this agreement with the Rebels seemed rather a Protection, then a Cessation, of Acts of Hostility: That in this extremity the Lords Justices Providence and Care (how great soever) could remedy little, being their business now was to proceed in another course then formerly they had: the Election of which grew hourly the heavier upon them, by reason of the discontents which constantly arose from the Inhabitants, and the Protestants (now, more then ever, sensible of their Condition, the Irish Agents making all the speed they could to repair (with their Propositions) to his Majesty then at Oxford, according to an Article in the Cessation, and his Majesties Proclamation thereupon, by which they were allowed to send Agents to his Majesty; of which, the Protestants in and about Dublin being very apprehensive, lest his Majesty should be pre-possessed of the Rebels sence, they thought it most convenient to dispatch Agents presently to his Majesty; and to that end about the 6th. of October, 1643. they meeting at the Earl of Kildare’s house, fram’d a Petition to the Lords Justices and Council, humbly beseeching their Lordships for their License unto such, as they should appoint to attend his Majesty in their behalf, whereunto the Lords Justices and Council, the 12. of the same month, expressed their forwardness, declaring how his Majesty, had been graciously pleas’d to put them in mind, that thence they should send some of his Majesties Ministers to assist in the Treaty, when the Irish should repair to him; and when they had acquainted his Majesty with the Petitioners request, they should be certified of his Pleasure with convenient speed: But the Petitioners (not conceiving this a satisfactory answer) again Petitioned the Lords Justices and Council, the 14. of the same month, sending them therewithall a Copy of their Petition they had agreed on to his Majesty; whereunto the Lord Justices and Council, the 19th. of October, returned an Answer; That such was their care of the Petitioners, that the same day they had given them an Answer to their former Petition; they inclosed in their Letters to Secretary Nicholas their first Petition to them, requesting his Majesties gracious Pleasure thereupon, and further they could not now proceed, though if they would repair to his Majesty, they would not hinder them, but could not accompany them with their recommendation, till they knew his Majesties Pleasure to have them come over; much artifice there was used, to have had some protested against the Petition they had framed to his Majesty, but none of those who had signed it (save Major Morris) was wrought upon; and the 17. of Febr. 1643. the Petition was so well approved of in the House of Commons in Ireland, as it had their concurrence: And about the beginning of January, a Letter of his Majesties to the Lords Justices, and Lieutenant-General of the Army (dated the 6th. of November, 1643.) arrived at Dublin, Licencing the Protestant Agents to repair to Oxford; of whose further Proceedings with the management of that business, you shall have speedily.

Not long after the Cessation, one mov’d at the Council Board by way of Petition, That such of the Irish (as would constantly pay contribution to the Army) might have freedom to return to their Castles: and the motion took with some, but was strongly oppos’d by others, considering how many gallant men (as Sir Simon Harcourt, and others) had been lost in the regaining of those Castles; and that (it being uncertain on what terms there might be Peace,) it might be taken ill by the King, that those Castles (the price of so much blood) should be surrendred without his Privity, upon which the motion was laid aside; I will not say, all Reflections afterwards on them that oppos’d it: Nor indeed was the event of this motion so supprest, but that in a short time after, some (through the Importunity of the Irish Agents) were restored to their Estates, who had from the beginning been in Rebellion; notwithstanding their Estates had been given in Custodium, and those who had them (not accepting of mean and sinister proffers) had little else to subsist by, or pay the Arrears of their Service.

So as Affairs of different natures hourly encreasing, subject to constructions, beyond the management of the Prudentest and most Loyal thoughts, it could not but be a great ease to be free’d of that Government, which an Illustrious Person (whose Interest was Principally involv’d in the present Intrigues) had a Regal Call thereunto; whereupon these Lords Justices were remov’d, not without considerable Repose, difficulties daily flowing in upon them, remediless by any but his Excellency James Marquiss of Ormond, who the 21. of January, 1643. was solemnly, in Christchurch, Dublin, sworn Lord Lieutenant with general acceptance: At which time Robert Sibthorp, Bishop of Limerick, chose for his Text the 77. Psalm, and the last verse, Thou leadest thy People like a Flock by the hand of Moses and Aaron; upon which he paraphras’d exceeding elegantly; But, (as Sir James Ware observes in his Life) never receiv’d a Farthing of his Bishoprick.

The Marquiss of Ormond being now seated in the Government, one of the first things he began to regulate (after he had sent the designed Army into England) was the standing Army, at that time much straightned through want of Pay and other Extremities; he therefore reduced the Troops about Dublin to Five and twenty apiece, besides Officers, all but his own, which was continued 40. and Sir Thomas Lucas’s and Armestrong’s 30. besides Officers, and to pay these (which made up 150 Horse besides 2000 Foot) he rais’d money by an Excise, Taxes on the Town, and 3d. an Acre inhabited within the English Pale, besides enquiry what was owing (by Debts) unto the Londoners; so as thence with what Tabacco they had, a considerable sum was weekly rais’d, and accordingly disbursed for the Relief of the Souldiers, and other necessaries, which he having retrench’t (according to the Exigence) he kept to due Musters and observance: And by reason of divers Robberies and Murthers daily committed by the Souldiers, on such as brought Provision for the Relief of the City, the Lord-General the 16th. of March, 1643. strictly prohibited all such outrages, under the utmost Peril of the Martial Laws. And the Parliament there meeting at Dublin the 17th. of April, the Speakers of both Houses, the 18th. of the same, 1644. by a Letter, prohibited the Commanders, & Officers of his Majesties Armies, and others, in the Kingdom of Ireland, to take the Solemn League and Covenant, according to a Proclamation by the Lords Justices and Council, the 18th. of December, 1643. set out with great Wisdom and Reason, highly commending their deep Judgment therein; which his Excellency then also commanded to be re-Printed, at the request of the Commons House of Parliament, 1644. In pursuance of which, an Oath afterwards was hammer’d; but some of the Judges dis-agreeing, it was never form’d. Great were his Excellency’s Affairs indeed, the contrary Parties (he was necessarily obliged to deal with) would in any (but one so resolute and intire) have betrayed to Effeminacy and Disorder. The Irish on one hand, confident in their Address to his Majesty, and the Protestants oppress’d with their sufferings and straights, both he quitted to his Majesties Justice, after that he had had his Majesties Licence for their Repair to him. The Confederate Catholicks thereupon, sent their Agents, authorised by them to attend his Majesty at Oxford, but indeed with such Desires and Propositions as (weighed but in an indifferent Ballance) make too lively a Representation, how in-competent Considerers they were of the way to their own Repose and Happiness, and how unlikely they were to prevent the destroying Calamities which hung over their heads, and so closely pursued them.

At the same time, and so long as the Treaty lasted, the King was likewise attended by a Committee from the Council Board of Ireland, in pursuance of his Commands, to inform his Majesty of all matters of Fact which had passed, and of all the Laws and Customs there necessary to be weighed, upon what the Catholicks should demand or propose.

And by the Parliament then sitting in Dublin, several were authorized to present to his Majesty the Grievances, of his Protestant Subjects in Ireland, that nothing might be granted in that Treaty, to the prejudice of their Interest and security.

Each Party arrived at Oxford near the midst of April; the Confederate Agents got thither soonest, having less Remora’s in their dispatch.

The Confederates, as men who thought themselves possessed of the whole strength and Power of the Kingdom, and the Kings condition in England so weak, as he would buy their assistance at any rates, demanded upon the Matter, the total alteration of Government, both in Church and State, the very form of making and enacting Laws, which is the foundation of Government, and which had been practis’d, ever since the Reign of King H. 7. must be abolished; and instead of Liberty or Toleration for the exercise of the Romish Religion, they insisted on such Priviledges, Immunities, and Power, as would have amounted at best, but to a Toleration of the Protestant Religion, and that no longer then they should think fit to consent to it.

On the other hand, the Committee of Parliament (as men who too much felt the smart and anguish of their late sufferings, undervalued and condemned the Irish, as inferior to them in Courage and Conduct, and as possessed of much greater Power by the Cessation, then they could retain in War,) very earnestly prest the execution of the Laws in force, Reparation for the dammages they had sustain’d, disarming the Irish in such manner, and to such a degree, as it might not be hereafter in their Power to do more mischief, and such other Conditions, as People (who are able to contend) are not usually perswaded to submit unto, which the Committee at Oxford for Irish Affairs, insisted on with powerful Reasons and Arguments.

In these so different and distant Applications, they who were sent as moderate Men from the Council, knew not how to behave themselves, but enough discovered, that they had not the confidence in the Irish, as to be willing that they should be so far trusted, that the performance of their Duty should depend onely on their Affection and Allegiance; But that there should be a greater Restraint upon them, then they were inclin’d to submit to; otherwise that the Protestant Religion, and English Interest, would be sooner rooted out by the Peace they proposed, then it could be by the War.

It is very true, that the Irish Agents demean’d themselves to his Majesty, with great shew of Modesty and Duty, (they were Men that lack’d neither Art nor Behaviour) and confessed, that they believ’d that the Demands they were enjoyn’d to insist upon, were such as his Majesty could not consent unto; and that the present condition of his Affairs was not so well understood by them, or by those who sent them, before their coming out of Ireland, as it now was; which if it had been, they were confident they should have had such Instructions, as would better have complied with their own Desires, and his Majesty’s Occasions; and therefore frankly offer’d to return and use their utmost Endeavours, to incline the Confederate Council, (whose Deputies they were, and who then exercised the supream Power over the Confederate Catholicks of that Kingdom) to more Moderation, and to return their full submission and obedience to his Majesty, upon such Conditions as his Goodness would consent unto for their security. But how little of this was perform’d, you shall find in the sequel of the Story; however, the King sent his Command the 16th. of Feb. 164. to the Marquess of Ormond, to continue and renew their Cessation for another year; and likewise a Commission under the Great Seal of England, to make a full Peace with his Catholick Subjects, upon such Conditions he found agreeable to the publick Good and Welfare, and might produce such a Peace and Union in that Kingdom, as might vindicate his Regal Power and Authority, and suppress the Rebels in England and Scotland. And so his Majesty dismissed the Catholick Agents, with demonstration of much Grace and Confidence with this good Council, which he most pathetically poured out to them at their departure. That they should not forget, the preservation of the Nation, and Religion which they professed, and were so zealous for in Ireland, depended upon the preservation of his just Rights and Authority in England: That they saw his Subjects of Scotland, contrary to all Obligations, had invaded England, and joyned with those Rebels against him, who without that assistance would have been speedily reduced to their obedience. And therefore if his Catholick Subjects of Ireland made haste, upon such Conditions as he might then grant without prejudice to himself, and which should be amply sufficient for the security of their Fortunes, Lives, and Exercise of their Religion, to assist him, whereby he might be enabled by God’s Blessing to suppress that Rebellion, they might confidently believe, he would never forget to whose Merit he owed his Preservation and Restauration, and it would then be in his absolute Power to vouchsafe Graces to them, to compleat their happiness, and which (he gave them his Royal Word) he would then dispence in such manner, as should not leave them disappointed of any of their just and full Expectations. But if (by insisting on such Particulars, as he could not in Conscience consent to, and their Consciences obliged them not to ask, or on such, as though he could himself be content to yield to, yet in that Juncture of Time, would bring such great damage to him, that all the Supplies they could give or send to him, could not countervail, and might be as beneficially granted to them hereafter, when he might better do it) they should delay their joyning with him, and so look on, till the Rebel’s Power prevail’d against him in England and Scotland, and suppress’d his Party in those Kingdoms, it would then be too late for them to give him help, and they would quickly find their Strength in Ireland, but an imaginary Support for his or their own Interest, and that they who with much difficulty had destroyed him, would without any considerable Opposition, ruine their Interest, and root out their Religion with their Nation, from all the Dominions which should be subject to their exorbitant Jurisdiction. How much of this prov’d a Prophesie, their sad Experience knows, and the World cannot but take notice of.

Soon after the Confederate’s Agents were dismissed, the Protestant’s Committee of Parliament (who had managed their Scene with much Courage and Integrity) drew off, with the King’s Favour and Promise to do the utmost he could for them.

In the managing of which Affairs, if they had not been very resolute, arm’d with much Truth, they would certainly have fall’n under many Inconveniencies: For, besides what they met with at Oxford, they had still Correspondence, and accordingly acted, as they were animated by a Party of the Protestant Committee of the Parliament of Ireland, then resident in Dublin, who (that they might decline the height of what those at Oxford proposed) were tempted by an Order of the Council-Board to certifie, Whether the 24 Propositions of his Majesty’s Protestant Agents of Ireland, (presented to his Majesty the 18th. of April, 1644.) did agree with their sence, in order to the present condition of the Kingdom: Whereby it’s thought, that if it had been said, that the 24 Propositions had been agreed to by the Protestants in general, there would have been an Endeavour, to have got some to have signed an Instrument against the Agent’s Proceedings; and therefore their Proceeding was acknowledged to be according to their Instructions, and their Correspondent’s Advice in Town: As in the Answer.

May it please your Lordships.

In Obedience to your Lordship’s Commands, signified in your Order of the 5th. of June, 1644. directed to us the Persons under-named, requiring us to certifie your Lordships, Whether the 24 Propositions of his Majesty’s Protestant Agents of Ireland, presented to his Majesty, do agree with our sence, in order to the present condition of this Kingdom. We the said Persons do humbly certifie, That we have perused the Propositions in the said Order mention’d, and do humbly conceive them, to be in substance pursuant to the humble Petition of his Majesty’s Protestant Subjects, as well Commanders of his Majesty’s Army here, as others, (a Copy of which Petition hath been formerly presented to your Lordships, and from that Honourable Board transmitted to his Sacred Majesty, and by him graciously receiv’d, as may appear by his Majesty’s Letters of the 6th. of November last, whereof your Lordships were pleas’d to grant the Petitioners a Copy.) And that the said Propositions are, as we humbly conceive, in substance pursuant unto certain Instructions, entituled, Instructions for the Agents, who are to attend his most Sacred Majesty, on the behalf of his Majesty’s Protestant Subjects of Ireland: Which Instructions were also presented at that Honourable Board, and there (upon serious Debate, according to the Pleasure of your Lordships in some things) altered, and so a Copy thereof was delivered to your Lordships. And we humbly conceive, that the said Propositions, are such in substance, as if way may be found, (whereby his Majesty may bring to pass the Particulars therein conceiv’d) they would conduce to the Establishment of the true Protestant Religion, the Honour and Advantage of his Majesty, and the future Security of his Highness, his Royal Posterity, this his Kingdom, and the Protestant Subjects therein. But how these Propositions stand, in order to the present condition of this Kingdom, is a thing far above us to resolve: All which we humbly leave to your Lordship’s Grave Considerations. Signed,

Will. Cooley, Will. Usher, Hen. Jones, Anth. Dopping, Will. Plunket, Theod. Schoute, Peter Wybrants.

When the Irish Confederates Agents return’d into Ireland, most of them (as far as acted in view) perform’d their Promise and Engagements to the King, so as many of the Nobility and Gentry, and most of the Persons of considerable Fortune, together with the moderate Clergy, (who are easie to be number’d) were convinc’d of the necessity of submitting themselves entirely to the King, till he was able to grant them more, that they might not be glad to accept of less. But the evil Genius of that People, (condemn’d to wilful ruine and misfortune) soon evidenc’d how unripe they were for mercy, and that it was not so easie to allay the Spirits they had conjur’d up, as to foment and irritate them. The Nobility, and Men of known Fortune, (whom self-Interest (by this time) had taught Loyalty) found that they had lost their Power, and the Reverence they had parted with to the Clergy, had much Influence on he common People, who, devoting themselves solely to their Clergy’s Dictate, oppos’d all Conclusions, which (according to Wisdom and true Policy) were to be the Ingredients of a happy and lasting Peace. And so above 2 years were spent, (after these Agent’s departure from the King) in fruitless and in-effectual Treaties, the Earl of Glamorgan, in the interim, treating in that wilde order with the Rebels, as under a pretended sufficient Authority from the King, (utterly disown’d) he blew them up to such a pernicious Expectation, by the feigned Articles he sign’d to them, the 25th. of August, 1645. so destructive both to Church and State, and so repugnant to his Majesty’s publick Professions, and known Resolutions, as the Treaty of Peace (proceeding on more agreeable Terms by the Lord Lieutenant) found many rubbs and impediments. Whilst the Strength and Power of the Parliament’s Forces in England exceedingly increased, and his Majesty’s Forces were defeated, and himself (for want of Succours promis’d out of Ireland) was compelled to deliver up himself to his Scottish Subjects, and was shortly after by them given into the hands of the Parliament of England, who being (at last) split into several Factions, so varied Councils, as (in conclusion) he was betrayed, and suffer’d, to the astonishment of the World.

But that I may not o’re-slip the Series of this Story, which, through a conflux of Matter, will sometimes unavoidably be disturbed, I must take notice, that the first Cessation being near determin’d, the 5th. of Sept. 1644. there was a new Cessation agreed on by the Lord Lieutenant, and the Irish Commissioners, to begin on the 15th. of September, and continue till the 1st. of December following. And in respect that the Treaty of Peace had several Matters of weight and consequence, which necessarily required further time to be prepared, and drawn into writing, it was agreed on at the Castle of Dublin, the 2d. of Octob. anno praedict. that the Treaty should be adjourn’d to the 4th. of November ensuing, the Irish Agents, in the interim, to have liberty to continue in, or come to Dublin, as often as they should think fit; which time they improved, and Affairs were so managed, as there was never any other Cessation till the Peace.

About which time, the Earls of Thomond, Clanrickard, and St. Albans, the Lord Rannelagh, Fitz-williams, Taaff, and Dillon, who had never receded from his Majesty’s Commands, writ to him, That betwixt two Parties, one, if they were disposed to make Invasion upon them, and the other, who sticking to the Covenant, dis-obey’d the Cessation, they were like to be ruin’d; and therefore implor’d his Majesty, to reconcile the Difference betwixt those, who were too high, either of the Confederates or Protestants, in their Demands, and declare against the Scots, who would make little distinction (were it in their power) between them, and those whom they now assaulted.

In treating of Peace, we must not forget, that the Lord Inchequin (having been easily wrought on to agree to the Cessation) carried over many of his Munster Forces to the King, who in memory of his service, bestowed on him a noble Wardship, and would have made him an Earl: But the Presidency of Munster (pre-dispos’d of to the Earl of Portland) being his aim, he returns again into Ireland, and from Cork, the 17th. of July, 1644. he and other Officers there writes to his Majesty, That no Peace could be concluded with the Irish Rebels, which would not bring unto his Majesty, and the English in general, a far greater prejudice, than the shew of a Peace there would bring them an advantage, &c. And thereupon besought him, that he would not so much regard so inconsiderable a handful of People as they were, as to purchase but a seeming security, by leaving thereby the Protestant Religion in all likelihood to be extirpated, and his Majesty obnoxious to the loss of that Kingdom: Further beseeching his Majesty, that he would be pleas’d to Proclaim again the Irish to be Rebels, and not to pardon those who have committed so many barbarous Crimes that they are as far above description, as they are short of honesty, professing they had his Majesties Commission for what they did; the true sense of which devillish aspersion cast upon his Majesty, with other reasons, made them resolve to die a thousand deaths, rather than condescend to any Peace; referring themselves in other things to their Declaration.

And from the same place, the day following, these write to both Houses of Parliament in England, (much to the same effect) importuning their Agreement with his Majesty, without which, the War could not be prosecuted as it ought; offering (for the securing of their Garrison to their Service) whom they pleas’d: Concluding, That they hoped such a wise Assembly would distinguish betwixt the effects of Necessity (the Cessation) and Dishonesty: Including, in their Letter to both Houses, their Declaration, which I had thought to have abbreviated, but it is so significant, that we shall find it unravels many Secrets then to come, and declares such Truths, as without injury to their Merits we could not smother.

The unanimous Declaration of His Majesties Protestant Subjects of the Province of Munster.

If in the undertaking of a just Design it were onely requisite, that the Hearts and Consciences of the Undertakers were satisfi’d, we should not need to publish this Declaration; but lest our Enemies should traduce the candour of our Actions and Intentions, we have made this manifestation of them, which will acquaint the World with their Malice, and our Innocence.

We are confident, that all Christendom hath heard of the bloody Rebellion in Ireland; and we are as confident, the Rebels and Popish Clergy have so palliated and disguised it, that many are fully perswaded, they had reason for what they did: But we believe, all men of Judgment will change that opinion, when they shall know, That though they were a Conquer’d People, yet the Laws were administred unto them with as much equity, as to the English; That they enjoyed their Religion, though not by Tolleration, yet by Connivance; That their Lords (though Papists) sate in Parliament; And that the Election of the Knights of the Shire, and Burgesses, was free, and though of a contrary Religion, were admitted into the House of Commons. yet for all these, and many other vast Favours and Priviledges, when every one was sitting under his Vine and Fig-tree, without any provocation, they resolve upon a general extirpation, both of the Protestants and their Religion, which, without doubt, they had effected, had not God been more merciful than they were wicked, and by a Miracle discovered this devillish Design; whereof, though we had notice just time enough to secure our main Magazine at Dublin, yet we could not prevent the butchery of multitudes of innocent Souls, which suffered at the first in the Province of Ulster; and since they have continued this Rebellion with such perfidiousness and bloodiness, that though we had been as guilty as we are innocent, yet the prosecuting of the War with that barbarousness, had rather been a sin than justice. But by Gods great providence, when the Rebellion brake out first, the Parliament of England was sitting, unto whom his Majesty communicated so much of his Power over this Kingdom, as we shall hereafter mention, and gave them great encouragement to prosecute the War against the Rebels, by granting Lands unto such as should adventure Money for the maintenance of the War. Whereupon the Parliament (who were most willing to advance so good a Cause) sent us at first large Supplies, which had so good success, that the Divine as well as Humane Justice did proclaim them Rebels; for indeed God Almighty (since the deliverance of the Children of Israel from the Egyptians) never appeared so visibly as in this War. But the unhappy misunderstanding between the King and Parliament did so hinder the continuance of those Supplies for this Kingdom, that all we received in nineteen months, amounted not to five weeks entertainment; so that the Army which was sent to relieve us, lived upon us. And truly we may with Justice profess, that the Forces of this Province did feed as miraculously as fight, being never able to prescribe any certain way of subsistance for one month together; but when the poor Inhabitants were almost beggar’d, and no means for the Forces to subsist on left, a Cessation of Arms was made for a twelvemonth with the Rebels, which our necessity (not inclination) compelled us to bear with; and the rather out of a firm hope, that the Almighty, out of his infinite goodness, would, within that year, settle a right understanding between the King and Parliament, that then they would unanimously revenge the crying blood of so many thousands of innocent Souls; and until God blessed us with the sight of that happy Union, we might keep our Garrisons (which otherwise we could not) the better to enable them to prosecute so just and honourable a design. But this Cessation was as fatal to us, during the time of Treaty, as afterwards it was ill observed; for they (knowing what agreement they would enforce us to condescend unto) did privately send one or two persons to every Castle that we had demolished, which under pretence of being by that means in their possession, they ever since detain, though it be contrary to the Articles. And which is more injurious, they have at all times since entred upon what Lands they have thought fit, and detained them also; and their devillish malice having no bounds, they did place Guards upon the High-ways to interrupt our Markets, and punished divers of their own Party for coming with Provisions to us, thereby to deter all from bringing any relief to our Garrisons, that so they might starve us out of those Places, that neither their fraud or force could get from us; which that they might the better accomplish, they murthered divers of the poor English, that presuming on the Article of free Commerce, went abroad to buy Victuals; which certainly would have caused them to have declined that course of seeking Food, if hunger, threatning them with more certain death, had not forced them thereunto. And whereas we trusted, that these notorious infidelities in them, and infinite sufferings in us, would have been so visible to his Majesty, that nothing could have induc’d him to make a Peace with so perfidious a People, who through their fawning and insinuating with his Majesty, and by the counsel of some, who represent, that there is no way left for the securing the remainder of English, but by a Peace. We find his Majesty (being deluded by the first, and believing the last to be conducing to the preservation of his Majesties Protestant Subjects) is concluding of a Peace, which will again admit those Irish Rebels to be Members of Parliament; so that that Court which should afford relief for our Grievances, will, by their over-swaying Votes, be our greatest Grievance.

Moreover, we are too truly informed by divers of their own Party, (whose names if we should publish, would be as great an ingratitude as folly; the first, in betraying those that obliged us; the last, in depriving our selves of all future Intelligence by them) that they have vowed never to submit to an English or Protestant Government, except they have liberty to exercise their Religion in Churches; That the Forces of the Kingdom may be Train’d-Bands of their Men; and that likewise those of their own Religion may be admitted to Places of Trust in the Common-wealth, which they call modest and moderate demands; though we hope they cannot seem so to any but themselves, and their Clergy, who, we find, do not think them enough, being they may not have all their Church-Livings. For we have certain intelligence, that they have made a strong Faction, as well among my Lord of Castlehaven’s Soldiers, as in all other parts of the Kingdom, so that they are five parts of six who will fly out into a new action, when they see a convenient time to execute their design, which as yet they determine to forbear, until they see a Peace concluded; supposing, that then the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland will intermix Irish and English without distinction, to oppose the Scots, and that by that means there will be a sufficient number of their Party in our Garrisons to master them, which, when they find an opportunity for, they will certainly seize into their own hands; upon notice whereof, the Faction abroad will, with all expedition, apprehend the English in all parts; and having accomplished this part of their design, they will manifest that they are weary of the King of England’s Government, and that they will trust none of his Protestant Subjects among them; for we are certainly informed, that they will invite a Forreign Prince to take them into his protection, unto whom they will deliver possession of what he pleases, and will become his Subjects.

And lest that Princes Treasure should be exhausted by Wars in other places, the Clergy have, with the Pope’s assistance, raised amongst those of their own Calling, and divers of the Gentry in Italy, one hundred thousand pounds in money, and a quantity of Arms and Ammunition, that are now ready to be sent hither; and they have employed one Doctor Duyer to go forthwith thither for it; as also to get his Holiness to settle a course for the raising of more Money, to be employed for the advancement of that which they call the Catholick Cause.

Therefore out of a true sense of our injuries already suffered, and un-redressed, with a right apprehension of inevitable ruine, not onely to our Lives and Estates, but likewise to the English Nation and Protestant Religion, we have re-assum’d our Arms, according to our Duty to God, our King and Countrey, with inviolable resolution to die, or frustrate this devillish design.

And since those that die acting for the Gospel, are as perfect Martyrs, as those that die suffering for it; we cannot but with joy embrace any effect, that proceeds from so glorious a Cause.

Neither can this act be esteemed a crime in us, since his Majesty, upon the Rebels first Insurrection, his Treasure being exhausted, gave his Royal assent for the passing of an Act of Parliament, wherein he granted (to all his Subjects that would adventure money towards reducing of the Rebels) Lands proportionable to the sum adventured, which would fall to the Crown, when the Conquest should be finished. And the better to secure the Adventurers, his Majesty obliged himself to make no Peace with the Rebels, but with the advice and approbation of the Parliament of England; and by that Act, communicated to the Parliament that Power, which before was solely in himself. So that they not condescending to this Peace, our imploying of their Aids, and re-assuming of those Arms put into our hands by King and Parliament joyntly, cannot be esteemed contradictory to his Majesty, in regard that their joynt Act is so absolutely binding, that neither of them severally can annull it, as is evident in the Laws of the Realm.

Therefore if this War were onely Offensive, yet even slander it self must acknowledge us innocent, having so just a Cause, so pious an Intention, and so lawful an Authority; much more it being Defensive, and the Law both of God and Nature allowing every one to defend himself from violence and wrong.

Moreover, the King must never expect any obedience from the Irish, but what proceeds either from their Interest, or Fear. Through the first of these, neither his Majesty or we can hope for assurance; for not granting them all their desires, their Interest (which is more powerful with them than their Loyalty) will make them throw off their subjection, and to become absolute, not scruple to destroy us: Then to expect any security by their fears, were frivolous; for though we have found their Hearts as ill as their Cause, yet they cannot be apprehensive of 2 or 3000 ill armed and unprovided men, having all things necessary, and so numerous a People at their devotion.

And lest our Enemies should scandalize us with breach of Faith, in violating the pretended Cessation; or with Cruelty, in expelling the Irish Papists from our Garrisons, who hitherto seemed adhering to us.

Concerning the first, we declare, That although our necessities did induce us to submit, supposing the Cessation would have produced other effects, as is before mentioned; yet we had no power (without Authority from King and Parliament joyntly) to treat or yield to it; or if it had been in our powers, yet by the Rebels daily breaches of it, we are disengaged from it.

Concerning the second, we declare, That our Garrison cannot be secured, whilst so powerful and perfidious Enemies are in our bosomes; Powerful, being four to one in number more than the English; Perfidious, in their constant designs to betray us, some whereof we will instance, to convince their own Consciences, and satisfie the World of our just proceedings.

One Francis Matthews, a Franciscan Frier, (being wonderfully discovered in an Enigmatical Letter, and as justly executed) before his death confessed, that he had agreed to betray the City of Cork to the Lord of Muskery; which must necessarily infer, that the chiefest and greatest part of that City were engaged in this Conspiracy, for otherwise he could not so much as hope the accomplishment: And if this had taken effect, it had consequently ruin’d all the Protestants in the Province of Munster, that being our chief Magazine, and greatest Garrison. Besides, upon this occasion, other Friers being examin’d upon Oath, confessed, that in their daily Masses within that Town, and all other of our Garrisons, (where Papists did inhabit) they prayed for the advancement of the Catholick Cause, which they believed the Rebels fought for.

And lastly, we have lately discovered, that the now Major and Corporation had combined with the Rebels to betray the Town to them; and for that purpose an Army was drawn to all the parts adjoyning to our Garrisons; in the three chiefest whereof, we are confident, the Rebels had their Party; but by Divine Providence, before the Plot could be executed, the Major presuming on his speedy success, contemned the Lord of Inchequin’s Authority, by opposing the levying of the Moneys granted by the English, for the maintenance of the Soldiers, just about the nick of time that the Treachery was to be effected.

And he being committed upon this occasion, the Rebels apprehending their design to be discovered, with-drew their Forces. And lest this should be judged as an act of the Major onely, as a private person, we desire the World to take notice, that as soon as our Army, which forced their obedience, was removed into England, the Papists generally resisted what ever could be propounded for our security, and would have dis-enabled us to continue our Garrisons, had not the poor stript English taken all that burthen upon themselves.

Nay, they were so insolent, that they laboured to get Arms into their hands, and to cause us to disband our Soldiers, which they affirmed to be kept as an unnecessary charge upon the King, that so they might with more facility receive the Irish, and ruine us.

In a word, since they pretend the ground of this War to be for Religion, and that this is confessed by those who seem’d to adhere to us; what faith can be expected from such a People, whose Religion permits them to hold none with us?

By this preceding Relation, it is evidently seen, that unless we re-assume our Arms, we betray the trust committed to us by God, the King and Parliament, and become slaves both of bodies and souls. And therefore we have resolv’d to perform our duty, though with apparent hazard of our lives; and likewise maintain that, which is a thousand times more dear unto us, our Religion, and also defend our Garrisons for the Kings just use.

These, we take God to witness, are our intentions, and we beseech him to punish us as strangely, as hitherto he hath preserv’d us, if we decline at all from these Loyal and Religious resolutions; and we firmly hope, that the World will, by this Declaration, be as fully satisfi’d of the justness of our proceedings, as we our selves are; then though we all lose our lives in this Cause, we shall give our Friends occasion to rejoyce, and our Enemies to envy at so blessed an end.

This return of the Munster Forces to the Parliament, was not so welcome to them, as it was strange to the Lord Lieutenant, who thereupon expostulated the business with the Lord Inchequin, who the 2d. of August writ to his Excellency, That on suspitions of another intended surprisal by the Irish, and out of a care to protect the English, he had clear’d Cork, Toughall, and Kinsale, of the Irish, and put himself into a posture of safety, which, with his return from England, was the worse resented, for that he was the first man who mov’d the King to send for the Forces of Ireland into England. Upon his revolt to the Parliament, he dream’d of sudden Supplies, but they were at that time so imbroil’d in business, as they had little leisure to consider of Ireland, and less means to help them, so as little was sent to him for eight or ten months after; but they made him Lord President of Munster. Nor had the Scots much more relief in the North; however, the new and old Scots (under Monro) joyning themselves together unanimously, made a shift to preserve themselves against the incursions of the Rebels; and about Midsummer, 1644. they gathered an Army of 10000 Horse and Foot, and came into the County of Cavan, and sent a Party into Longford, and spoil’d much of that Countrey, and march’d to Owen Roe and the Earl of Castlehaven, who lay with their Army about Tonrages, where they encompass’d them, and (had they been sufficiently vigilant) might certainly have defeated the Rebels; who, through the favour of a close night, escaped, though pursued, and at Finagh-Bridge met with a severe slaughter; Nugents house of Carlestown they burnt, and hanged him. In the interim, Duncannon (one of the strongest Forts in Ireland, under the Command of the Lord Esmond) submitted not to the Cessation; but, being strongly besieged by Preston, was surrendred about March, 1644. before Sir Arthur Loftus (who was to have been Governour of the Fort under his Lordship) arrived there with a competent Supply, who (finding himself disappointed thereof) carried his Provisions into Munster, and the Lord Esmond soon after died. What difference soever there was between some Towns and the Lord Lieutenant, yet for the encouragement of any that should bring Commodities to Dublin, Tredagh, Dundalk, Carlingford, Cork, Kinsale, or Youghal, for the relief of his Majesties Army and good Subjects there; a Proclamation pass’d at Dublin the 20th. of May, 1644. to free them for six months from all Customs and Impositions, in pursuance of a Proclamation from his Majesty at Oxford, the 17th. of March, 1643. In April after, the Committee of both Kingdoms in England (to whom the affairs of Ireland were, from the Parliament, committed, finding the business of Ireland grow very heavy upon them) got themselves quit thereof; and the Houses instituted another to sit at the Star-chamber, of 13 Lords, and 28 Commoners; but few in it that understood the business of Ireland, besides two Gentlemen, whose Interest leading them to several Provinces, much injur’d the equal management of the whole; and he (to whom the Provisions were entrusted) order’d them at that rate, as the complaint was great. About May, 1645. there were appointed Commissioners for Ulster, Arthur Annesly Esq Sir Robert King, and Colonel Beale, a Citizen of London, who were to carry with them 20000£ in Money, besides Provisions and Ammunition; but the dispatch was so slow, as they Landed not there till October; besides, some Commissioners should have joyned with them from Scotland, who never came upon the Place: so nothing could be orderly done, in that the Scots by a late Treaty pretended a Right in the Government of Ireland, which his Majesty in his Papers took just Exceptions against, they long certainly having it in their Design, to make themselves Masters of the North of Ireland, since they fail’d of retaining any Interest in the Government in England. But Troubles increasing in Scotland, through Montross and Colonel Kitto•’s joyning together, who had certainly taken Edinburgh, but that the Plague was violent there: several of the late Scotch Regiments were drawn from Ulster, that more than what garrison’d Carickfergus, Belfast, Colrain, and some other Places near the Sea-Coast, where they committed the most notorious Extortions and Oppressions ever laid upon a People, were not there left; and the Commissioners for the Parliament before-mention’d acted in their own Place. Not long after whose settlement in Ireland, the Irish growing insolent in Connaght, taking their Garrisons, and turning out many English, and others, who, by the Articles of Cessation, should have been better used, there came to them (by one Mr. Galbreth) Offers, tending to compose the Differencies betwixt the Greatest then in Power, and them: But the Offer being found a Design, to draw the British Army under another Command, the fruit of that Expectation soon wither’d, and Galbreth by Bonds was secured.

And that Affairs (more probably) might succeed, a general Assembly of the Confederate Catholicks, (which consisted of all the Peers of that Party, and of all the Gentlemen and Burgesses of Corporation Towns, which was as lively a Representation of the whole Nation, as they could make) towards the end of the year, viz. the 6th. of March, 1645. appointed and authorized a select number of that Body, (of the Persons of eminent Quality, and most eminent Ability, and such, as through all the Troubles had been imployed and intrusted by them, in Places and Offices of highest Trust and Concernment) to treat and conclude with the Marquess of Ormond, his Majesty’s Lieutenant of that Kingdom, a firm and full Peace. For the expediting of which, his Excellency had had many and serious Invitations from his Majesty, as the most visible means then left to revive the Hopes he was reduced to: To which end, in June, before he had sent Mr. Daniel O Neal (Groom of his Bed-Chamber) into Ireland, a Person by reason of his Relations there much confided in; who, amongst other things intrusted to his charge, had it in his Instructions, the 27th. of June, to acquaint the Marquess of Ormond, That his Majesty would be glad he could frame such a Body there to send over, as might be worthy of his own coming to command it. And in a Letter from an Honourable Person then at Denbigh, the 26th. of September, 1645. his Excellency was again acquainted, That his Majesty persists in his earnest desire to have him in England, for that, without flattery, they were likely to be in more want of such a General, than of an Army; so as nothing was wanting to value his Fidelity and Courage. And yet the Impatiency of some Men were such, (not considering how that would be a scandalous Peace, that would be unavoidable) that they writ to their Friends, That if the Peace were not concluded, that it was not like that ever it would be by those that managed it then; so as they would have had the Queen Regent of France, to have concluded it with such as the Catholicks from Ireland should appoint. In such sort was his Excellency censured, who having discharged his Trust, could not (at those Men’s time) reduce the Irish to a credible compliance, the fault of their several Ruptures amongst themselves, not his remissness. Inasmuch as one (better vers’d in the Subtilties of the Irish, than most of that Age, having, through the Eminency of his Imployment, the knowledge of their Councils and Intrigues) writes to an Honourable Person, That the truth of it was, that the Irish had proceeded thitherto, as if they had had no good intention, having not been contented with the effects of more than their Agents did profess to expect, but in effect, capitulated for the Protestant Churches through Ireland: A Concession so detestable, as the King taking notice (to Secretary Nicholas) of the Earl of Glamorgan’s Agreement with the Rebels, declares, That were the condition of his Affairs much more desperate than it is, he would never redeem them by a Concession of so much wrong, both to his Honour and Conscience: It is (writes he, in that clear discovery of his Soul) for the defence of his Religion, that he had undergone the Extremities of War here, and he will never redeem his Crown by sacrificing it there: Lines so august and pious, that methinks none should dare read them, who should presume to offer Incense, otherwise than he hath paid his: The Treaty for the Peace however went on, though by many cautious and un-easie steps. You have seen what Doubts some rais’d of his Excellency’s Proceedings herein, and by one (imploy’d with much credit in that Business) it is manifest, That the Marquess was resolv’d never to condescend to the Demands of the Irish, who (writes he) resolv’d to have them, or perish; such their Insolency! And we find through the whole Scene, they wrought upon the Necessities of the King, their Demands, as his Straights, ever increasing; however, he assured the Queen, the Irish should not cheat him, though it was possible they might cozen themselves.

But before we proceed, it will be necessary to take notice of an un-usual Guest, the Pope’s Nuncio, John Baptist Rinuccini, Archbishop and Prince of Fermo, introduced by the first Legat, from the Confederates to Rome, to Pope Urban the 8th. and other Princes of Italy, Rich. Bealing Esq a leading Member of, and chief Secretary to their supream Council, by whose means only he was sent into Ireland, even whilst the Treaty of Peace (the utmost Grace his Majesty could vouchsafe his People) was set on foot; an acceptable and loyal service! as you will hear in the sequel of this Story. He arrived at the River of Kilmare, in a Frigat of 21 Pieces, and 26 Italians, of his Retinue, besides divers regular and secular Priests, the 22. of October, 1645. And amongst the Accounts of those Times, there is a List given in of some Arms, Ammunition, and Spanish Gold; but not hearing as yet of the Blessing they produced, we shall (as to those Particulars) confine our Pen, yet give you here the supream Council’s Address to his Holiness, in acknowledgement of the Nuncio’s Arrival.

Per supremum Consilium Confederatorum Catholicorum, in Regno Hiberniae, ad beatum Patrem nostrum Innocentium + Papam.

Beatissime Pater,

Quod in ipso limine sui Pontificatus rebus nostris consulere voluerit, & Illustrissimum Virum Archiepiscopum Fermanum, Praelatum vestrae sanctitatis Domesticum, & assistentem sedis Apostolicae extraordinarium Nuncium ad nos miserit, gratias quas possumus humillime reddimus; illum si non qua decuit magni scientia, certe insuperabili amore, & gaudio recipimus, illum etiam de vestrae sanctitatis in nos nostram{que} causam animi effectu & sollicitudine discurrentem avide audivimus, speramus{que} nos Apostolica benedictione, quam nobis vestrae sanctitatis nomine impertivit suffultos, & subsidiis ulterioribus, quae tanto bello necessaria duxerit paterna sanctitatis cura, tanti etiam & tam prudentis viri adhortationibus & consiliis, eo res nostras promovere posse, ut de stabilita in Hiberniam Catholica Religione triumphare posset Innocentius Christissimus, quam & vestrae sanctitati & nobis victoriam a Deo exercituum humili & confidenti corde implorant demisse benedictionem obsecrantes,

Kilkenniae, 7. Jan. 1645.

Vestrae Sanctitatis ad Pedum Oscula.

But to proceed to the Peace, in which all the Particulars, which might concern the Interest and Security of either Party, being maturely weighed and considered, and then every Article being first read, debated, and approved, in the general Assembly, without one dissenting voice, the whole was concluded, and the Confederate Catholicks obliged to transport (within a very short time) an Army of 10000 Men into England, for the Service and Relief of the King; as by the succeeding Propositions with Colonel Fitz-Williams, is fuller evident.

Fitz-Williams’s Propositions about the Treaty with the Queen, to bring Irish into England.

Col. Fitz-Williams humbly prays and propounds as followeth,

That your Sacred Majesty will vouchsafe to prevail with his Majesty, to condescend to the just Demands of his Irish Subjects, the Confederate Catholicks in Ireland, at least in private. That upon the consideration thereof, Colonel Fitz-Williams humbly propounds and undertakes, with approbation of Mr.Hertogen, now imployed Agent for the said Confederate Catholicks in Ireland, to bring an Army of 10000 Men, or more, of the King’s Subjects, in his Kingdom of Ireland, for the King’s Service, into England.

That Colonel Fitz-Williams undertakes, for the sum of 10000£ sterling, to levy Ships, and arm the 10000 Men, and so proportionably for more or less; and that the said Moneys may be paid into such hands, as may be safe for your Majesty, as well as ready for the said Colonel, when it shall appear the said Army shall be in readiness to be transported into England.

That upon the Landing of the said Men, there shall be advanced to the Colonel one months Pay for all the Army, according to the Muster, for the present support of the Army. That Colonel Fitz-Williams may be Commander in Chief thereof, and dispose of all the Officers, and only be commanded by the King, Prince, and—and qualified with such Benefits, as have been formerly granted unto your Majesty’s Generals, that have commanded Bodies apart from the King’s own Army, as the Earl of Kingston, and others, whereby the better to enable him in the Levies, as well as in the general Conduct of the Business. And in respect the Order gives no Power to the Irish, therefore that the said Forces shall not by any Order whatsoever be divided, at least that the Colonel may be supplied with a Body of—2000. to be ready at the Place of Landing. That the Colonel may be provided with Arms and Ammunition, or with Money requisite for himself, to provide necessary Proportions for to bring with him. That the Army shall be paid as other Armies of the King.

Having taken these Propositions into Consideration, We have thought fit to testifie our Approbation and Agreement thereunto, under our Sign Manual, assuring, what hath been desired of us therein, shall be forthwith effectually endeavour’d, and not doubting, to the satisfaction of the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland, and of the said Colonel; so that we may justly expect an agreeable compliance and performance accordingly from all Parties, in their several Concernments.

Henriette Marie.

All things thus stated and setled, the Commissioners (who had treated in the Peace) were sent by and in the Name of the Assembly, to Dublin, where the Lord Lieutenant resided, to sign the said Articles, and to receive his Lordship’s Confirmation of them: And accordingly the Articles were, the 30th. of July, 1646. interchangeably signed and perfected, with all formality requisite, (notwithstanding his Majesty’s Letter from Newcastle, the 11th. of June, 1646. to treat no farther with the Rebels;) and shortly after, they were (with great Solemnity and Ceremony) published and proclaimed by the King at Arms at Dublin, and at Kilkenny, where the Supream Council and the Assemblies of all the Confederate Catholicks were held, and then Printed by their Authority: The Arch-Bishop of Firmo, manifesting his approbation of all that had been done, giving his blessing to the Commissioners, when they were sent to Dublin to conclude the Treaty, and other Ministers from Foraign Princes being present, consenting to, and witnessing the Conclusion.

By the Lord Lieutenant and Council.

Ormond.

Whereas Articles of Peace are made, concluded, accorded and agréed upon, by and between Us, James Lord Marquiss of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant General, and General Governor of his Majesties Kingdom of Ireland, his Majesties Commissioner, to Treat and Conclude a Peace with his Majesties Roman Catholick Subjects of the said Kingdom, by vertue of his Majesties Commission under the Great Seal of England, bearing Date at Buckingham on the 24th. day of June, in the Twentieth year of his Reign, for and on the behalf of his Most Excellent Majesty of the one part; and Donogh Lord Viscount Muskery, and others, appointed and Authorized by his Majesties said Roman Catholick Subjects, by vertue of an Authority of the said Roman Catholick Subjects, bearing Date the sixth day of March, 1645. and in the 21. year of his Majesties Reign, of the other part, a true Copy of which Articles of Peace is hereunto annexed, We the Lord Lieutenant and Council do by this Proclamation, in his Majesties Name, Publish the same, And do, in his Majesties Name, strictly charge and command all his Majesties Subjects, and all others Inhabiting or Residing within his Majesties said Kingdom of Ireland, to take notice thereof, and to render due Obedience to the same in all the parts thereof.

And as his Majesty hath been induced to this Peace, out of a deep sense of the Miseries and Calamities brought upon this his Kingdom and People, and out of a hope conceived by his Majesty, that it may prevent the further effusion of his Subjects blood, redeem them out of all the miseries and calamities, under which they now suffer, restore them to all quietness and happiness, under his Majesties most gracious Government, deliver the Kingdom in general from those slaughters, deprecations, rapines and spoils, which always accompany a War, encourage the Subjects and others with comfort to betake themselves to Trade, Traffick, Commerce, Manufacture, and all other things, which un-interrupted, may increase the wealth and strength of the Kingdom, beget in all his Majesties Subjects of this Kingdom, a perfect Unity amongst themselves, after the too long continued Division amongst them: So his Majesty assures himself, that all his Subjects of this his Kingdom (duly considering the great and inestimable benefits, which they may find in this Peace) will with all duty render due obedience thereunto. And We, in his Majesties Name, do hereby Declare, That all Persons, so rendring due Obedience to the said Peace, shall be protected, cherished, countenanced, and supported by his Majesty and his Royal Authority, according to the true intent and meaning of the said Articles of Peace.

Given at his Majesties Castle of Dublin,
the Thirtieth day of July, 1646.

Ri. Bolton, Canc.
Roscomon. Dillon.
Cha. Lambart.
Gerrard Lowther.
Fr. Willoughby.
Robert Forth.

La. Dublin.
Geo. Cloyne.
Arthur Chichester.
Hen. Tichborn.
Tho. Lucas.
Ja. Ware.

God save the King.

An Abreviate of the Articles of Peace concluded by the Marquiss of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Commissioner for the King; and the Lord Mountgarret, President of the Supream Council, the Lord Muskery, Sir Robert Talbot, Dermot O Brian, Patrick Darcy, Jeffery Brown, and John Dillon, Esquires, Commissioners for the Irish.

1. That the Professors of the Roman Catholick Religion, in the Kingdom of Ireland, or any of them, be not bound or obliged to take the Oath of Supremacy, expressed in the second of Queen Elis. commonly called, the Oath of Supremacy.

2. That a Parliament may be held on or before the last day of November next; and that these Articles agreed on, may be transmitted into England, according to the usual Form, and passed, provided that nothing may be passed to the Prejudice of either Protestant or Catholick Party, other then such things as upon this Treaty shall be concluded.

3. That all Acts made by both or either Houses of Parliament, to the Blemish or Prejudice of his Majesties Roman Catholick Subjects, since the 7th. of August, (1641.) shall be vacated by Acts of Parliament.

4. That no Actions of Law shall be removed before the said Parliament, in case it be sooner called then the last of November; And that all Impediments which may hinder the Roman Catholicks to sit in the next Parliament, shall be remov’d before the Parliament sit.

5. That all Debts do Stand in state, as they were in the beginning of these Troubles.

6. That the Plantation in Connaght, Kilkenny, Clare, Thomond, Tipperary, Limrick, and Wickloe, may be revoked by Act of Parliament, and their Estates secur’d in the next Sessions.

7. That the Natives may erect one or more Inns of Court, in or near the City of Dublin, they taking an Oath; as also one or more Universities to be Govern’d, as his Majesty shall appoint; as also to have Schools for Education of Youth, in the Kingdom.

8. That Places of Command, of Forts, Castles, Garrisons, Towns, and other Places of Importance, and all Places of Honour, Profit, and Trust, shall be conferr’d with equal Indifferency upon the Catholicks, as his Majesties other Subjects, according to their respective Merits and Abilities.

9. That 12000£ Sterling, be paid the King yearly, for the Court of Wards.

10. That no Peer may be capable of more Proxies then two. And that no Lords Vote in Parliament, unless in 5 years, a Lord Baron purchase in Ireland 200£ per anum, a Viscount 400£ and an Earl 600£ or lose their Votes till they purchase.

11. That the Independency of the Parliament of Ireland, on the Kingdom of England, shall be decided by Declaration of both Houses, agreeable to the Laws of the Kingdom of Ireland.

12. That the Council Table, shall contain itself within its bounds, in handling Matters of State, as Patents of Plantations, Offices, &c. and not meddle with matter, betwixt Party and Party.

13. That all Acts concerning Staple or Native Commodities of this Kingdom, shall be repeal’d, except Wooll, and Woollfels; and that the Commissioners, the Lord Mountgarret, and others named in the 26 Article, shall be Authoriz’d under the Great Seal, to moderate and ascertain the rates of Merchandize, to be exported and imported.

14. That no Governor be longer Resident, then his Majesty shall find for the good of his People, and that they make no purchase, other then by Lease for the Provision of their Houses.

15. That an Act of Oblivion may be passed, without extending to any who will not accept of this Peace.

16. That no Governor, or any other Prime Minister of State in Ireland, shall be Farmers of his Majesties Customs.

17. That a Repeal of all Monopolies, be passed.

18. That Commissioners be appointed, to regulate the Court of Castle-Chamber.

19. That Acts, Prohibiting Plowing by Horse-tails, and burning of Oats in the Straw, be repealed.

20. That Course be taken against the Disobedience of the Cessation and Peace.

21. That such Graces as were promised by his Majesty in the Fourth year of his Reign, and sued for by a Committee of both Houses of Parliament, and not express’d in these Articles, may in the next ensuing Parliament be desir’d of his Majesty.

22. That Maritine Causes be determin’d here, without Appeal into England.

23. That the increase of Rents lately rais’d upon the Commission of defective Titles, be repeal’d.

24. That all Interests of Money due by way of Debt, Mortgage, or otherwise, and not yet satisfi’d since the 23. of Octob. 1641. to pay no more than 5l. per Cent.

25. That the Commissioners have power to determine all Cases within their Quarters, until the perfection of these Articles by Parliament, and raise 10000 Men for his Majesty.

26. That the Lord Mountgarret, Muskery, Sir Dan. O Bryan, Sir Lucas Dillon, Nich. Plunket, Rich. Bealing, Philip Mac-Hugh O Relie, Terlogh O Neal, Thomas Flemming, Patrick Darcy, Gerald Fennel, and Jeffery Brown, or any five of them, be for the present Commissioners of the Peace, Oyer and Terminer, and Gaol-Delivery, in the present Quarters of the Confederate Catholicks; with power of Justice of Peace, Oyer and Terminer, and Gaol-Delivery, as in former times of Peace they have usually had.

27. That none of the Roman Catholick Party, before there be a Settlement by Parliament, Sue, Implead, or Arrest, or be Sued, Impleaded, or Arrested, in any Court, other than before the Commissioners, or in the several Corporations, or other Judicatures within their Quarters.

28. That the Confederate Catholicks continue in their Possessions until Settlement by Parliament, and to be Commanded by his Majesties Chief Governour, with the advice and consent of the Commissioners, or any Five of them.

29. That all Customs, from the perfection of these Articles, are to be paid into his Majesties Receipt, and to his use; as also all Rent due at Easter next, till a full Settlement of Parliament.

30. That the Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer, and Gaol-Delivery, shall have power to hear and determine all Offences committed or done, or to be committed or done, from the 15th. day of September, 1643. until the first day of the next Parliament.

Thus the Marquess having perform’d all on his part, that could be expected from him, and was in his power to do, and having receiv’d from other Parts all the assurance he could require, there being no other way of engaging the publick Faith of the Nation, than that to which they had so formally engaged themselves to him in, he intended nothing then, but how his Majesty might speedily receive some fruit of that Peace and Accommodation he thence expected, by sending assistance to him: And to that purpose, with advice, and upon invitation of several Persons, who had great Authority and Power amongst the Confederate Catholicks, the Lord Lieutenant took a Journey himself to Kilkenny, where he was receiv’d with that Respect and Reverence, as was due to his Person, and to the Place he held, and with such expressions of Triumph and Joy, as gave him cause to believe, the People were glad to be again receiv’d into his Majesty’s Protection.

A Protection his Majesty evidences, (to his Commissioners at Uxbridge) That it was as inevitably necessary, that they should not consent to hinder him therein, as he had strong Reasons for the Cessation before, unless they could shew, how his Protestant Subjects in Ireland, may probably at least defend themselves, and that he should have no more need to defend his Conscience and Crown, from the Injuries of this Rebellion.

At this Peace the Irish seem’d exceedingly enliven’d; but the shew thereof quickly vanish’d, and a cloud of Jealousie began again to cover the Land. The Pope’s Nuncio, and the titular Bishops, who depended on him, envi’d that Nation the happiness and glory they foresaw it would be possess’d of by the execution of that Agreement, and so (without any colour of Authority, either by the old establish’d Laws of that Kingdom, or those Rules they had prescrib’d to themselves since the Rebellion) they conven’d a Congregation of the Clergy at Waterford, a Town most at their devotion, where the Titular Bishop of Ferns was in the Chair, and refided: And therefore it will not be amiss to take a short view of their proceedings, that the unhappy, oppressed, and miserable Ireland may clearly discern to whom it owes those Pressures and Grievances it is now overwhelm’d with, and whether that Bishop be to be reckon’d in the number of those, who suffer at present for his Zeal to Religion, his Allegiance to the King, and his Affection to his Countrey; or whether his name be to be inserted in that Catalogue, which must derive to Posterity the Authors and Fomentors of so odious and causless a Rebellion, in which such a Sea of Blood hath been let out, and the Betrayers of the Honour and Faith of that Countrey and Nation, and who are no less guilty of extirpation of a Religion (they so much glory of) in that Kingdom, than Ireton, or Cromwel, or that impious Power, under which they have perpetrated all their Acts of Blood, Cruelty, and Desolation.

At that time, the Parliament of England having accommodated the Spaniard with 2000 Men; he, in lieu thereof, so temper’d the Irish, (ever devoted to that Nation) that the Spaniard having then an Agent in Ireland, he took them off from doing any thing effectual in our King’s business.

And the Congregation of the Clergy was no sooner assembled, then (instead of prescribing Acts of Charity and Repentance to the People, for the ill they had formerly done, and then inflaming their hearts with new Zeal, and infusing pious Courage into them, to relieve and succour the King from those who oppressed him, according to their particular Obligation, by their late Agreement, which had been the proper Office of Prelates, and a Christian Clergy) they began to inveigh against the Peace, (which themselves had so lately approv’d, and so formally consented unto) as if it had not carefully enough provided for the advancement of Religion, and would not suffer it to be proclaim’d in Waterford; and sent their Emissaries and their Orders to all considerable Towns and Cities to incense the People against it, and against those who wished it should take effect; insomuch that when the King at Arms was Proclaiming the Peace at Limerick, (with that solemnity and Ceremony, as in such cases is used throughout the World, with his Coat of Arms, the Ensign of his Office, and accompani’d with the Mayor and Aldermen, and the most substantial of the Citizens, in their Robes, and with all the Ensigns of Magistracy and Authority) one Molife, a seditious Frier, stirr’d up the multitude against him; which being led on by one Fanning, a person notorious for many outrages and acts of Blood and Inhumanity in the beginning of the Rebellion, violently assaulted them, and after many opprobrious speeches, in contempt of the Peace and the Authority of the King, and tearing off the Coat from the Herald, beat and wounded him, and many of the Magistrates of the City, and some of them almost to death: And least all this might be excused, and charitably interpreted to be the effect of a Popular and Tumultuous Insurrection, the Lawful Mayor and other principal Officers who assisted him (in the discharge of his Duty) were immediately displac’d, and Fanning, the impious Conductor of that Rabble, was made Mayor in his place; who, by Letters from the Nuncio, was thanked for what he had done, and encouraged to proceed in the same way, and had the Apostolical Benediction bestowed on him, for committing such an outrage upon the Priviledged Person of an Herald, who in the name of the King came to proclaim Peace: As by the Law of Nations must have been adjudged barbarous, and unpardonable in any part of the World where Civility is planted, if he had come to have denounced War. And yet all this while, the design it self was carried with so great secresie, that the Lord Lieutenant (proceeding in his Progress for the setling and composing the humours of the People, which he understood to have been in some disorder by the infusions of the ill-affected Clergy) never heard of any Force of Arms to second and support those mutinous disorders, till being near to the City of Cashell, he was advertis’d by Letters from the Mayor, that Owen O Neal’s Army was marching that way, and had sent terrible threats to that City if it presum’d to receive the Lord Lieutenant. And shortly after he found, that Owen O Neal used all possible expedition to get between him and Dublin, that so he might have been able to have surprised and destroyed him; whereupon the Marquis found it necessary to lose no time in returning thither, yet resolved not onely to contain himself from any Acts of Hostility, but even from those Trespasses which are hardly avoidable upon Marches, and paid so precisely for whatsoever was taken from the Inhabitants throughout all the Catholick Quarters, presuming, that those Persons of Honour, who had transacted the Treaty, would have been able to have caused the Peace to be observed in despight of those clamorous undertakers.

But when the Unchristian Congregation of Waterford had made this Essay of their Power and Jurisdiction, they made all possible hast to propagate their Authority, and declared the Peace to be void, and inhibited all Persons to submit thereunto, or to pay any Taxes, Imposition, or Contribution which had been setled by the said Agreement; and without which, neither a standing Army (which was to be applied to the Reduction of those Towns and Provinces, which had put themselves under the Protection of the Parliament of England, and never submitted to the former Cessation, nor could be comprehended in the Peace) could be supported, or the 10000 Men rais’d to be transported into England for the succour of the King, as had been so Religiously undertaken; which inclination of theirs, the People so readily obeyed and submitted unto, That they committed and delegated the intire and absolute Power of Governing and Commanding, as well in Secular as Ecclesiastical Matters, to the Popes Nuncio, who began his Empire with committing to Prison the Commissioners who had been Instrumental in the Treaty, and making of the Peace by order of the general Assembly, and issued out an Excommunication against all those who had or should submit to the Peace, (which comprehended all the Nobility and almost all the Gentry, and some of the Clergy) which Excommunication wrought so universally upon the minds of the People, that albeit all Persons of Honour and Quality received infinite scandal, and well foresaw the irreparable damage Religion it self would undergo, by that unwarrantable Proceeding, and used their utmost Power to draw the People to obedience and submission to the said Agreement, and to that purpose prevail’d so far with General Preston, that he gave them reason to hope that he would joyn with them, for the vindication of the publick Faith, and the Honour of the Nation, and compel those that oppos’d it to submit to the Peace; Yet all these endeavours produced no effect, but concluded in unprofitable Resentments and Lamentation: In the mean time, Owen O Neil (when he found himself disappointed of his Design, to have cut off the Lord-Lieutenant before he should reach Dublin) enter’d into the Queens-County, and committed all Acts of Cruelty and Outrage that could be imagined, took many Castles and Forts which belong’d to the King, and put all (who resisted) to the Sword, and his Officers in cold blood caus’d others to be murther’d, to whom they had promised Quarter, as Major Pigot and others of his Family: About the latter end of June this year, Major General Monro received a severe defeat from Owen Roe O Neil at Benburgh, alias Benburge near Charlemont in the County of Ardmagh, whereby the whole Province was exposed to the Rebels fury, in as much as if they had had the Courage or Policy to have prosecuted it, they might have destroyed all the Scotch Quarters, and endanger’d their Towns: but Owen Roe instead of prosecuting the Victory, went presently with the Prisoners and Colours in Triumph to Kilkenny, so gave our Forces a breathing, whilst the Parliament suspecting his union with Preston, immediately ordered 50000£ out of the Excise, for the raising of more men for Ireland, and some Horse besides Foot, were presently sent over with Ammunition and other necessaries; these called at Dublin, but the Design being not then fit for their Reception, they were otherwise disposed of. And shortly after the Nuncio prevail’d so much, that he united General Preston to his Army, at which time he took this Oath.

I, A. B. Swear and Protest that I will adhere to the present union of the Confederate Roman Catholicks, that reject the Peace lately agreed, and proclaimed at Dublin, and do nothing by Word, Deed, Writing, Advice, or otherwise to the Prejudice of that Union, and will to the uttermost of my Power advance, and further the Good and Preservation of it, and of his Majesties Rights, and the Priviledges of free-born Subjects, to the Natives of this Kingdom.

And then the Nuncio (as Generalissimo) lead both Armies towards Dublin, where the Lord Lieutenant was so surprized with their Perfidiousness, that he found himself in no less straights and distresses from his Friends within, then from his Enemies without, who totally neglected those Forces, which (being under the obedience of the Parliament of England) had always waged a sharp and bloody War with them, and at present made inroads into their Quarters to their great damage, and intirely ingaged themselves to suppress the Kings Authority, to which they had so lately submitted.

Lest so prodigious an alteration, as is now set forth, may seem to be wrapt up in too short a discourse, and it may appear almost incredible, that an Agreement so deliberately and solemnly entred into by the whole Nobility and Gentry of the Nation, in a Matter that so intirely concern’d their own Interest, should in such an instant be blasted and anihilated by a Congregation of Clergy, assembled onely by their own authority; And therefore, without the vice of curiosity, all men may desire to be inform’d by what Degrees and Method that Congregation proceeded, and what specious Pretences and Insinuations they us’d towards the People, for the better perswading them to depart from that Peace, they were even again restored to the Possession of: It will not be impertinent therefore to set down some important particulars of their Proceedings, and the very forms of some Instruments publish’d by them, that the World may see the Logick and Rhetorick that was used to impose upon, and delude that unhappy People, and to intangle them more in that Labyrinth of Confusion, wherein they were long involved.

They were not content not to suffer the Peace not to be proclaimed in Waterford, and to disswade the People from submitting to it: But by a Decree dated the 12 day of August, 1646. (which they commanded to be published in all places, in the English and Irish Tongue) they declared by the unanimous consent and votes of all, even none contradicting (as they say) That all and singular the Confederate Catholicks who should adhere or consent to the Peace, or to the Fautors thereof, or otherwise embrace the same, should be held absolute perjur’d; especially for this cause, that in those Articles there is no mention made of the Catholick Religion, or the security thereof, or any care taken for the Conservation of the Priviledges of the Country, as had been promised in an Oath formerly taken by them, but rather all things referred to the Pleasure of the most renowned King, from whom in his present state (they said) nothing of certainty could be had: And in the Interim the Armies, and Arms, and Fortunes (even the Supream Council it self) of the Confederate Catholicks were subjected to the Authority and Rule of the Council of State, and Protestant Officers of his Majesty, from whom that they might be secured, they had taken that Oath.

And the next day, being informed, that the Lord Viscount Mountgarret, and Lord Viscount Muskery, were appointed by the Supream Council at Kilkenny, to go to Dublin, to confer with the Lord Lieutenant, upon the best way to be pursued, for the execution and observation of the Peace: they made an Order in Writing, in which were these words; We admonish in our Lord, and require the Persons who are departed to Dublin, that they forbear and abstain from going thither for the said end, or if they be gone, that they return, and this under pain of Excommunication, commanding the Right Honourable the Bishop of Ossory, and other Bishops, as well assembled as not assembled here, and their Vicars General, as also Vicars Apostolical, and all Priests, even Irregulars, that they intimate these Presents, or cause to be intimated, even by affixing them in publick places; and that they proceed against the disobedient, in denouncing of Excommunication, as it should seem expedient in our Lord.

When the Supream Council, notwithstanding these new Orders and Injunctions, continued still their desire to observe the Peace; The titular Bishop of Ossory, publisht this extraordinary Writing.

Whereas, we have in publick and private meetings at several times, declared to the Supream Council, and others whom it might concern; That it was, and is unlawful, and against conscience, the implying Perjury (as it hath been defined by the special Act of the Convocation at Waterford) to both Common-Wealths, Spiritual and Temporal, to do or concur to any Act, tending to the approbation or countenancing the Publication of this unlawful and mischievous Peace, so dangerous (as it is now Articled) to both Common-Wealths, Spiritual and Temporal; And whereas, notwithstanding our Declaration, yea the Declaration of the whole Clergy of the Kingdom to the contrary, the Supream Council and the Commissioners, have actually proceeded to the Publication, yea, and forcing it upon the City, by terror and threats, rather then by any free consent or desire of the People: We having duly considered and taken it to heart (as it becometh us) how enormous this Fact is, and appears in Catholicks, even against God himself, and what a Publick Contempt of the Holy Church it appeareth, beside the evil it is like to draw upon this poor Kingdom, after a mature Deliberation and Consent of our Clergy, in Detestation of this hainous and scandalous Disobedience of the Supream Council, and others who adhered to them, in matter of conscience to the Holy Church, and in hatred of so sinful and abominable an Act, do by these Presents, according to the Prescription of the Sacred Cannons, pronounce and command henceforth a general Cessation of Divine Offices, throughout all the City and Suburbs of Kilkenny, in all Churches, Monasteries, and houses in them whatsoever.

Given at our Palace of Nova Curia,the 18th. of August, 1646.

Signed, David Ossoriensis.

This extravagant Proceeding, did not yet terrifie those of the Confederate Catholicks, who understood, (as they pretended) how necessary the observation of the Peace was, for the preservation of the Nation; But as they desired the Lord Lieutenant, to forbear all acts of Hostility, upon how unreasonable a Provocation soever; So they sent two Persons of the Supream Council, (Sir Lucas Dillon, and Dr. Fennel) to the Congregation at Waterford, to dispose them to a better temper, and to find out some Expedient, which might compose the minds of the People, and prevent those Calamities, that would unavoidably fall upon the Nation, upon their declining and renouncing the Peace, (which you must understand in them, to be very real;) But after they had attended several days, and offered many Reasons and Considerations to them; The Congregation put a Period to all the Hopes and Consultations of that nature, by issuing out a Decree of Excommunication, which they caused to be Printed in this Form, and in these Words, and with these Marginal Notes.

By John Baptist Rinuccini, Archbishop and Prince of Firmo, and by the Ecclesiastical Congregation of both Clergies of the Kingdom of Ireland.
A Decree of Excommunication against such as adhere to the late Peace, and do bear Arms for the Hereticks of Ireland, and do aid or assist them.

Not without Cause (saith the Oracles of Truth) doth the Minister of God carry the Sword, for he is to punish him that doth Evil, and remunerate him that doth Good; hence it is that we have by our former Decrees, declared to the World our sence, and just Indignation against the late Peace, Concluded and Published at Dublin, not onely in its nature, bringing prejudice, and destruction of Religion and Kingdom, but also contrary to the Oath of Association, and withall against the Contrivers of, and Adherers to the said Peace: In pursuance of which Decrees, being forced to unsheath the Spiritual Sword, We (to whom God hath given power to bind and loose on Earth) assembled together in the Holy Ghost, tracing herein, and imitating the Examples of many Venerable, and holy Prelates, who have gone before us, and taking for our Authority, the Sacred Canons of Holy Church, grounded on Holy Writ, Ut tollantur emedio nostrum qui hoc opus faciunt Domini nostri Jesu deliver over such Persons to Satan, (that is to say,) We Excommunicate, Execrate, Anathematize, all such as, after the Publication of this our Decree, and notice either Privately or Publickly given to them hereof, shall defend, adhere to, or approve the Justice of the said Peace: and chiefly those, who bear Arms, or make, or joyn in War with, for, or in behalf of the Puritans, or other Hereticks of Dublin, cork, Youghall, of other places within this Kingdom, or shall either (by themselves, or by their appointment) bring, send, or give any Aid, Succour, or Relief, Victuals, Ammunition, or other Provision to them; or by advice, or otherwise, advance the said Peace, or the War, made against us; Those, and every of them, by this present Decree, We do declare, and pronounce Excommunicated, ipso facto, ut non circumveniamini a Satana, non enim ignoramus Cogitationes ejus.

Dated at Kilkenny, in our Palace of Residence,the 5th. day of October, 1646.

Signed.
Johannes Baptista, Archiepiscopus Firmanus, Nuncius Apostolicus,
de Mandato Illustrissimi Domini Nunci & Congregationis Ecclesiasticae utriusque,
Cleri Regni Hiberniae,
Nicholas Firmence Congregationis Cancellarius.

The Nuncio having thus fortifi’d himself, made great preparations to march with two Armies to Dublin, which (consisting of 16000 Foot, and as many hundred Horse) he believ’d, or seem’d to believe, would take the Town by Assault as soon as he should appear before it; and in this confidence (that we may not interrupt the series of this Discourse by any intervening action) when the Armies were within a days march of the City, the two Generals sent this Letter, with the Propositions annexed, to the Lord Lieutenant.

May it please your Excellency,

By the Command of the Confederate Catholicks of this Kingdom, who offer the inclosed Propositions, we have under our Leading two Armies; our thoughts are best to our Religion, King and Countrey; our ends to establish the first, and make the two following secure and happy: It is the great part of our care and desires to purchase your Excellency to the effecting of so blessed a work. We do not desire the effusion of blood; and to that purpose, the inclosed Propositions are sent from us; we pray to God your consideration of them may prove fruitful. We are commanded to pray your Excellency to render an Answer to them by two of the Clock in the afternoon on Thursday next, be it War or Peace. We shall endeavour in our Ways to exercise Faith and Honour; and upon this thought we rest.

From the Camp,
2. March, 1646.

Your Excellencies most humble Servants, J. Preston, Owen O Neile.

1. That the exercise of the Romish Religion be in Dublin, Tredagh, and in all the Kingdom of Ireland, as free and as publick, as it is now in Paris in France, or Bruxels in the Low-Countreys.

2. That the Council of State, called ordinarily the Council-Table, be of Members true and faithful to his Majesty, and such of which there may be no fear or suspition of going to the Parliament Party.

3. That Dublin, Tredagh, Trim, Newry, Catherlagh, Carlingford, and all Garrisons within the Protestant Quarters, be Garrison’d by Confederate Catholicks, to maintain and keep the said Cities and Places for the use of our Sovereign Lord King Charles, and his Lawful Successors, for the defence of this Kingdom of Ireland.

4. That the present Council of the Confederates shall swear truly and faithfully to keep and maintain, for the use of his Majesty and his lawful Successors, and for the defence of the said Kingdom of Ireland, the above Cities of Dublin and Tredagh, and all other Forts, Places, and Castles, as above.

5. That the said Council, and all General Officers and Soldiers whatsoever, do swear and Protest to fight by Sea and Land against the Parliamentarians, and all the Kings Enemies: And that they will never come to any Convention, Agreement or Article with the said Parliamentarians, or any the Kings Enemies, to the prejudice of his Majesties Rights, or of this Kingdom of Ireland.

6. That according to our Oath of Association, we will, to the best of our power and cunning, defend the fundamental Laws of this Kingdom, the Kings Rights, the Lives and Fortunes of the Subjects.

His Excellency is prayed to make Answer to the above Propositions, at furthest by two of the Clock in the afternoon on Thursday next.

J. Preston, Owen O Neile.

Let all dis-passionate men now consider what could the Marquis do, his Quarters were so strait and narrow, that they could yield no support to the few Forces he had left; all his Garrisons besieg’d; without, an Enemy; being destitute of all Provisions within: all the Army he had for the Field and Garrisons amounted not to 5000 Foot and 1100 Horse; without Cloathes, Money, or Fixed Arms; and with so inconsiderable a Store of Ammunition, that when the Nuncio was upon his march towards Dublin, he had not in that most important City (the Metropolis of the Kingdom) more than 14 Barrels of Powder: So that not onely the Inhabitants, but the Soldiers themselves, grew impatient of the distresses they were in, and which inevitably they saw must fall upon them; and they who had before presum’d in corners and whispers, to tax the Marquis of not being zealous enough of the English Interest, and too credulous of what was promised and undertaken by the Irish, had now the boldness to murmur aloud at him, as if he had combined with the Irish to put all into their hands: They who from the beginning of the Troubles had been firm and unshaken in their Duty and Loyalty to the King, and chearfully suffered great losses, and undergone great hazards for being so, and been of the most constant affection to, and confidence in, the Marquis, and resolved to obey him in whatsoever he should order for the King’s Service, for the conducting whereof, he was solely and entirely trusted by his Majesty, could not yet endure to think of being put into, or falling under the power of the Irish, who, by this new breach of Faith, had made themselves utterly uncapable of any future Trust; for what security could they publickly give for performance of the Contract, which they had not lately given for the observation of that, which so infamously they had receded from? Whereupon he found it absolutely necessary to make a shew of inclining to the English; and sent to the Ships then riding in the Bay of Dublin, that they would transport some Commissioners from him to the Parliament, to treat about the surrender of the City, and the other Garrisons under his Command. Which Proposition was embrac’d by them, and the Persons deputed accordingly conveyed into England: By this means the Marquis was forthwith supplied with 20 Barrels of Powder, which the Captain of those Ships delivered to him the 10th. of March, by the permission of the Lord Lisle, the Parliaments Lord Lieutenant, without which, he could have made no defence against the Nuncio: whereby the Irish had a fair warning to bethink themselves (in time) of returning to their Duty, since they might discern, that if they would not suffer Dublin, &c. to continue in the Kings obedience, it should be delivered to them who would deal less graciously with them, and had power enough to punish those indignities which had been offered. And the Marquis was still without other Engagement, than to do what he should judge most conducing to his Majesties Service. However, the Rebels persisted in their intentions against Dublin, where for a while we must leave them, and see what course the Parliament took to infest their Quarters: much they were concern’d, that affairs went not on so successfully there as they expected, where that they might have one Governour (answerable to the exigencies of that Kingdom) they Voted Philip Viscount Lisle Lord Lieutenant, passing thereupon, in April, 1646. a Patent to him for one year, allotting him 40000£ with what else was requisite for his dispatch; in raising which, they were so slow, (many of the House being of an opposite Party) as he could not get away from London till the 1st. of Febr. 1646. arriving at Bristol. the 6th. where he found several of his own Troops, and his Brother Colonel Algernoon Sidney’s in readiness to be transported for Ireland: But Money being not come, he was forc’d to Quarter them thereabouts till its arrival; and himself with 30000£ 7 Pieces of Battery, 1000 Muskets, 100 Barrels of Powder, embarqu’d the 18th. at Minhead, and landed near Cork the 20th. and came thither the day following, where he was altogether unexpected, (especially by the Lord Inchequin) he found things in great disorder, the Army filled with Officers disaffected to him, the Custodiums and Contributions no way manag’d to the publick advantage; thereupon reform’d the defects, and marching the 15th. of March to visit Talloe, Lismore, Toughall, Fermoy, and other Places, found the Countrey protected even to the Walls of the Protestant Garrisons, so as no mischief could be done by them to the Rebels; and about the 20th. of March, Knockmohun was delivered to him. He order’d all things for the best advantage of the Interest he was put upon; and finding his Commission was near expir’d, the General Officers petition’d, that in case his Lordship were not continued, the Command of the Army might rest in them: which the Lord President with others oppos’d. The Lord Lieutenant’s Commission determind’ the 15th. of April, 1647. And shortly after such animosities arose betwixt the Parliaments Commissioners and the Lord Inchequin, as doubtless (if some Privy Counsellors had not interpos’d) great inconveniencies would certainly thence have risen. The Lord Lisle (accompani’d with the Lord Broghil and Colonel Sidney) went presently for England, and arriv’d at London about the beginning of May following, taking the first occasion to give the House an account of his Journey; which may be looked on as a Dream more than a Truth, (considering the shortness of the Expedition) though none could more prudently have acted, whilst he was upon the Place; nor was there any whom the Soldiers would more readily obey, such was his Courage, so great his Integrity. The Lord Broghil and Sir Arthur Loftus, at the same time preferr’d Articles against the Lord Inchequin: But the Parliament was so imbroil’d about the Disbanding the Independent Army, (then mutinous) and Inchequin had so many (to favour themselves) countenanc’d him, as little, if any thing, became of the Impeachment.

But to return to the Confederates, who (when they saw the Ships return’d from England with Supplies of Soldiers, Money, and great store of Provisions, and the Commissioners to treat with the Marquis for putting all into the Parliaments hands) rais’d the Siege, seeming less united amongst themselves, and desirous to make Conditions with the Lord Lieutenant; whilst General Preston and his Officers frankly entred into a Treaty with the Marquis of Clanrickard, whom the Lord Lieutenant authoriz’d to that end, and with deep and solemn Oaths undertook and promised to stand to the Peace, and from thenceforth to be obedient to his Majesties Authority, and to joyn with the Marquis of Ormond against all those who should refuse to submit unto them. On the other side, the Commissioners from the two Houses of Parliament, who were admitted into Dublin to treat with the Lord Lieutenant, observing the very ill condition the Town was in, besieged by two strong Armies, by whom they within expected every hour to be assaulted, concluded, that the want of Food, and all necessaries for defence, would compel the Marquis, with the importunity and clamour of the Inhabitants and Soldiers, to receive Supplies of Men, Money, and Victuals, which they had brought upon any terms; and therefore stifly insisted on their Propositions, refusing to consent, that the Marquis should send any Messenger to the King, that, upon information how the case stood, he might receive his Majesties direction what to do. And how the Parliament in Ireland, then in being, might be continued, which, by the delivering of the Sword, without his Majesties pleasure imparted, could not be secured from being dissolved; and without which, he then resolved not to proceed to any conjunction with them, and so had privately dispatched several Expresses to the King (as soon as he discerned clearly, that the Irish were so terrifi’d by the Nuncio and his Excommunication, that there was little hope of good from them) with full information of the state of Affairs, and expected every day a return of some of the said Messengers, with signification of his Majesties Pleasure.

Thus the Treaty with the Marquis not succeeding, the Commissioners from the Two Houses of Parliament return’d again to their Ships, about the end of November, and carried all the Supplies they had brought to the Parliaments Garrisons in the Province of Ulster, being much incens’d against the Lord Lieutenant for declining an entire union with them, and inclining (as they said he did) to a new confidence in the Irish: Yet they found but cold entertainment amongst the Scots.

At which time, Dr. John Maxwel, formerly Bishop of Ross in Scotland, now Archbishop of Tuam in Ireland, hearing of Commissioners from the Parliament of England, grew so envenom’d thereat, (suspecting the Covenant, which he had ever abhorr’d, should be imposed) as sicercely imprecating it; and being broken with the calamities of the Times, he di’d the 14th. of Febr. 1646. and was buried in Trinity Church, Dublin, at the munificence of the Marquis of Ormond.

By this time the Marquis of Clanrickard had an entire trust (answerable to what he had begun to treat of with General Preston) from the Lord Lieutenant, as a Person superiour to all temptations, which might endeavour to lessen or divert his Affection and Integrity to the King, or his Zeal to the Romish Catholick Religion, in which he had been bred, and to which he had most constantly adher’d; he had taken great pains to render the Peace, which had been so long in consultation, effectual to the Nation, and had both by Discourse and Writing endeavour’d to disswade the Nuncio from prosecuting those rough ways, which he foresaw were like to undo the Nation, and dishonour the Catholick Religion: He found General Preston and the Officers of his Army less transported with passion, and a blind submission to the Authority of the Nuncio than the other, and that they professed greater duty and obedience to the King, and that they seem’d to be wrought on by two Conclusions, which had been speciously infus’d into them: The first was, that the Lord Lieutenant was so great an Enemy to their Religion, that though they should obtain any Conditions from the King to their advantage in that particular, he would oppose, and not consent unto the same. The other, that the King was now in the hand of the Scots, who were not like to approve that Peace had been made, all that Nation in Ulster refusing to submit to it. And if they should be able to procure any Order from his Majesty to disavow it, the Lord Lieutenant would undoubtedly obey it. These specious infusions the Marquis of Clanrickard endeavour’d to remove, and undertook upon his Honour to use all the Power and Interest which he had in the King, Queen, and Prince, on behalf of the Romish Catholicks, and to procure them such Priviledges, and Liberty for the free exercise of their Religion, as they could reasonably expect: And undertook, that the Lord Lieutenant would acquiesce with such directions as he should receive therein without contradiction, or endeavour to do ill Offices to the Catholicks. He further promised, that if any Order should be procured from the King during the restraint he was then in, to the disadvantage of the Catholicks, then He would suspend any obedience thereunto, until such time as his Majesty should be at liberty, and might receive full information on their behalf. And upon the Marquis of Clanrickard’s positive undertaking these particulars; and the Lord Lieutenant having ratifi’d and confirm’d all that the Marquis had engag’d himself for, General Preston, with all the Principal Officers under his Command, signed this ensuing Engagement.

We the Generals, Nobility, and Officers of the Confederate Catholick Forces, do solemnly bind and engage our selves, by the Honour and Reputation of Gentlemen and Soldiers, and by the Sacred Protestation upon the Faith of Catholicks, in the presence of Almighty God, both for our selves, and, as much as in us lies, for all Persons that are, or shall be under our Command, that we will from the Date hereof forward submit and conform our selves entirely and sincerely to the Peace concluded and proclaimed by his Majesties Lieutenant, with such additional Concessions and Securities, as the Right Honourable, Ulick Lord Marquis of Clanrickard hath undertaken to procure and secure to us, in such manner, and upon such terms, as is expressed in his Lordships Undertakings, and Protestation of the same date hereunto annexed, and signed by himself: And we, upon his Lordships undertaking, engage our selves, by the Bond of Honour and Conscience abovesaid, to yield entire obedience to his Majesties Lieutenant General, and General Governour of this Kingdom, and to all deriving Authority from them by Commission to command us in our several Degrees: And that according to such Orders as we shall receive from them, faithfully to serve his Majesty against all his Enemies or Rebels, as well within this Kingdom, as in any other part of his Dominions, and against all Persons that shall not joyn with us upon these terms, in submission to the Peace of this Kingdom, and to his Majesties Authority: And we do further engage our selves, under the said solemn Bonds, that we will never either directly or indirectly, make use of any advantage or power wherewith we shall be intrusted, to the obliging of his Majesty or his Ministers, by any kind of force, to grant unto us any thing beyond the said Marquis of Clanrickard’s undertaking, but shall wholely rely upon his Majesties own free goodness, for what further Graces and Favours he shall be graciously pleas’d to confer upon his faithful Catholick Subjects in this Kingdom, according to their Obedience and Merit in his service: And we do further protest, that we shall never esteem our selves disoblig’d from this engagement, by any Authority or Power whatsoever; provided on both Parties, that this engagement and undertaking be not understood, or extend to debar or hinder his Majesties Catholick Subjects of this Kingdom, from the benefit of any further Graces and Favours which his Majesty may be graciously pleas’d to concede to them, upon the Queen’s Majesties Mediation, or any other Treaties abroad.

This was done about the end of November, 1646. at Sir Nicholas White’s Castle of Leixleap; the Nuncio, with the other Army under Owen O Neal, having been about the same time compelled to raise their Siege from Dublin, and to retire for want of Provisions. Hereupon the Marquess of Clanrickard was made by the Lord Lieutenant, Lieutenant General of the Army, and was accordingly receiv’d by General Preston’s Army, being drawn in Battalia: And General Preston at the same time receiv’d a Commission from the Lord Lieutenant, to command as Serjeant Major General, and immediately under the Marquess of Clanrickard. And shortly after, General Preston desired the Lord Lieutenant, to march with as strong a Body as he could draw out of his Garrisons, towards Kilkenny, where he promised to meet him with his Army, that so being united, they might compel the rest to submit to the Peace.

And here, that you may have some Divertisement, you shall see in what condition Hereticks are to be buried; to which end, we shall present you with a Copy of a Censure, under the Hand of Nicholas, Bishop of Ferns, against Francis Talbot, who died a Protestant.

The Body of Francis Talbot, who died an obstinate Heretick, and finally therein impenitent, is to be buried in Poenam Haereseos, & finalis Impenitentiae, nec non in terrorem aliorum, with only one Candle at the Grave, at Nine of the Clock by Night, without a Bell in the Church or Street, without Priest, Cross, Book, or Prayer; the Place of his Burial is to be in the Alley of St. Mary’s Church-yard, near to the Garden of the Parsonage. All which, concerning the said Burial, we have order’d to be done with the advice of Men learned in Divinity; and who shall exceed this Manner of the said Francis’s Burial, is to incur Church-Censures; no Wax Taper, or Candle, or Torch, is to be used.

Given at the Fryers Monastery,the last of Decemb. 1646.

Nicholaus Episcopus Fernensis.

When the Marquess was come within less than a day’s March, of the Place assign’d by General Preston, for the meeting and joyning their Forces together, the Marquess of Clanrickard, who attended upon the Lord Lieutenant, receiv’d a Letter from Preston to this effect: That his Officers being not Excommunication-proof, were fallen from him to the Nuncio’s Party, and therefore he wished, that the Lord Lieutenant would proceed no further, but to expect the issue of a General Assembly, that would be shortly conven’d at Kilkenny, where he doubted not but that Things would be set right by the Consent of the whole Kingdom, which he said would be much better for his Majesty’s Service, than to attempt forcing the Peace upon those who were averse to it.

Upon this new violation of Faith, the Marquess of Ormond was compell’d (after some weeks stay in his Quarters) to return again to Dublin, where the Commissioners, who had been lately there from the two Houses of Parliament, had sowed such seeds of Jealousie and Discontent, as the Inhabitants refused to contribute further to the payment and support of the Army, (being in truth so far exhausted by what they had paid, and impoverished by their total want and decay of Traffick and Commerce, as they were not able much longer to contribute) so that the Marquess was forced in the cold and wet Winter, to draw out his half starved and half naked Troops, only to lye in the Enemy’s Quarters, where yet he would suffer no Act of Hostility to be committed, or any thing else to be taken, but Victuals for the subsistence of his Men. And in this un-easie posture, he resolv’d to expect the result of the next General Assembly, which he suppos’d could not be so constituted, but that it would abhor the violation of the former Contracts and Agreements, and the in-excusable Presumption and Proceedings of the Congregation of the Clergy at Waterford; and that it would vindicate the Honour and Faith of the Nation, from the Reproaches it lay under, and from the exorbitant and extravagant Jurisdiction which the Nuncio had assumed. But he quickly found himself again disappointed; and, to the universal wonder of all, the new Assembly publish’d a Declaration of a very new Nature: For whereas the Nuncio and his Party had committed to Prison those Noblemen and Gentlemen, who had been Commissioners in treating and concluding the Peace, and had given out threats and menaces, that they should lose their Heads for their Transgression; the Assembly presently set them at liberty, and declared, That the Commissioners and Council had faithfully and sincerely carried and demean’d themselves in the said Negotiation, pursuant, and according to the Trust reposed in them: And yet, in the same Declaration, declared, That they might not accept of, or submit unto the said Peace, and did thereby protest against it, and did declare the same invalid, and of no force to all intents and purposes. And did farther declare, That the Nation would not accept of any Peace, not containing a sufficient satisfactory Security for the Religion, Lives, Estates and Liberties of the said Confederate Catholicks. And what they understood to be sufficient and satisfactory for Religion, &c. appears by the Propositions published before by the Congregation at Waterford, which they had caused the People to swear that they would insist upon; and which, instead of providing a Toleration of the Romish Catholick Religion, had, in truth, prov’d for the extirpation of the Protestant, when they should think fit to put the same in execution. Nor was the only Argument and Excuse, which they published for these Proceedings, more reasonable, than the Proceedings themselves, which was, That the Concessions and Promises made unto them, by the Earl of Glamorgan, were much larger, and greater security for their Religion, than those consented to by the Marquess: Whereas, in truth, those Concessions and Promises made by the Earl, (as we have took notice) were dis-avowed and dis-own’d by the Lord Lieutenant, before the Peace was concluded, and the Earl committed to Prison for his Presumption; which though it produced some interruption in the Treaty, yet was the same after resumed, and the Peace concluded, and proclaimed upon the Articles formerly mention’d; so that the Allegation, of what had been undertaken by the Earl of Glamorgan, can be no excuse, for their violating the Agreement afterwards concluded with the Marquess. Whereby it appears, (let the most favourable Fucus imaginable be put upon it) that though they released the Commissioners for the Treaty, as justifiable, yet Herod and Pilate were then made Friends, each Party consenting to dam the Peace.

This last wonderful Act put a period to all Hopes of the Marquess of Ormond, which Charity and Compassion to the Kingdom and Nation, and his discerning Spirit, would fain have cherisht, in that in-evitable ruine and destruction both must undergo, from that distemper of mind that possessed them, and had so long boy’d them up, against his experience and judgement. And now those whose Natures, Dispositions, and Interest, made them most averse to the Parliament of England, grew more affrighted at the thoughts of falling under the Power of the Irish; so that all Persons of all humours and inclinations, who lived under his Government, and had dislikes and jealousies enough against each other, were yet united and reconciled in their opinions against the Irish. The Council of State besought the Lord Lieutenant to consider, whether it were possible to have any better security from them, for the performance of any other Agreement he should make, than he had for the performance of that, which they now receded from, and disclaimed. And since the Spring was now coming on, (whereby the number, power, and strength of their Enemy would be increas’d on all sides, and their hopes of Succours was desperate, and so it would be only in his election into whose power he would put those, who had deserved as well from his Majesty by doing and suffering as Subjects could do) whether into the hands of the English, who could not deny them protection and justice, or of the Irish, who had not only dispoil’d them of all their Fortunes, and prosecuted them with all animosity and cruelty, but declared by their late carriage, that they were not capable of security under them) they therefore entreated him to send again to the two Houses of Parliament, and make some agreement with them, which would probably be for their preservation; whereas, with the other, what-ever could be done, it was evident it would be for their destruction. That which amongst other things of importance made a deep impression in the Marquess, was the knowledge, that there had been from the beginning of these Troubles, a Design, in the principal Contrivers of them, entirely to alienate the Kingdom of Ireland, from the Crown of England, to extirpate not only the Protestant, but all the Catholicks, who were descended from the English, and who, in truth, are no less odious to the old Irish, than the other, and to put themselves into the protection of some foreign Prince, if they should find it impossible to erect some of the old Families. And how impossible and extravagant soever this Attempt might reasonably be thought, in regard, not only all the Catholicks of the English Extraction, who were in Quality and Fortune much superiour to the other, but many Noble, and much the best and greatest Families of the ancient Irish, perfectly abhorred and abominated the same, writ some. Yet it was apparent, that the violent Part of the Clergy, that now govern’d, had really that intention, and never intended more to submit to the King’s Authority, whosoever should be intrusted with it: And it had been proposed in the last Assembly by Mr. Anthony Martin, and others, That they should call in some forreign Prince for protection, from whom they had receiv’d Agents; as from his most Christian Majesty, Monsieur de Monry, and Monsieur de Molin; from his Catholick Majesty, Don Diego de Torres, his Secretary; from the Duke of Lorrain, Monsieur St. Katherine; and from Rome they had Petrus Franciscus Scarampi; and afterwards Rinuccini, Archbishop and Prince of Fermo, Nuncio Apostolick for Ireland, whose exorbitant Power was Earnest enough, how little more they meant to have to do with the King, and (as it would be thought) gave no less an umbrage, offence and scandal, to the Catholicks, of Honour and Discretion, than it incensed those, who bore no kind of Reverence to the Bishop of Rome; to whom (as their publick Ministers) they sent their Bishop of Ferns, and Sir Nicholas Plunket, as before, Mr. Richard Bealing; to Spain they sent Fa. Hugh Bourk; to Paris, Fa. Matthew Hartegan; and to the Duke of Lorrain, by general Commission, Theobald, Lord Viscount Taaff, Sir Nich. Plunket, and Mr. Geoffry Brown; some of whose Instructions we shall here give you, that the Temper of that Council, and the Affections of those Men, (what pretence soever veils their Designs) may appear from the Instruments themselves.

Kilkenny,18. Jan. 1647.

By the Supream Council, and others, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, here under-Signing, and the Commons of the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland.
Instructions to be observed, and by the Lord Bishop of Fernes, and Nicholas Plunket Esq Commissioners, appointed and authorized by, and in the behalf of the Confederate Roman Catholicks of Ireland, in the Court of Rome.

1. Imprimis. You are to represent unto his Holiness, the deplorable Condition wherein the Confederate Catholicks are; and for your better information, to take with you, the Draught of the Representation of the present Condition of the Countrey, which you are to enlarge and second by your own Expressions, according to your knowledge; and therefore desire, in regard Ireland and Religion in it, is (humanely speaking) like to be lost, that his Holiness, in his great Wisdom and Piety, will be pleased to make the Preservation of a People, so constantly and unanimously Catholick, his, and the Consistory of the Cardinals, their Work. And you are to pray his Holiness, to afford such present effectual Aids, for the preservation of the Nation, and the Roman Catholick Religion therein, as shall be necessary.

2. You are to let his Holiness know, That Application is to be made to our Queen and Prince, for a settlement of Peace and Tranquillity in the Kingdom of Ireland: And that for the effecting thereof, the Confederate Catholicks do crave his Holiness’s Mediation with the Queen and Prince, as also with the King and Queen Regent of France, and with the King of Spain, and all other Christian Princes, in all Matters tending to the Avail of the Nation, either in point of settlement to a Peace, or otherwise.

3. The Confederate Catholicks, having raised Arms for the freedom of the Catholick Religion, do intend in the first place, that you let his Holiness know their resolution, to insist upon such Concessions and Agreements in Matters of Religion, and for the security thereof, as his Holiness shall approve of, and be satisfied with; wherein his Holiness is to be prayed, to take into his Consideration, the imminent danger the Kingdom is in, according to the Representations aforesaid to be made by you, and so to proceed in Matters of Religion, as in his great Wisdom and Piety may tend best, and prove necessary to the preservation of it, and the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland.

4. You are to represent to his Holiness, That the Confederates think fit to insist upon, as security for such Agreements in Religion, as his Holiness will determine, that the Lord Lieutenant, Lord Deputy, or other Chief Governour or Governours of the Kingdom, from time to time, should be Roman Catholicks, unless his Holiness, upon the said Representation of State-Affairs here, or for some other Reason, shall think fit to wave that Proposition.

5. You are to represent to his Holiness, That the Confederate Catholicks desire, that all the Concessions to be made, and agreed on, for the setling of the Catholick Religion in this Kingdom, be publisht at the same time with the Temporal Articles of the Settlement, if his Holiness, on representation of the State of Affairs here, or for some other Advantages, shall not think fit to determine, or suspend the publishing of those or some of them for a time.

6. You are to represent to his Holiness, That no change or alteration is to be in any part of the present Government of the Confederate Catholicks, until the Articles of Peace, or Settlement, pursuant to the present Authority and Instructions, you, and the Commissioners to the English Court in France, have been concluded, and expected, and published in this Kingdom, by those intrusted in Authority over the Confederate Catholicks.

7. You are to take notice, That the resident Council now named, are the Persons to serve for the interval Government, until the next Assembly of the Confederate Catholicks, and the Assembly is at liberty to name others, if they please; and that no less than eight of the said Residents concurring, during the said interval, shall make any Act or Order, obliging, and according as it is provided in the former Articles for the interval Government, in the late rejected Peace, the Forts, Cities, Towns, Castles, and Power of the Armies of the Confederate Catholicks, to remain and continue in their hands, during the said interval Government.

8. You are to take notice, That the Persons to be imployed into France to the Queen and Prince, are to finish their Negotiation with the Queen and Prince, pursuant to their Instructions, with all possible speed, after they shall receive his Holiness’s Resolution from you out of Rome, in the Matters referred as aforesaid to his Holiness; and you are to use all possible diligence, in procuring and sending his Holiness’s said Resolution unto our said Commissioners, imployed to the Queen and Prince.

9. In case his Holiness will not be pleased to descend to such Conditions, as might be granted in Matters of Religion, then you are to solicit for considerable Aids, whereby to maintain War, and to ascertain and secure the same, that it may be timely applied to the use of the Confederate Catholicks. And in case a Settlement cannot be had, nor considerable Aids, that may serve to preserve the Nation without a Protector, you are to make application to his Holiness, for his being Protector to this Kingdom, and by special instance to endeavour his acceptance thereof at such time, and in such manner, as the Instructions sent by our Agents to France, grounded on the Assembly, doth import, whereof you are to have a Copy.

10. Though Matters be concluded by his Holiness’s Approbation with the Prince and Queen, yet you are to solicit for Aids, considering our distress, and setting before him, that notwithstanding any such Aids, we have a powerful Enemy within the Kingdom, which to expulse, will require a vast charge.

11. You are to take with you for your instruction, and the better to enable you to satisfie his Holiness of the full state of Affairs here, the Copies of the Instructions at Waterford, the Articles of the late rejected Peace, and Glamorgan’s Concessions, and the Propositions from Kilkenny, to the Congregation at Waterford, in August, 1646.

12. If Moneys be receiv’d in Rome by you by way of Gift, Engagement, or otherwise, you are to bring, or send the same hither, to those in Authority, and not to dispose the same, or any part thereof, otherwise than by Order from the general Assembly, or supream Council; and for all sums of Money so by you to be receiv’d, you are to give account to the Authority intrusted here over the Confederate Catholicks.

13. You are to manage the circumstance of your Proceedings upon the Instructions, according as upon the Place you shall find most tending to the Avail of the Confederate Catholicks.

Tho. Dublin. Tho. Cashell.

Thom. Tuamen Electus, Ewerus Clougherensis, David Ossoriens. Joha. Episc. Roscotensis Fr. Edmundus Laglensis, Franc. Ardensis Episc. Robert. Elect. Coses & Cluomer, Francis. Patricius Ardack. Electus, Rob. Dromore Elect. Henry O Neal, Rich. Bealing, J. Bryan, Robert. Devereux, Gerald Fennel, Farren.
By the Command of the General Assembly,

N. Plunket.

These having been solicited, we shall now present you with their further Instructions, to importune other Princes.

The Declaration of the Lords and Commons in Parliament, assembled in Ireland, of the present Estate, and distressed Condition of the Protestants in the said Kingdom, and their Address unto the most Honourable, the Parliament of England, for Relief.

We, the Lords and Commons of the Parliament of Ireland, having by the Mercy of God, your Care of us, and the Industry of those intrusted by his Majesty, with the Government here, preserved unto us, the means of sitting together, and of delivering freely our thoughts, concerning the condition of this miserable Kingdom, whereof we are the representative Body, and finding withall the Government, our Selves, and indeed the Protestants in the Kingdom, reduced to that final point of Extremity, that if not very speedily supported and preserved, all in these Parts must become a Prey unto the bloody and inhumane Rebels, and this City of Dublin, the chief Seat and Cittadel of this Kingdom, with the other Garrisons depending thereupon, be turn’d into the prime Seats and Strengths of those, who have given evident proof, that they aim not at less, then the extirpation of all Protestants, and the setting up the abominable Idol of the Mass, and Superstition, and at the shaking off of all Loyalty and Subjection to the Crown of England: We therefore hold it our duty (as being also perhaps the last, which we by reason of the near approach of a powerful and pernicious Enemy, may have the means to discharge in this Capacity) to make the present Address, and Representation of our miserable Condition, to the most Honourable the Parliament of England, which, as it hath, in all times of common Danger, been the Fountain, from whence the Power and Lustre of the Crown of England in this Kingdom, hath sprung, so it is now the onely Sanctuary, unto which (in behalf of our selves, and the distressed Interest thereof) we can fly for Succour and Preservation. We hold it un-necessary to particularize our present Wants, and Miseries, and Imposibilities of further subsistance of our selves, since they are too well known, even to our Enemies, in so much as it may be feared, that the benefit which we confidently expect, by the great diligence and Wisdom of the most Honourable, the Parliament of England, may not arrive timely, for our Relief and Preservation; nor can we so misdoubt the Wisdom, Justice, and Piety, of those Honourable Houses (whereof we have had heretofore, very real and great experience, which we do here with all thankfulness acknowledge) as to fear that they will suffer the Protestant Religion, the Interest of the Crown of England, and of the Protestants in these important Garrisons, and Quarters, to be sacrificed unto the fury of the merciless Rebels; But on the contrary, as we do earnestly desire, so are we most confident, that the Goodness and Wisdom of the most Honourable, the Parliament of England, will so seasonably send over a sufficient Power, as well to subdue and suppress these merciless and bloody Rebels, as to maintain these places, accompanied with an assurance from the most Honourable, the Parliament of England, for enjoying those Conditions of Honour, subsistance and safety, which have been lately offered by their Commissioners, for, and in the name of the most Honourable, the Parliament of England, to those who have hitherto govern’d and preservd them, and to his Majesties Protestant Subjects, and those who have faithfully and constantly adhered unto them, unto which they may be pleased to joyn such further additions of Grace and Bounty, as to their Wisdoms and Goodness, shall be thought fit, as that they, and all the Protestants, and such others, as have faithfully and constantly adhered unto them, may find Security and Preservation therein, whereby we may heartily joyn under those, whom the said most Honourable, the Parliament of England, shall appoint, in prosecuting so Pious a War, and being Gods Instruments, for the bringing just Vengeance upon such Perfidious Rebels, and in restoring the Protestant Religion, and Interest of the Crown of England, in this Kingdom, to its due and former Lustre, which we will ever strive (with the hazard of our Lives and Fortunes) to maintain.

While the Marquess was in this deliberation (being privy to the Parliaments actions) he receiv’d information, that the King was delivered by the Scots, to the Commissioners of the two Houses of Parliament, who were then treating with him, for the settling of Peace in all his Dominions; and at the same time, several Persons of Quality, arrived at Dublin, having been privately dispatch’d by his Majesty, with signification of his Majesties Pleasure, upon the advertisement he had receiv’d of the Condition of Ireland, to this purpose; That if it were possible for the Marquess to keep Dublin, and the other Garrisons, under the same intire Obedience to his Majesty, they were then in, it would be acceptable to his Majesty; But if there were, or should be, a necessity of giving them up to any other Power, he would rather put them into the hands of the English, then of the Irish; which was the Rule, the Marquess was to guide himself by, who had likewise his other very important considerations, which, if all the rest had been away, had been enough to have inclin’d him to that resolution. The King was now in the Power, and hands of those, who rais’d a War against him, principally, upon the credit of those reproaches and scandals, that had perswaded the People to a belief of his inclinations to Popery; and of his contriving, or, at least, countenancing the Rebellion in Ireland, in which so much Protestant Blood, had been so wantonly and cruelly let out: The Cessation formerly made, and continued with those Rebels, though prudently, charitably, and necessarily entred into, had been the most un-popular Act the King had ever done, and had wonderfully contributed to the Reputation of the two Houses of Parliament, if, according to the general opinion then currant, there should a Peace ensue, between the King and them; so that his Majesty would lose nothing by the Parliament being possessed of Dublin, and those other Towns, then in the disposal of the Lord Lieutenant: On the contrary, if they intended to pursue his Majesty, with continued and new reproaches, and thereby to make him so odious to his Subjects, that they might with more facility and applause, execute their horrible Conspiracy against his Life, there could be nothing so disadvantagious to his Majesty, as the surrender of Dublin, to the Irish Confederates; which being done by the Kings Lord Lieutenant, would easily be interpreted, to be by his Majesties direction, and so make a confirmation of all they had published of that kind; and, amongst the ignorant seduced People, might have been a countenance to, though nothing could be a justification of their unparalell’d Dealings.

Hereupon the Marquess took a Resolution, since he could not possibly keep it himself, to deliver it into the hands of the English; and to that purpose sent again to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, that he would surrender Dublin, and the other Garrisons to them, upon the same condition they had before offered; who quickly dispatcht their Ships with Commissioners, Men, and Money, and all other Provisions necessary to take the same into their possession. The Confederate Catholicks were no sooner inform’d of this, but they sent again to the Lord Lieutenant an overture of Accommodation (as they call it) yet the Messengers intrusted by them, were so wary, lest indeed by accepting what they proposed, they might be obliged to a Conjunction, that they refused to give their Propositions in Writing; And when, upon their Discourse, the Lord Lieutenant had writ what they had propounded, and shewed it to them, albeit they could not deny but that it was the same, yet they refused to Sign it: whereby it was very natural to conclude, that the Overture was made by them, onely to lay some imputation upon the Marquess, of not being necessitated to agree with the two Houses of Parliament, rather then with any purpose of submitting to the Kings Authority. At last (being so far pressed, they found it necessary to let the Marquess know in plain terms what he was to trust to) they sent him a Message in Writing, in which they declared, That they must insist upon the Propositions of the Clergy, formerly mention’d to be agreed at Waterford, and to which they had sworn; and that if he would have a Cessation with them, he must promise not to receive any Forces from the two Houses of Parliament in 6 or 7 months: Not proposing in the mean time any way how his Majesties Army should be maintain’d, but by a full submission unto all their unreasonable Demands: Notwithstanding all which, the Parliament failing to make that speedy performance of what they had promised, and their Commissioners not having (as it was agreed on) brought Bills sufficiently drawn to be accepted of, for 10000£ and the Marquess having it thereby in his Power, fairly to comply with the Irish, if they had yet recovered the temper and discretion that might justifie him; He sent again to them, as well an Answer to their Overtures of accommodation, as an offer not to receive any Forces from the two Houses, for the space of three weeks, if they would, during that time, consent to a Ceassation, that a full Peace might be treated, and agreed upon. To which Motion, they never vouchsafed to return any Answer; about the same time Owen O Neil (wisely foreseeing, that the Nuncio, or the Supream Council, did not enough consider, or foresee the evil consequences, that would undoubtedly attend the Lord Lieutenant’s being compelled to leave the Kingdom, and to put Dublin, and the other Garrisons into the possession of the English Rebels) sent his Nephew Daniel O Neil, to the Marquess of Ormond, that if the Marquess would accept of a Cessation for two months, which he believ’d, the Assembly, or Supream Council, would propose (with what mind soever) he would promise, and undertake, to continue it for a Twelvemonth; and in the mean time, he would use his utmost power, to procure a Peace. Owen O Neil was a man of an haughty, and positive humour, and rather hard to be inclined to submit to reasonable Conditions, then easie to decline them, or break his word, when he had consented; therefore the Lord Lieutenant return’d this Answer; that if he would give him his word, to continue the Cessation for a full year, he would accept it, when proposed from the Supream Council, for two months; and he would in the mean time, wave any further Treaty with the Parliament; yet sent him word, he would not hold himself by this promise, longer then fourteen days engaged, if he did not in that time receive such a positive effect of his Overture, as he expected. Owen O Neil accepted of the Condition, and with all possible speed, dispatched his Nephew Daniel, to the Supream Council at Clonmel, with a Letter containing his Advice, and another to the Bishop of Clogher, his chief Confident; to whom he sent Reasons at large, which ought to induce the Nation to desire such a Cessation. When the Council receiv’d the Letter, and knew that the Lord Lieutenant expected an Answer within 14 days, they resolved to return no Answer, till those days were expired, and during that time, committed Daniel O Neil to Prison, that he might not return to his Unkle; and when the time was passed, they releas’d him, on condition that he should come no more into their Quarters.

In the interim, the Parliament of Ireland, then sitting at Dublin, finding into what straights the Kingdom was brought, and how his Excellency had strugled with the greatest difficulties imaginable, for his Majesties and their Interest; they, the 17th. of March, sent this Remonstrance, in acknowledgment of great Care and Indulgence.

The Remonstrance of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in Parliament assembled, declaring the Acknowledgment of their hearty thankfulness to the most Honourable, James Marquis of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant General of Ireland, his Excellency.

We the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament in our whole Body, do present our selves before your Lordship, acknowledging with great sense and feeling your Lordships singular goodness to us the Protestant Party, and those who have faithfully and constantly adhered unto them, who have been preserved to this day (under God) by your Excellencies providence and pious care, which hath not been done without a vast expence out of your own Estate, as also to the hazarding of your Person in great and dangerous difficulties: And when your Lordship found your self (with the strength remaining with you) to be too weak to resist an insolent (and upon all advantages) a perfidious and bloody Enemy, rather than we should perish, you have in your care transferred us into their hands, that are both able and willing to preserve us; and that not by a bare casting us off, but by complying so far with us, that you have not denied our desires of Hostages, and amongst them, of one of your most dear Sons: All which being such a free Earnest of your Excellencies love to our Religion, Nation, and both Houses, do incite us here to come unto you with Hearts fill’d with your love, and Tongues declaring how much we are oblig’d to your Excellency, professing our resolutions are with all real service (to the utmost of our power) to manifest the sincerity of our acknowledgment and affections unto you, and to perpetuate to posterity the memory of your Excellencies merits, and our thankfulness. We have appointed this Instrument to be entred into both Houses, and under the hands of both Speakers to be presented to your Lordship.

Rich. Bolton, Canc.
17 die Martii, 1676.
intr. per Val. Savage Dep. Cler. Parl.

Maurice Eustace, Speaker.
Int.17. die Martii, 1676.
per Philip Fernely Cler. Dom. Com.

What effect this made upon his Excellency, you will here see.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

What you have now read and deliver’d hath much surpriz’d me, and contains matter of higher obligation laid upon me by you, than thus suddenly to be answer’d; yet I may not suffer you to depart hence, without saying somewhat to you: And first, I assure you, that this Acknowledgment of yours is unto me a Jewel of very great value, which I shall lay up amongst my choicest Treasures, it being not onely a full confutation of those Calumnies that have been cast upon my actions, during the time I have had the Honour to serve his Majesty here, but likewise an Antidote against the virulency and poison of those Tongues and Pens, that, I am well assur’d, will be busily set on work, to traduce and blast the Integrity of my present Proceedings for your preservation. And now, my Lords and Gentlemen, since this may perhaps be the last time that I shall have the Honour to speak to you from this Place; and since that next to the words of a dying man (those of one ready to banish himself from his Country for the good of it) challenge credit, give me leave before God and you here to protest, That in all the time I had the Honour to serve the King my Master, I never receiv’d any Command from him, but such as spake him a Wise, Pious, Protestant Prince, zealous of the Religion he professeth, the welfare of his Subjects, and industrious to promote and settle Peace and Tranquility in all his Kingdoms; and I shall beseech you to look no otherwise upon me, than upon a ready Instrument set on work by the Kings wisdom and goodness for your preservation; wherein if I have discharg’d my self to his Approbation and Tours, it will be the greatest satisfaction and comfort I shall take with me, where-ever it shall please God to direct my steps. And now (that I may dismiss you) I beseech God long, long, to preserve my Gracious Master, and to restore Peace Rest to this afflicted Church and Kingdom.

But to return. In conclusion, the Commissioners from the two Houses of Parliament having performed all that on their part was expected, the Marquis of Ormond delivered up Dublin and the other Garrisons into their hands the 17th. some write the 18th. of June, 1647. on condition to enjoy his Estate, and not to be subject to any Debts contracted for the support of his Majesties Army under his Command, or for any Debts contracted before the Rebellion: That he, and all such Noblemen and Officers as desir’d to pass into any part of that Kingdom, should have travelling Arms, and free Passes, with Servants for their respective Qualities: That he should have 5000£ in hand, and 2000£ per Annum for five years, till he could receive so much a year out of his own Estate: And that he should have liberty to live in England without taking any Oaths for a year; he engaging his Honour to do nothing in the interim to the prejudice of the Parliament. However, he delivered not up the Regalia till the 25th. of July, at which time he was transported (with his Family) into England; where they admitted him to wait on the King, and to give his Majesty an account of his Transactions: who received him most graciously, as a Servant who had merited highly from him, and fully approved all that he had done. The straits his Excellency was then put to, were great, and (in consideration into whose hands the Government might fall) his surrender of Dublin to the Parliament seem’d extreme hazardous: yet Providence so steer’d his Resolution in that act, as doubtless the ground of his Majesties Sovereignty, and the English preservation (how many Channels soever it past through first) proceeded thence. Before He came away, the Soldiers had receiv’d such a tincture of Mutiny, as Mr. Annesly and Sir Robert King, for fear of violence, privately quitted the Kingdom, before which, they (with Sir Robert Meredith, Colonel Michael Jones, and Colonel John Moore) took notice of the insolency of the Soldiers, to exact Contribution and free Quarters at their pleasure, forbidding them so to do, &c. by a Proclamation at Dublin the 20th. of June, 1647.

Soon after the Parliaments Commissioners were warm in the Government (having regulated their Militia) they put their Sickle into the Service of the Church, where they found many so ten•cious to the Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacy, and their Vows to their Ordinaries, as they could not be wean’d from the Liturgy of the Church of England, in which Ministery they desir’d to finish their Course with joy; and the 9th. of July, 1647. they unanimously publish’d a Declaration to that end, exactly drawn up with great Reason, Perspicuity, and Eloquence.

The time that the Marquis of Ormond agreed with the Parliaments Commissioners, was near the time that the Army had gotten the King into their hands, having taken him from Holmbey, out of the custody of the Commissioners, to whom the Scots had delivered him: And the Marquis of Ormond, at his arrival in England, found so many specious pretences and professions publish’d by that Party, which then had the whole Power of the Army, and consequently of the Kingdom, that very many believ’d his Majesties Affairs to be in no ill condition; more seeming respect was paid to his Person, and less restraint upon the resort of his faithful Servants to him, than had been from the time that he first put himself into the Scots power. The Army took upon them the Government of the Kingdom, having solemnly declared, That there could be no reasonable hope of a firm and lasting Peace, if there were not an equal care to preserve the Interest of the King, Queen, and Prince, as of the Liberties of the People, and that both should be with equal care provided for together. In this time of freedom, and hypocritical compliance, the Marquis had free liberty of repairing to the King, where he gave him an account of all his actions, and of the course he had taken for the reviving and preserving his Majesties Interest in Ireland, by setling a Correspondence with many Persons of Honour there, who would keep the two Houses of Parliament (how great an advantage soever he had given them, by the delivery up of Dublin, &c. into their power) if they refus’d to return to his Majesties obedience, from obtaining any absolute Dominion in that Countrey; and who were most like to reduce the Nation from the Distemper with which they were transported, and to incline them to that submission that was due from them to the King; with all which, his Majesty was very graciously and abundantly satisfied, and gave the Marquis direction, in case the Independent Army should proceed otherwise than they pretended, how he should behave himself, and comply with the Irish, if he could reduce and dispose them to be instrumental towards his or their own delivery. And when his Majesty discovered (by the double dealing, and hypocritical demeanour of the Officers of the Army, of whom he had earlier jealousie than other men, as seeing farther into their dark Design the little good they meant him, he found it fit to receive some Overtures from the Scottish Commissioners, who were still admitted to reside at London, and to bear a part in the Managery of the Publick Affairs; and now plainly saw, that the Independent Army, which they had so much despised, was grown superiour to them, and meant to perform nothing less, than what they had so Religiously promised before the King was delivered up at Newcastle. The King hereupon commands the Marquis of Ormond to confer with the principal Persons of that Commission, who seem’d very sensible of the dishonour their Nation had incurr’d, and resolved, by uniting the power of that Kingdom for his Majesties Service, to undo some of the mischief they had wrought: And desired, that the Marquis of Ormond would likewise transport himself into Ireland, to try once more if he could compose the humours of that People to his Majesties obedience; that so those two Kingdoms, being entirely reduc’d to their duty, might, with that assistance they were like to find in England, perswade the violent Party to comply with those moderate and just Conclusions, which would establish the Peace and Tranquility of the whole in a full happiness to Prince and People. And from hence was that first Engagement design’d, which was afterwards so unfortunately conducted by the elder Duke Hamilton, and concluded with the ruine of himself, and of many Worthy and Noble Persons.

When the Army had by their civil and specious carriage and professions disposed the Kings Party to wish well to them, at least better than to the Presbyterians, (who seem’d to have erected a Model of a more formid and insupportable Tyranny, and were less endu’d with the appearances of Humanity and good Nature) and had (by shuffling themselves into new shapes of Government, and admitting Persons of all Conditions to assemble, and make Propositions to them in order to the publick Peace) given encouragement to most men to believe, that all Interests would, in some degree, be provided for; and so had brought themselves into an absolute Power over all Interests, they began to lessen their outward Respects and Reverence to the King, to inhibit some of his Servants absolutely to resort to him; and more to restain the frequent access of the People, who out of their innate Duty and Affection, delighted to see his Majesty, they caused reports to be raised and scattered abroad of some intentions, in desperate persons, of violence upon his Majesties Person; and upon this pretence doubled their Guards, and put Officers of stricter vigilance and more surly disposition about him; so that whatsoever he said or did, or was said unto him, was more punctually observed. The Marquis of Ormond was look’d upon with a very jealous eye, and was forbid to continue his attendance on him, or to come within 25 miles of London; and that Article in the Agreement at the delivery of Dublin, (viz. That he should engage his Honour not to act any thing to the prejudice of the Parliament in a twelvemonth) there was an intention to put him in mind of, by a Letter from the Committee at Derby-house; but before the Messenger came where he had been near Bristol, he (knowing of the King’s being close Prisoner in Carisbrook-Castle, and that it would be to little purpose to contest his Articles with the Parliament) privately shipt himself away for France, where he arrived safely about the end of the year 1647. having spent in England little more than six months.

For a time we must leave the Marquis in France, and return to Colonel Jones in Dublin, who (with those Forces that were left there by the Marquis of Ormond, and such as he brought and received out of England, amounting in all to 3000) marched against Colonel Preston, approaching with his Leimster Forces to infest Dublin, and met him about 12 miles from Dublin; who having gotten great advantage of ground, routed Jones, killed many of his men, and took not a few Prisoners, Jones himself escaping with much difficulty to Dublin.

Whether upon this accident, or otherwise, I cannot determine; but great divisions then arose betwixt the old English, who had Preston for their General, and the old Irish, who had Owen Roe O Neal for theirs: The old English had a gallant Army, consisting of near 10000 Foot and Horse, well Arm’d, and well Disciplin’d, who thought, that if they would offer themselves Instruments to destroy the old Irish, they might at any time have good Conditions from England; therefore under confidence thereof, they went on with great resolution, determining to do what they could to make themselves Masters of Dublin, and of all the English Quarters thereabouts, the easier afterwards to facilitate their design against Owen Roe and his Confidents. Preston thus flesh’d with his late Victory, brought up his Army, possess’d himself of most of the Out-Garrisons, even within eight miles of Dublin, and thence went with a resolution to take in Trim, a Garrison of some strength, under Colonel Fenwick, wherein there lay a Regiment of Foot, and some Troops of Horse. Upon which, Jones seeing himself in this condition, march’d about the 17th. of July, with 1000 Foot and 400 Horse, to Sigginstown, burning by the way, Castle Martin, taking good Prey from Castle Bawn, and was over-took by the Enemy near Johns-town, who falling on his Rear, cut off many; where Captain Adam Meredith gallantly maintaining the Pass, was kill’d: a Gentleman of clear valour, and greater hope.

In the interim, the distractions of the Soldiers (daily mutinous) were very great, the Soldiers threatning to deliver up the Town to the Rebels, if they were not speedily and better suppli’d with money and other necessaries. However, in this high distemper, Colonel Jones drew out, the first of August, 3800 Foot, and two Regiments of Horse, besides Artillery, to the relief of Trim, besieged by Preston; who upon his approach quitted the Siege, intending to follow the advice of a Person then at Leixlip (a Castle 10 miles from Dublin) of great trust and abilities, that whilst Jones reliev’d Trim, he might attempt Dublin. Whereupon Jones follows, being assisted by Sir Henry Tichburn from Tredagh, Colonel Moor from Dondalk, with the Newry, Carlingford Forces, as Colonel Conway, with a Party of the Northern old British, making up in all 700 Horse, and 1200 Foot; and joyn’d Battel with Preston, effectually 7300 Foot, and 1047 Horse strong, besides what the Lord Costolough and the two Nugent’s brought, at Dungans-Hill, the 8th. of August, 1647. where by plain valour Jones gain’d the greatest and most signal Victory the English ever had in Ireland; there was slain upon the place 5470, besides those afterwards which were gleaned up, which were many; amongst the slain, there were 400 of Colonel Kitto’s Redshanks: There were taken Prisoners, 5 Colonels, 4 Lieutenant Colonels, 6 Serjeant-Majors, 32 Captains, 23 Lieutenants, 27 Ensigns, 2 Cornets, 22 Serjeants, 2 Quarter-Masters, 2 Gunners, the Clerk of the Store, 13 Troopers, and 228 common Souldiers: Preston hardly escaped with the Horse; he lost his Carriages and Cannon, being 4 demi-Culverings, each carrying 12 pound Bullet, and 64 fair Oxen, attending the Train, which were of very great use. Of ours some were wounded, but not above 20 slain: Of Note, we lost only 2 Cornets, and one Captain Gibbs, who, over-heated in the Service, died in drinking Ditch-Water. After this Victory the Enemy quit and burnt the Naas Sigginstown, Harristown, Collanstown, Castlewarding, and Moyglare. Nor had the effect of this Victory ended thus, but that Pay and Provision for the Army were so scant, as necessity inforced them to return to Dublin, where they were met with the News of 1500£ newly arrived, a Supply incompetent to furnish them forth immediately, though it satisfied them there was some care taken for their Relief. And upon the certainty of this great Victory in England, considerable Supplies were hastned, and 1000£ sent Colonel Jones for his good Service. A little after which the Lord Inchiquin took in Cahir Castle, the Town and Castle of Cashel, and 11 other Castles, in the County of Tipperary, which was exceeding well taken by the Parliament, no small Causes of Defection, having (a little before) been insinuated to them, of his Fidelity.

About the beginning of October Colonel Jones took the Field again, and having joyn’d with the Ulster Forces, under the Command of Colonel Monk, they march’d out near 2000 Horse and 6000 Foot, taking in Portleicester, Abboy, and several of the Rebels Castles and Garrisons; and so having got great Prey of Cattle, and other Pillage, they return’d to Dublin, and Colonel Monk went back into Ulster with that Party he carried thence.

And in Munster the Lord Inchiquin was so active, as the Lord Taaff, appearing with a considerable Force, (as General of the Irish) advancing towards the English Quarters, he nobly encounter’d him (though with much dis-advantage both of Men and Ground) at Knocknones, the 13th. of November; where, after a sharp dispute, excellently carried, with much Gallantry and true Souldiery, as to the order of the Battle, he totally routed him and his Forces; amongst whom fell Sir Alexander Mac Donel, alias Colonel Kilkittoth, the Rebels Lieutenant General, and his Lieutenant Colonel, besides some 4000 of their Infantry and Horse were slain, 6000 Arms recovered, 38 Colours of Foot, some Cornets of Horse, Ammunition, Taaff’s Cabinet, besides his Tent, and many Concerns of importance, were also taken. We lost Sir William Bridges, Colonel of Horse, Colonel Gray, Major Brown, Sir Robert Travers, the Judge Advocate, and some other Officers, upon the routing of our left Wing, who gallantly however seal’d the Cause with their blood. They were 7464 Foot, and 1076 Horse, besides Officers; we not 4000 Foot, and 1200 Horse. Upon the arrival of this News, the House of Commons voted 10000£ for Munster, and 1000£ with a Letter of thanks, to the Lord Inchiquin.

Things thus succeeding, it might be thought rational, that the Lord Inchiquin, who had obtain’d so great a Victory over the Rebels, and thereupon was highly caressed by the Parliament, should now have had no Design to have alter’d his Party. But he (having been dealt with by those, who best knew how to wean him off) sets forth a specious Declaration against the Parliament, over-awed by Independents and the Army; and hearing of Laughorn’s Insurrection, and the Scots Invasion, grew thence more encouraged, that amongst the Presbyterians he went for a Patron; and distributing a little Money amongst the Souldiers, won so upon them, as afterwards he carried his Design (for some time) un-discovered, sending to the Parliament this Declaration.

Mr. Speaker,

It is not without an un-answerable proportion of Reluctancy, to so heavy an Inconvenience, that we are thus frequently put upon the asserting of our own Fidelities, to the Services of the Honourable Houses; whereunto, as we have by several Evidences (the mention whereof we make without vain-glory) manifested our selves sincerely faithful, so hath it pleased the divine Providence, to prosper our Endeavours with very many improbable Successes; to the attainment whereof, though we have strugled through all the difficulties, and contended with all the sufferances, that a People, un-supply’d with all necessaries and secondary means, could undergo, yet have we encountred nothing of that dis-affection, or dis-couragement, as we find administred unto us, by a constant observation, that it is as well in the power, as it is in the practice, of our malicious and indefatigable Enemies, to place and foment Differences upon us, not only to our extream scandal and disgrace, (which we should the less resent, if their malice could terminate in us) but to the obstructing of the Supplies order’d and design’d for publick Service, and to the irreparable prejudice thereof, which our Enemies can value at so low a rate, as to put it into that bargain, they are in hand to make for our destruction. It being very approvable by us, that several Persons in power there, do interpose their endeavours, to continue us (by the impeding of Supplies) in a desperate, languishing, and perishable condition upon the Place, and in a despicable and doubtful esteem with the Honourable Houses. Whereof there will need no other Instances, than that, after the several promises made by Letters, from the Honourable Committee at Darby-house, and Votes pass’d for transmitting Supplies unto us, especially in case of Major General Starling, his being sent to attend the Pleasure of the Houses, the only Remora then alledged to make stay of 7000 Suits of Cloaths, and 10000£ in Money, being before design’d for our relief, there is no more than 2700£ sent unto us in Money, and thereof but 1500£ designed for the feeding of us, and the Souldiers under our Command. And that notwithstanding the signal Testimony given of our real intentions and affections, to that Cause and Service, in a late Engagement against the Rebels at Knockness, which we touch at, without any affection of vain-glory, the Votes then renew’d for our Relief, and the Order for our Indempnity, (which was conceived would not have found so much hesitation, with those whose Service we had only profest) are laid aside, and nothing effectual or advantagious done in order thereto, for our avane, save the transmittal of 2700£ but on the contrary, new jealousies and distrust of us are re-embrac’d and fomented.

It is not therefore so insupportable a dis-comfort to us, to observe our own Lives exposed a sacrifice, to the malice of our now potent publick Enemies, who by the conjunction of three several Armies, are not more encouraged to confront us in the Field, than we, by the art and practice used to with-hold those just and necessary Supplies from us, dis-abled to joyn Battle with them, as to observe our honourable Reputation and Integrity, (dearer to us than our Lives) brought into such frequent question, and unworthily mangled, depraved and slaughtered, by the calumnious aspersions of our powerful and prevailing Adversaries, in despight of all our zealous and cordial Endeavours, to give indubitable testimony and evidence of our Fidelities. What if we be beyond any common measure afflicted and dismayed? We are confident, that all Persons of Honour will acknowledge, that we have much more than common cause.

And now that our Adversaries have prevailed to deprive us, not only of all hopes of subsisting here in your Service, but have proceeded for to provide, that we may not live hereafter but out of your Favour. So having intercepted and perverted the comfort, we well hoped to have received from other testimonies of our sincerity, they have only left us this Expedient, to testifie our mindfulness of our duty by, which is, to give humble intimation to that Honourable House, that we are involved in so great and extream exigencies of distress and universal want, with the pressure of three joynt Armies, upon our weak and naked Forces, that there remains no humane means discernable amongst us, to subsist by any longer in this Service, unless it shall stand with the pleasure and piety of those, in whose Service we have exhausted both our blood and livelihoods, to send us some seasonable and considerable Supplies, or that we should be inforced to entertain such terms, as the Rebels will give us, which of all things we abominate, as knowing our necessities will render them such, as must be both obstructive and dishonourable, and therefore shall resolve of making that the last Expedient, to preserve our own and many thousands of poor Protestants Lives by, or that it shall please the Honourable Houses to send Shipping to fetch us off. And so in discharge of our duties both to God and Man, we humbly offer to consideration, and remain.

Subscribed-by the Officers under the Lord Inchiquin.

This Remonstrance begat some Heats: Upon which many of the Subscribers were sent for over, and committed; but upon submission, soon releas’d, and an Ordinance for their Indemnity publish’d.

But to return to the Marquess of Ormond, whom, not long since, we left in France; where finding himself at liberty, and out of the reach of his Enemy, he then projected again to visit Ireland, having made the Marquess of Clanrickard, and the Lord Taaff, who (without any pause) had preserv’d their Allegiance entire, privy to what might best advance his Majesty’s Interest, amongst those, who, opposing the Nuncio, seem’d resolute for his Majesty. And they (one in Connaght, the other in Munster) accordingly disposed the People to a ready complyance, whilst the Forces under the Nuncio were much weakned, partly by the defeat of General Preston, whose Army was routed and destroyed by the Parliament’s Forces, within less than a month after they had compelled the Marquess to leave the Kingdom, and partly by the dislike the great Council of the Confederate Catholicks had, of the demeanour of the Nuncio, and the experience they now had of his ill conduct, and the miseries he had brought them into, by forcing them to decline the Peace, which would have been so advantagious to them, and against which, the general Assembly at Kilkenny, the 2d. of March, 1647. published a Proclamation, conformable to what the Congregation of the Clergy before had pass’d at Waterford the 12th. of August, 1646.

The Lord Inchiquin had likewise held correspondence with the Marquess of Ormond, while he was in England; and as soon as the Marquess came into France, desired him to make what haste he could into Ireland, where he should find the Army, and all the important Towns of that Province, under his Command, ready to submit to him, and to be conducted by him in the King’s Service, any way he should command. And in the mean time he made an Agreement with the Irish, under the Command of the Marquess of Clanrickard, and the Lord Taaff, with the Approbation of the supream Council of the Confederate Catholicks, from May, 1648. to November following, and sent them 500 Horse, under the Command of Major Doily, to assist them in an Expedition they were then entred upon against the Nuncio, and Owen Roe O Neal, in which they prevail’d so far, that Owen O Neal found it necessary to retire to the great Towns, and they drove the Nuncio himself into the Town of Gallway, where he summoned a National Synod the 15th. of July, and they besieged him so close, that they compelled the Town (after near two months siege) to pay a good sum of Money, to be distributed amongst the Souldiers, and to disclaim any further subjection or submission to the Nuncio’s unlimited Jurisdiction, which, in effect, had put all Ireland in confusion. And when he had (with less success than formerly) issued his Excommunication, the 27th. of May, 1648. against all those, who complied with the Cessation with the Lord Inchiquin, he was compelled in the end (after so much mischief done to the Religion he was obliged to protect) in an obscure manner, to fly out of the Kingdom; and coming to Rome, had an ill Reception of the Pope, Temerarie te gessisti, said he; with which, and the Fate of Fermo, in his absence, he soon after died. Nor indeed had any of those Apostolick Nuncios in Ireland, much better Fate: Nicholas Sanders, an English-man, An. 1579. was sent Nuncio by Gregory the 13th. who wander’d in the Mountains of Kerry, and was there starv’d under a Tree. Owen Mac Egan, alias Eugenius O Hegan, of Irish Birth, Vicarius Apostolicus under Clement the 8th. was slain, leading a Troop of 100 Horse against the Loyalists, An. 1602/3.

And because the impudent Injustice, and Imprudence of the Nuncio, and the lame Subjection of the People, to his immoderate Pride and Haughtiness, was, in truth, the real Cause, or rather Fountain, from whence this torrent of Calamities flowed, which hath since over-whelmed that miserable Nation; and because that exorbitant Power of his, was resolutely opposed by the Catholicks, of the most eminent Parts and Interests, and in the end (though too late) expelled by them; it will be but Justice to the Memories of those noble Persons, briefly to collect the sum of that unhappy Person’s Carriage and Behaviour, from the time that he was first design’d to that Imployment. And in doing hereof, no other Language shall be used, than what was part of a Memorial, delivered by an honourable and zealous Catholick, who was intrusted to complain of the in-sufferable Behaviour of the Nuncio to the Pope himself, which runs in these very words, speaking of the Nuncio.

He declar’d before he left Rome, That he would not admit either in his Company or Family; any Person of the English Nation. In his Voyage, before he arrived at Paris, he writ to his Friends in Rome, with great joy, the News, (though it prov’d after false) that the Irish Confederates had treacherously surprized the City of Dublin, while they were in truce with the Royal Party, and treating about an Accommodation and Peace. Arriving at Paris, (where he shut himself up for many months) he never vouchsafed (I will not say) to participate with the Queen of England, any thing touching Nunciature, or in the least degree to reverence or visit her Majesty, save only one time upon the score of Courtesie, as if he had been sent to her Enemies, not Subjects. Being arrived in Ireland, he imployed all his Power to dissolve the Treaty of Peace with the King, which was then almost brought to perfection; and his diligence succeeded, of which he valued himself, rejoyced, and insulted beyond measure. In his Letters he writ to Paris, which were after shewed to the Queen, and he may truely say, that in that Kingdom, he hath rather managed the Royal Scepter, than the Pastoral Staff, and that he aim’d more to be held the Minister of the supream Prince of Ireland, in Temporalibus, than a Nuncio from the Pope, in Spiritualibus; making himself President of the Council, he hath managed the Affairs of the supream Council of State; he hath, by his own Arbitrement, excluded from it those, who did not second him, though by Nobleness of Birth, Allegiance; Prudence, and Zeal to Religion, they were the most honourable; of these he caused many to be imprisoned, with great scandal, and danger of sedition; and, in short, he assumed a distributive Power both in Civil and Military Affairs, giving out Orders, Commissions, and Powers, under his own Name, subscribed by his own Hand, and made Authentick with his Seal, for the government of the Armies, and of the State, and Commissions for Reprizals at Sea. He stroke in presently after his Arrival in Ireland, with that Party of the Natives, who are esteemed irreconcilable, not only to the English, but to the greatest and best part of the Irish Nobility, and of the same People, to the most civil and most considerable of that Island. And the better to support that Party and Faction, he hath procured the Church to be furnished with a Clergy and Bishops of the same temper, excluding those Persons who are recommended by the Queen, who, for Doctrine and Vertue, were above all exceptions, all which is contrary to what your Holiness was pleas’d to promise. The Queen was not yet discouraged, but so labour’d to renew the Treaty of Peace already once broke, and disorder’d by Monsieur Rinuccini, that by means of her Majesty, it was not only re-assumed, but, in the end, after great disputes and oppositions on his part, the Peace was concluded between the Royal Party and the Confederate Catholicks, and warranted not only by the King’s Word, but also by the retention of Arms, Castles and Forts; and of the Civil Magistrates, with the possession of Churches, and of Ecclesiastical Benefices, and with the free exercise of the Catholick Religion. And all this would have been exhibited by a publick Decree, and authentick Laws, made by the three Estates assembled in a free Parliament: By this Peace and Confederacy they would have rescued themselves, from the damages of a ruinous War, have purchased security to their Consciences, and of their temporal Estates, honoured the Royal Party, and the Catholicks in England, with a certain restitution and liberty of the King, whereon depended absolutely the welfare of the Catholicks in all his Kingdoms, the Catholick Chair had quitted it self of all Engagements and Expence, with Honour and Glory. This Treaty of Peace on all sides so desirable, Monsieur Rinuccini broke with such violence, that he forced the Marquess of Ormond, the Vice-Roy of Ireland, to precipitate himself (contrary to his inclination and affection) into the arms of the Parliament of England, to the unspeakable damage of the King, and of the Catholicks, not only of Ireland, but also of England. He incensed the greatest and best part of the Catholick Nobility, and rendred the venerable Name of the holy Apostolick Chair, odious to the Hereticks, with small satisfaction to the Catholick Princes themselves of Europe, as though it sought not the spiritual good of Souls, but a temporal Interest, by making it self Lord over Ireland. And when the Lord Digby and the Lord Byron endeavour’d, on the Marquess of Ormond’s part, to incline him to a new Treaty of Peace, he did not only disdain to admit them, or to accept the Overture, but understanding, that the Lord Byron, with great danger and fatigue, came to Town, in the County of Westmeath, where he was to speak with him, he forced the Earl that was the Lord of it, to send him away (contrary to all Laws of Courtesie and Humanity) in the nighttime, exposed to extraordinary inconveniencies and dangers amongst those distractions, protesting, that otherwise he himself would immediately depart the Town. By this Proceeding, Monsieur Rinuccini hath given the World an occasion to believe, that he had private and secret Commission to change the Government of Ireland, and to separate that Island from the Crown of England. And this Opinion is the more confirmed, since that one Mahony, a Jesuit, hath printed a Book in Portugal, wherein he endeavours to prove, that all the Kings of England, have been either Tyrants or Usurpers of Ireland, and so fallen from the dominion of it; exhorting all its Natives to get thither, and to use all Cruelty against the English, (with expressions full of Villany and Reproach) and to chuse a new King of their own Countrey. And this Book, so barbarous and bloody, dispersed through Ireland, is yet credited by the Catholick and Apostolick Chair: And the Continuation of the History of Cardinal Baronius, was published at the same time, under the Name of Olderico Raynaldo, in which he endeavours to establish the supream Right and Dominion in the Apostolick Chair, even in Temporalibus, over England and Ireland. I leave to every Man to consider, whether all these Actions are not apt enough to beget Jealousies, and naughty Blood, and whether I ought not, out of great respect to the publick Good, to represent, with some ardency to your Holiness, the Actions of Monsieur Rinuccini, so unpleasant, and directly contrary to those Ends, for which, it was supposed, he was imployed. And I beseech your Holiness, if any King, not only Protestant but Catholick, had seen an Apostolick Nuncio to lord it in his Dominions, in such a manner as Monsieur Rinuccini hath done in Ireland, what Jealousies, what Complaints, and how many Inconveniencies would thereby follow? Thus as to the Nuncio, from the Confederates themselves.

Though he gives this account of himself: For the better understanding of this, (saith he) Recourse must be had to the first rising of the Irish, which was upon this occasion: The Parliament of England, having enter’d into an Agreement with the Kingdom of Scotland, called the large Treaty; in which there was a clause to joyn against the common Enemy, wherein the Catholicks of Ireland, as well as others (if not chiefly) did apprehend themselves comprehended; to ballance which, or to prevent the misery that might fall upon them thereby, being sensible of the Earl of Stafford’s death, which purported some to be sent as Governour, that was not like to carry so fair to them, as he had done, the same being to be approv’d (at least) by the Parliament then sitting. For better security, they endeavoured the supplanting all Protestants within that Kingdom, and though (at that time) without Arms or Ammunition, got possession of most part of the Kingdom; whereupon was established a Council of 24, part of Civil, and part Ecclesiastical Persons, of which 12 were to reside in Kilkenny, or other place; as occasion and need called, with this Resolution, agreed to hold a Parliament every year, by, or in which, the said Council should be chang’d or continu’d. By this it was resolv’d, and after sworn by all the Catholicks, never to lay down Arms, until the Roman Church was settled, as of old in Ireland, and the King secur’d in all his Priviledges, that of calling, and putting period to Parliaments at pleasure, with a Negative voice, being chiefly meant, and then in great hazard to be lost. The Earl of Ormond, and Inchequin, Protestants, fearing the issue of this League, and fore-seeing the in-ability to oppose it, treated with the Earl of Clanrickard, Lord Muskery, and other Lords Catholicks, that possessed many Church-Benefices; a way erected by Queen Elizabeth, thereby to extinguish the Catholicks; and advertised them, that the Restitution of the Catholick Discipline, would out them of all the said Profits, gain’d them to the other side; though they continued still of the Council, in which they were a prevalent party, taking to them such (when any went out) as were of Ormond’s mind and design: by which means a Peace was suddainly concluded, upon supposition, that the Affairs of the Catholicks requir’d it, although there was no mention of the Interest of that Church in the Accord. About that time, the King sent to this Council, the Earl of Glamorgan, with full power to accord to the Catholicks, as they desired, if they should send him 10000 Men, as they had offered, Ormond then at Dublin (under pretext of Treating) drew Glamorgan thither, took from him his Commission, and made him Prisoner, and certified the King, that himself could make a far better and more advantagious Peace, with the Catholicks, which he did in 30 Articles. This breach of Oath, made by the Council, gave occasion to the Nuncio, John Baptist Rinuccini, Archbishop and Prince of Firmo, who had brought some succours of Money and Arms into Ireland, to assemble the Clergy in Waterford, and Excommunicate all such as should adhere to the Peace: Which notwithstanding, the said Marquiss advanc’d to Kilkenny, to execute the same; but O Neil returning victorious from the defeat of 20000 Scots, in two Battles at Benburgh, and Tirconnel, Ormond goes back without doing of any thing; whereupon were imprison’d the 7 that signed the Peace. Ormond seeing himself out with the Catholicks, both because he had ill treated them, and by the violence exercised by his Army, no sooner return’d to Dublin, but he treated with the Parliament of England, for the delivery of the Towns he held; which was done accordingly. Coming after to London, where he expected to be gratified by the Parliament of England, proportionable to the service done them; but finding there no such disposition, he went secretly to the Queen at St. Germains, to justifie himself, and perswade her, That his rendring Dublin, and other Towns, were serviceable to the King her Husband, then Prisoner to the Parliament, because (said he) it is better that they have them, then the Catholicks, whom he affirm’d to have fail’d in their Fidelity to their King, although they renew’d the abovemention’d Oath yearly. About this time, another Assembly of Catholicks, sent to the Queen, and the Princes her Children, to desire certain concessions in the absence; and because of the Detention of the King her Husband, deputing others to Rome, with Instructions to the former Deputies, to act jointly with these; but contrary, those to the Queen (not waiting the Resolution, or Concurrence of them at Rome) Muskery, and Brown, two of those Deputies, (notwithstanding the opposition of the Marquiss of Antrim, who was chief) proposed, and obtain’d of the Queen, that she send into Ireland, the Marquess of Ormond, as formerly to be Lord Deputy, or Vice-Roy: Who being brought into that Kingdom, by the support of the said Supream Council, of which 7 always favour’d him, they again concluded a Cessation of Arms with Inchequin, then reduced to such necessities, that he was ready to fly into Holland, whither then he had dispatch’d part of his Goods, with good store of Money, pick’d up there; The Suspension not to be hindred by the Nuncio, notwithstanding the offers of Money, to satisfie the pressing necessities, declar’d by the Council, together with Owen Roe O Neal’s offer, to drive Inchequin quite out of Munster, at his own charge, and at the charge he would force out of those parts, by his Souldiers: But at this time Inchequin was in a deeper Correspondence with the Scots Nation, which way, Ormond was also to biass his Designs. The Nuncio thus disappointed, called a new assembly of his Clergy, compos’d of Hugh O Rely, Primate of Ireland, Thomas Fleming, Archbishop of Dublin, Thomas Welsh, Archbishop of Cassel, John de Bourk, Archbishop of Tuam, and ten Bishops, who unanimously declared, That this Cessation of Arms, was much prejudicial to the Catholick Religion, and could not be embraced in Conscience, and so Excommunicated all that adher’d thereto. Hitherto the Council had born it self with some respect toward the Catholick Church, remembring the Clemency us’d by the Nuncio, in delivering some of them from Prison; but upon this last Excommunication, they so threatned him, that he was forced to go privately from Kilkenny, to a Castle, where Preston (by order of the Council) following, he fled to Gallway, and called there a National Council, to pacifie the Troubles of the Kingdom, which the aforesaid Council endeavour’d to hinder, forbidding the appearance of the Clergy, taking hold of divers Ecclesiastical Persons of his houshold, imprisoning them: So that the Nuncio despairing of re-establishing of the Affairs of the Catholicks, and having information, That Ormond had resolv’d (with all his Forces) to advance the Protestant Religion, and to destroy all opposers, and that the Supream Council of Catholicks, had declar’d their departure from the League, with their Confederates; he departed, arriving in France. In the interim, Owen Roe, judging, that he could not in conscience, joyn his Armies any longer with a Party, that called it self Catholick, and yet chas’d away the Nuncio, declar’d his separation from them, until they recal the Nuncio, and endeavour to obtain a Catholick Vice-Roy, and execute (in all other points) the Oath they had taken. This was taken very ill by the Marquess of Ormond, and his Council, who charg’d O Neal with a Design (under colour thereof) to oppose the Affairs of the King, which occasion’d him to object to them, not the aforesaid Oath, but a particular Declaration, which he had published; where he, with all his Officers profess, That they intend onely to re-establish the Catholick Religion, the Liberties of the Kingdom, and the Prerogatives of the King, in their former Glory and Splendor: The Ormond Party Catholick, being in such perplexity, by reason of these differences, and their sleighting the Nuncio, appeal’d to his Holiness; but from Rome, it is certified, That the Pope (well understanding their deportment) refused to give Audience, before he had heard his Nuncio; Who in the end, rather receiv’d a Check (as before is mention’d) then an Approbation from his Holiness, for what he had done in Ireland.

And now, as to the difference betwixt their Generals, and our Proceedings thereupon.

Colonel Jones finding the Distractions amongst the Rebels, to grow very high, and that the old English, under the Marquess of Clanrickard, had taken the Castle of Athlone, and other Places from Owen Roe, and that Athy was besieged by Colonel Preston, and Owen Roe, came up to Relieve it, and burnt and spoil’d the Countrey thereabouts, thought it high time, to be stirring out amongst them; and thereupon sent out some of his Forces, which took in the Garrisons of the Nabber, and Ballihoe, formerly surprized by the Rebels; But yet (not having his Provisions come from England) durst not himself stir forth, till he had sufficiently secured Dublin; which in the first place, he began more strongly to Fortifie, that it might receive no prejudice in his absence. About which time, Flemming (an active Officer among the Rebels) took in Cruces Fort, and Killaloe, two Garrisons in Pudsonbyes Quarters.

Next, Jones secured Sir Maurice Eustace, Colonel Gifford, Capron, Flower, Willoughby, and several others, who, continuing their affection to the Marquess, he suspected, and (by Order of the Committee of Derby-House) sent them to the Castle of Chester, detaining Colonel Byron, and Sir Thomas Lucas, Prisoners at Tredagh, suspecting these would deliver him, and the City, to the Marquess of Ormond, then every day expected, Lord Lieutenant out of France. The Scots Army under Duke Hamilton, about this time, entered England, to whose Proceedings, Major General Monro, sent over into Scotland, his Son or Nephew George Monro, with 2000 Foot, and 600 Horse, as Sir Robert Stewart, his Son, with a Troop, and Sir Fred. Hamilton his, with a Regiment, and several others, disaffected to the Parliament of England, in hope to settle (with advantage) there; By which means, Belfast, Carrigfergus, and Colrain, were left very weak, and much un-guarded, which Colonel Monk finding, and understanding how contrary to all compact, Monro had dealt with the Parliament of England, in sending over the Forces (maintain’d by them in Ireland) to fight against them in England; he began to think of some means, to make himself master of those Towns; he was at present at Lisnegarvy, and prepared a Party to go out to make an inroad into the RebelsQuarters; he march’d away in the morning; but having sent some Persons of trust, to remain near Carigfergus, to attend his advance thither, he return’d in the night over the mountains, and came at break of day to the Gates of Carigfergus, which he found open, and so enter’d without resistance; he seiz’d upon Major General Monro, and sent him Prisoner into England, where he was by the House of Comons committed to the Tower. Colonel Monk having thus seized upon Carigfergus, caus’d some Horse to march presently away to Belfast, which was surrendred into his hands by the Governor, and so was likewise Colrain, so as he presently became Master of all those Towns, disbanding, and sending away most of those Forces into Scotland, which oppos’d the Parliament, and hindred those broken Troops of George Monro’s, (which fled out of England, upon Duke Hamiltons defeat at Preston in Lancashire) from returning into Ireland, and did use all means to settle the Country in such a posture, as that the Interest of the Parliament, might be secur’d there. He planted Garrisons upon the Frontiers of Ulster, to hinder the incursions of the Rebels, and he gave the Quarters the Scots had, to such of the British as he found faithful to the service. This was about September, 1648. a Service very acceptable in England; in manifestation whereof, the Parliament sent him 500£ and made him Governor of Carigfergus, by an Order of the 4th. of October, and sent over Cloaths for some of those Scottish Regiments which came into him, and 5000£ in Money, for the two Provinces, of Ulster and Connaght, to be equally divided. Sir Charles Coot there being very active, not long after took in the strong Fort of Culmore, near Londonderry, seizing on (at the same time) Sir Robert Stewart, whom he sent Prisoner to the Parliament; upon which, the Scots Mutinied; but by a Letter from Sir Robert Stewart, they were pacified, and all the Affairs of that Province, managed by Sir Charles Coot, Sir Robert Stewart being at Liberty upon his Parole.

Before this, Townsend, and Doily, two Colonels under Inchequin in Munster, sent over to the Committee at Derby-House, some Propositions, for the surrender of the Towns in Munster, upon Condition of indempnity, and receiving part of the Arrears for the whole Army; this was pretended to be acted by the consent of Inchequin, and that he with his own hand, had approved and interlin’d them in several Places. Hereupon, the Committee at Derby-House, sent back Colonel Edmond Temple, with an Answer to those Colonels, and Power withall to Treat with the Lord Inchequin, about somewhat more certain and more reasonable, to be propounded by him. But before his arrival there, Sir Richard Fanshaw, the Princes Secretary, was come from the Prince to Inchequin, with a Declaration of the Princes Design, to send the Duke of York into Ireland, with such of the revolted Ships as remain’d in Holland, and to let him know the hopes he had, that by his assistance, and the Army under his Command, both he and his Father might be restored: This so puft up Inchequin, as that he would hear of no Overtures, and made him absolutely dis-avow to have had any knowledge of the Propositions sent over, and thereupon imprisoned Townsend, and Doily, thereby putting an issue to that Negotiation: Fortifying, besides all the Harbours against the Parliaments Forces, placing and displacing their Officers, as he thought most convenient, to introduce the Kings keeping a Correspondence with the West of Ireland, as yet free to all Trade, and holding frequent intelligence with Jarsey, where the Prince, was said, would keep his Court; Thus the Interest of the Parliament was wholly lost in Munster, where Sir William Fenton, Colonel Fair, Captain Fenton, and other Officers (for their affections to the Parliament) being imprison’d, were exchang’d in December, for the Lord Inchequin’s Son, imprison’d in the Tower, about October, 1648.

Near this time Owen Roe attempted to rescue Fort-Falkland, besieged by the Lord Inchiquin and Colonel Preston joyn’d; but he was repulsed with the loss of many men, as his Lieutenant General Rice Mac-Guire, and Lewis More, dangerously hurt; which put Owen to such straits, as he made an Overture to Colonel Jones, by his Vicar-General O Rely, to surrender Athy, Mary-burrough, and Rebban, and lay down his Arms, if he and his Confederates might have the priviledges they had in King James’s time: But Jones could better improve the Offers to a beneficial delay, than ascertain any thing. Though afterwards Owen Roe and his Council of Officers, further offered, That if he, nor the new expected Army from England, would not molest him in his Quarters, but give him leave to depart with his Forces into Spain, he would not joyn with Ormond, Preston, or Inchiquin.

And here we must resume our account of the Marquis of Ormond, who after he had in vain solicited supplies of Money in France, to the end that he might carry some Relief to a Kingdom so harrassed and worn, and be the better thereby able to unite those, who would be sure to have temptation enough of Profit, to go contrary to the Kings obedience; his Excellency was at last compelled being with great importunity called by the Lord Inchiquin and the rest, who were resolv’d to uphold his Majesties Interest to transport himself, unfurnish’d of Money sufficient, Arms or Ammunition considerable, and without any other Retinue than his own Servants, and some old Officers of the Kings: And in this Equipage he Embarqu’d from Haure de Grace in a Dutch Ship, and arriv’d about the end of September, 1648. at Cork, where he was receiv’d by the Lord Inchiquin, Lord President of Munster, and the Irish, with much contentment; soon after whose arrival (even the 6th. of October) he published the ensuing Declaration.

By the Lord Lieutenant General of Ireland.
ORMOND,

To prevent the too frequent prejudices, incident through jealousies, distrusts, and mis-constructions to all undertakings, We account it not the least worthy our labour, upon the instant of our arrival, to prepare this People, whose welfare we contend for, with a right understanding of those intentions in us, which, in order to his Majesties Service, we desire may terminate in their good.

To enumerate the several Reasons by which we were induc’d (for preservation of the Protestant Religion, and the English Interest) to leave the City of Dublin, and other his Majesties Garrisons then under our Power in this Kingdom, in the hands of those intrusted by his two Houses of Parliament, were to set forth a Narrative in place of a Manifest. It may suffice to be known, that those Transactions had for one main ground this confidence, That by being under the Power of the Houses, they would upon a happy expected composure of Affairs in England, revert unto, and be revested in his Majesty as his proper right.

But having found how contrary to the inclinations of the well-affected to his Majesties restauration in England, the Power of that Kingdom hath unhappily devolv’d to hands, imployed onely in the art and labour of pulling down, and subverting the Fundamentals of Monarchy, (with whom a pernicious Party in this Kingdom do equally sympathize and co-operate.) And being filled with a deep sense of the Duty and obligations that are upon us, strictly to embrace all opportunities of employing our endeavours, towards the recovery of his Majesties just Rights, in any part of his Dominions. Haing observed the Protestant Army in the Province of Munster (by special providence discovering the Arts and practises used to intangle the Members thereof, in engagements as directly contrary to their Duties towards God and Man, as to their intentions and resolutions) to have found means to manifest the Candor and Integrity thereof, in a disclaimer of any obedience to, or concurrence with those Powers or Persons, which have so grosly vari’d even their own professed Principles of preserving his Majesties Person and Rights, by confining him under a most strict Imprisonment, his Majesty also vouchsafing graciously to accept the Declaration of the said Army, as an eminent and seasonable expression of their fidelity toward him, and in testimony thereof, having laid his Commands upon us to make our repair unto this Province, to discharge the duties of our Place.

We have as well in obedience thereunto, as in pursuance of our own duty, and desire to advance his Majesties Service, resolved to evidence our approbation and esteem of the proceedings of the said Army, by publishing unto the World our like determination in the same ensuing particulars. And accordingly we profess and declare,

First, to improve our utmost endeavours for the settlement of the Protestant Religion, according to the example of the best Reformed Churches.

Secondly, to defend the King in his Prerogatives.

Thirdly, to maintain the Priviledges and Freedom of Parliament, and the Liberty of the Subjects; that in order hereunto we shall oppose, to the hazard of our lives, those Rebels of this Kingdom, who shall refuse their obedience to his Majesty, upon such terms as he hath thought fit by us to require it; and we shall endeavour to the utmost, the suppressing of that Independent-Party, who have thus fiercely laboured the extirpation of the true Protestant Religion, the ruine of our Prince, the dishonour of Parliament, and the Vassalage of our Fellow-Subjects, against all those who shall depend upon them, or adhere unto them. And that this our undertaking might not appear obnoxious to the Trade of England, but that we desire a firm Union and Agreement be preserved betwixt us, we do likewise declare, that we will continue free Traffick and Commerce with all his Majesties good Subjects of England; and that we will not in the least manner prejudice any of them that shall have recourse to our Harbours, either in their Bodies, Ships, or Goods; nor shall we take any thing from them, without payment of ready money for the same. And now that by his Majesties said Command, we have proceeded to re-enter upon the work of his Service in this Province, We conceive no higher testimony can be given of his Majesties acceptation, or of the estimation we bear about us towards their Proceedings, than by resorting unto them in Person with his Majesties Authority, and exhibiting unto them the incouragement and satisfaction they may receive in this assurance, That as we bear an especial regard to their present undertakings and performances, accompanied with a real sense of their former sufferings; so lest there should any advantage be derived unto those, who endeavour to improve all opportunities of sowing sedition and distrust by this suggestion, that the former differences in Judgment and Opinion, which have induced persons to serve diversly under his Majesty, and the Parliament, will occasion prejudice, or ill resentments to arise towards such Persons, as have not formerly concurred in Judgment with others in his Majesties Service. We do declare, that we are qualifi’d with special Power and Authority from his Majesty, to assure them, that no distinction shall be made in any such Consideration, but that all Persons now interested and engaged in this Cause, shall be reflected upon with equal fervour and regard; and that we shall make it our endeavours so to improve and confirm his Majesties Gracious disposure towards them, as that we will never call to memory any past difference in Opinion, Judgment, Action, or Profession, to the prejudice of any Member of this Army, or any Person relating to it; but on the contrary, shall be very ready to attest our good affections towards them, in the discharge of such good Offices as shall be in our power; in return whereof, we shall onely expect their perseverance in their present Ingagements for his Majesties Service, with such alacrity, constancy, and affection, as may suit with their late publick Declaration and Professions. To whom we desire this assurance also may be inculcated, That as we shall in the future use our utmost care and diligence to provide for their preservation from the like hardships, to those they have formerly undergone; so we have already employ’d our best industry and endeavours for the settlement of such a course, as we may (with most reason) hope, will, in these uncertain times, produce a constant and competent Subsistance for them, enabling them to make such a progress in their present undertakings, as may, with the accomplishment of the great ends thereof, establish their own Honour and Content. Thus much we have thought fit to publish unto the World to furnish it with an evidence of strong conviction against us, if we ever swerve (to the best of our power) from the just ways of maintaining the true Protestant Religion, the Honour and Interest of his Sacred Majesty, the just Rights of Parliament, the Liberties of the Subjects, and the safety, quiet, and welfare of the People intrusted to our Care.

At Cork,6. Octob. 1648.

Here it must not be forgotten, that during the time the Marquis was in France, and after the Parliaments Forces had, upon so great inequality of number, defeated the Irish, and in all Encounters driven them into their Fastnesses, the Confederate Catholicks had easily discern’d the mischiefs they had brought upon themselves, by forcing the Kings Authority out of the Kingdom, and introducing another, which had no purposes of mercy towards them: And therefore they had sent the Lord Marquis of Antrim, who from the beginning had passionately serv’d them in their most intimate Concerns, the Lord Viscount Muskery, and others, as their Commissioners to the Queen of England, and to her Son the Prince of Wales, who were both then at Paris, to beseech them (since by reason of the King’s imprisonment they could not be suffered to apply themselves to his Majesty) to take compassion of the miserable condition of Ireland, and to restore that Nation to their protection; making ample professions and protestations of Duty, and of applying themselves for the future to his Majesties Service, if they might be once again own’d by him, and countenanced and conducted by his Authority. And thereupon the Queen and Prince answered those Persons, That they would shortly send a Person qualifi’d to treat with them, who should have power to give them whatsoever was requisite to their security and happiness. With which Answer they return’d well satisfi’d into Ireland: So that as soon as the Lord Lieutenant was Landed at Cork, he wrote, the 4th. of October, to the Assembly of the Confederate Catholicks then at Kilkenny, That he was, upon the humble Petition which they had presented to the Queen and Prince, come with full power to conclude a Peace with them, and to that purpose desir’d, that as little time might be lost as was possible; and that Commissioners might be sent to him at his House at Carrick, whither he would go to expect them; within 14 miles of the Place where the Assembly then sate, who were so much gladder of his presence, by the obligation which they had newly received from the Kings Authority: For when the Nuncio and Owen O Neil had thought to have surprized them, and to have compelled them to renounce the Cessation, the Lord Inchequin being sent unto by them for his protection, had march’d with his Army to their relief, and forc’d O Neal over the Shannon, thereby restoring them to liberty and freedom, so that they return’d a message of joy and congratulation to the Lord Lieutenant for his safe arrival, and appointed Commissioners to treat with him at the place appointed.

A Copy of the Marquis of Ormond’s Letter to the Supreme Council afore-mention’d, was gotten by Colonel Jones, and sent over to the Committee of Derby-house; and being read in the House of Commons, it was Voted to be sent down into the Isle of Wight, to the Commissioners then Treating there with the King, to know if he would avow it; and in case he did disavow it, that then he would declare against the Marquis: Whereupon his Majesty signifi’d, That in case other things were compos’d by the Treaty, the Concerns of Ireland should be left wholely to the management of the Houses. And in the interim writes to the Marquis of Ormond this Letter.

C.R.

Right Trusty and Well-beloved Cousin and Counsellor, We greet you well. Whereas We have received several Informations from Our two Houses of Parliament, concerning your proceedings with the Confederate Roman Catholicks in the Kingdom of Ireland, (the several Votes and Extracts whereof We do herewith transmit unto you) and forasmuch as We are now engaged in a Treaty of Peace with Our two Houses, wherein We have made such large Concessions, as We hope will prove the foundation of a blessed Peace. And We having consented by one Article (if the said Treaty take effect) to entrust the Prosecution and Management of the War in Ireland to the Guidance and Advice of Our two Houses; We have therefore thought fit hereby to require you, to desert from any further Proceedings upon the Matters contained in the said Papers: And We expect such Obedience unto this Our Command, that Our Houses desires may be fully satisfi’d.

Given at Newport in the Isle of Wight,the 25th of November, in the 24th Year of Our Reign.

To Our Right Trusty and Well beloved Cousin and Counsellor, James Marquis of Ormond.

As soon as the Parliament received this Letter, some were of opinion that it should be immediately sent to the Marquis of Ormond; yet others (aiming at what afterwards was brought upon the Stage) laid it (as it’s said) aside: We find by the event it produced nothing, for the Treaty proceeded, a Peace ensuing; though (as yet) Owen Roe was so far from being reconcil’d to the Supreme Council, or any that adher’d thereunto, as he fell most violently (in the end of November) upon the Earl of Clanrickard’s Party, gaining Jamestown by Composition, and Drumrusk by the Sword, Rory Mac-Guire (the prime Instrument herein) with several other Officers and Common Soldiers, to the number of 4 or 500 being there slain; Owen Roe’s Party afterwards putting all to the Sword, save Major Bourk his Wife and Children, cruelly harassing the whole County of Roscommon.

The 19th. of October, the Confederate Catholick’s Commissioners came to Carrick, an House of the Marquis’s, where he continued about twenty days, which they spent principally in matters of Religion; in treating whereof, they were so bound and limited by their Instructions, and could make so little progress of themselves, being still to give an account to the Assembly of whatsoever was propos’d or offer’d by the Lord Lieutenant, and to expect its Direction or Determination before they proceed; that for the husbanding of time (which was now very precious, the prevailing Party in England every day more discovering their bloody purposes towards the King) the Assembly thought it fit to desire the Marquis to repair to his own Castle at Kilkenny, which they offered to deliver into his hands, and that (for his Honour and Security) he should bring his own Guards, who should have the reception due to them: And upon this invitation (about the middle of November) he went to Kilkenny; before the entry into which, he was met by the whole Body of the Assembly, and all the Nobility, Clergy, and Gentry, and in the same Town was receiv’d with all those requisite Ceremonies by the Mayor and Aldermen, as such a Corporation use to pay to the Supreme Authority of the Kingdom; so that greater evidence could not be given of an entire union in the desire of the People of returning to the Kings obedience, or of more affection and respect to the Person of the Lord Lieutenant, who by his steady pursuing those professions he had always made, by his neglect and contempt of the Parliamentarians, and their prodigious Power whilst he was in England, by his refusing all Overtures made by them unto him for his particular benefit, if he would live in the Kingdom, and by their declared manifest hatred and malice towards him, was now superiour to all those Calumnies they had aspersed him with: and confessed to be worthy of a joynt trust from the most different and divided Interests and Designs: However, there were so many Passions, and Humours, and Interests to be compli’d with, and all Conclusions to pass the Approbations of so many Votes, that it was the middle of January before all Opinions could be so reconciled, as to produce a perfect and entire Contract and Agreement, which about that time passed with that miraculous consent and unity, that in the whole Assembly, in which there were Catholick Bishops, there was not one dissenting Voice: So that on the 17th. of January, 1648. the whole Assembly repair’d to the Lord Lieutenant in his Castle at Kilkenny, and there with all solemnity imaginable presented him, by the hand of their Chair-man or Speaker, the Articles of Peace, as concluded, assented, and submitted unto by the whole Body of the Catholick Nation of Ireland; which he receiv’d, and solemnly confirm’d on his Majesties behalf, and caus’d the same that day to be Proclaim’d in that Town, to the great joy of all who were present, and it was with all speed accordingly Proclaim’d, and as joyfully receiv’d, in all the Cities and Incorporate Towns which professed any Allegiance to the King throughout the Kingdom; and for the better reception thereof amongst the People, and to manifest the satisfaction and joy they took in it, the Catholick Bishops sent out their Declarations and Letters, that they were abundantly satisfi’d in whatsoever concern’d Religion, and the secure practice thereof: Certainly well they might, for unless it had been at such a time that his Majesty had been reduc’d to the utmost extremity, a Prince could be compell’d to such disingenious and hard terms, could never have been stood upon with a free and generous Prince; in as much as his present Majesty, in his Declaration for the settlement of Ireland, there takes notice, That no body could wonder that he was desirous (though upon difficult conditions) to get such an united Power of his own Subjects, as might have been able (with Gods blessing) to have prevented the infamous and horrid Parricide intended. But how ineffectual this his Indulgence after prov’d, will appear, by these Wretches foolishly forfeiting all the Grace which they might have expected from him. But to proceed. When the Articles of Peace were presented (in that solemn manner to him by the Assembly, after a Speech made by the Chairman) The Lord Lieutenant express’d himself in these words.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

I Shall not speak to those expressions of Duty and Loyalty, so eloquently digested into a Discourse, by the Gentleman appointed by you to deliver your sence; you will presently have in your hands greater and more solid Arguments of his Majesties Gracious acceptance, than I can enumerate, or perhaps you your selves discern: For besides the provision made against the remotest fears, fear of severity of certain Laws, and besides many other Freedoms and Bounties conveyed to you and your Posterity by those Articles, there is a door, and that a large one, not left, but purposely set open to give you entrance, by your future Merit, to whatsoever of Honour and Advantage you can reasonably wish: So that you have in present fruition what may abundantly satisfie, and yet there are no bounds set to your hopes; but you are rather invited, or (to use a new phrase, but to another and better end) you seem to have a Call from Heaven to exercise your Arms and uttermost Fortitude, in the Noblest and Justest Cause the World hath seen; for let all the Circumstances incident to a great and good Cause be examined, and they will be found comprehended in that which you are now warrantably call’d to defend, Religion, not in the narrow circumscribed definition of it, by this or that late found out name, but Christian Religion is our Quarrel, which certainly is as much and fatally struck at (I may say more) by the blasphemous License of this Age, than ever it was by the rudest Incursions of the most barbarous and avowed Enemy to Christianity; the Venerable Laws and Fundamental Constitutions of our Ancestors are trodden under Impious, and, for the most part, Mechanick feet.

The Sacred Person of our King (the Life of those Laws, and Head of those Constitutions) is under an ignominious Imprisonment, and his Life threaten’d to be taken away by the Sacrilegious hands of the basest of the People, that owed him obedience; and (to endear the Quarrel to you) the Fountain of all the benefits you have but now acknowledg’d, and which you may further hope for by this Peace, and your own Merit, is endangered to be obstructed by the execrable murther of the worthiest Prince that ever Ruled these Islands.

In short, Hell cannot add any thing to the desperate Mischiefs now openly projected: and now judge if a greater and more glorious Field was ever set open to Action, and then prepare your selves to enter into it, receiving these few advices from him, that is throughly Embarqu’d with you in the Adventure.

First, let me recommend to you, that to this, as unto all holy Actions, (as certainly this is) you will prepare your selves with perfect Charity, a Charity that may obliterate what-ever Rancor the long continued War may have contracted in you, against any that shall now co-operate with you in so blessed a Work; and let his Engagement with you in this, whoever he is, be (as it ought to be) a Bond of Unity, of Love, of Concord, stronger than the nearest Tyes of Nature.

In the next place, mark and beware of those, who shall go about to renew jealousies in you, under what pretence soever, and account such as the infernal Ministers, imploy’d to promote the black design on foot, to subvert Monarchy, and to make us all slaves to their own avaritious lusts. Away (as soon and as much as possible may be) with distinction of Nation and Parties, which are the fields wherein the seeds of those Rancour-weeds are sown by the great Enemy of our Peace.

In the last place, let us all divest our selves of that preposterous and ridiculous ambition and self-interest, which rather leads to our own threatned general ruine, than to the enjoyment of advantages unreasonably desired.

And if at any time you think your selves pinch’d too near the bone by those Taxes and Levies that may be imposed for your defence, consider then how vain, how foolish a thing it will be to starve a righteous Cause for want of a necessary support, to preserve your selves fat and gilded Sacrifices to the rapine of a merciless Enemy.

And if we come thus well prepared to a Contention so just on our Parts, God will bless our Endeavours with success and victory, or will crown our Sufferings with honour and patience; for what honour will it not be, if God hath so determin’d of us, to perish with a long glorious Monarchy? and who can want patience to suffer with an oppressed Prince? But as our Endeavours, so let our Prayers be vigorous, that he may be delivered from a more unnatural Rebellion, than is mention’d by any Story, now raised to the highest pitch of Success against him.

I should now say something to you as to my self, in Retribution to the advantagious mention made of me and my Endeavours, to the bringing this Settlement to pass: But, I confess, my thoughts were taken up with those much greater Concernments. Let it suffice, that as I wish to be continued in your good Esteem and Affection, so I shall freely adventure upon any hazard, and esteem no trouble or difficulty too great to encounter, if I may manifest any Zeal to this Cause, and discharge some part of the Obligations that are upon me, to serve this Kingdom.

It will not here be necessary to insert the Articles of Peace at large, which are publickly known to the World, though we shall sum them up in brief. It is sufficient that the Lord Lieutenant granted all that was enough, in the Judgements of the Romish Catholick Bishops, and even of the Bishop of Ferns, (that Incendiary, and still waspish Prelate) requisite to a peaceable and secure profession of that Religion, with such countenancing of, and support to it, as from the first planting of it, it had never (in some respects) been possessed of in that Kingdom; but was likewise compelled so far to comply with the Fears and Jealousies of divers, (who by often breaking their Faith, and from a greater guilt were apprehensive, that all that was promised to them, might not be hereafter observed) as to divest himself of that full and absolute Power, that was inherent in his Office, and was never more fit to be exercised, than for the carrying that Design, in which they seem’d all to agree, and to make 12 Commissioners, (nam’d and chosen by the Assembly, to look to the observation and performance of the said Articles, until the same should be ratified, in a full and peaceable Convention of Parliament) joynt sharers with him in his Authority: So that he could neither levy Souldiers, raise Money, or so much as erect Garrisons, without the approbation and consent of the major part of those Commissioners; the danger and mischief of which limitation and restraint he foresaw enough, but found the uniting that People, and composing them to an entire confidence in the Peace, (which could be compassed no other way) was so necessary, that he could not sacrifice too much to it: And then the abilities and the affections of the Commissioners, were so well known and approved by him, that having most of them (in appearance) the same good Ends with him, he presum’d, he should with less difficulty be able to perswade, which were the nearest and most natural ways that conduced thereunto.

The Heads of the Articles of Peace, 1648.

1. That the Roman Catholicks of Ireland have free Exercise of Religion, all Penalties taken off, not obliged to the Oath of Supremacy, to enjoy all Churches and Church-Livings they have in present possession, and the Exercise of Jurisdiction therein.

2. That a Parliament be had within 6 months, or when after the Roman Catholicks shall desire.

3. That all Laws made in the Parliament of England since 1641. in blemish of the Catholicks, are at the next Parliament to be vacated.

4. All Indictments against any Catholicks since 1641. be vacated.

5. All Impediments to be taken away, that Catholicks be elected in Parliament.

6. All Debts to remain as they were Feb. 8. 1641. notwithstanding any Attainder.

7. The Estates of the Knights, Gentlemen, and Freeholders of Connaght, Clare, Thomond, Limerick, and Tipperary, be secured by an Act.

8. All Incapacities of the Natives in Ireland be taken away by Act.

9. All Honours, Trusts, Imployments, or such like, be conferred as well upon Catholicks as Protestants.

10. That the King take 12000£ per annum, in lieu of the Court of Wards.

11. No Noblemen to have more Proxies than two in Parliament, and all Blanks to be null.

12. That the depending of the Parliament of Ireland upon England, shall be as both shall agree and stand with the Laws of Ireland.

13. That the Council-Table meddle only with Matters of State.

14. That all Acts forbidding the Transport of Wooll, be null’d by the next Parliament.

15. That if any have been wrong’d by Grants from King James, or since, they may Petition, and have Relief in Parliament.

16. That divers particular Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen, who have been (as they conceiv’d) wrong’d, shall now be righted.

17. That all who had their Estates taken from them in Cork, Toughall, and Dungarvan, have restoration or Rent.

18. That in the next Parliament an Act of Oblivion pass to all in Ireland, and that adhered to them.

19. That no Officer of Eminency in Ireland farm the Customs.

20. An Act to pass against Monopolists.

21. That the Court of Castle-Chamber be regulated.

22. That the Acts for prohibiting plowing with Horses by the Tayls, and burning Oats in the Straw, be null.

23. An Act for taking off the Grievances of the Kingdom.

24. That Maritime Causes be determin’d in Ireland.

25. That no Rents be rais’d upon the Subjects, under pretence of defective Titles.

26. That Interest-Money be forgiven from 1641.

27. That all this be acted, and be of force, till a Parliament agree the same.

28. The Commissioners for the Catholicks that treated, agree upon such as shall be Commissioners of the Peace, and hear all Causes under 10£

29. That all Governours of Towns, Castles and Places, made by the King, be with the Approbation of the Catholick Commissioners.

30. That none of his Majesty’s Rents be paid, until a full Settlement in Parliament.

31. That the Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer do try Murthers, Stealing, and all inferiour Trespasses of that nature.

32. That hereafter such Differencies as shall arise between Subjects, be determin’d by a Court in Ireland, not transfer’d to England.

33. That the Roman Clergy, that behave themselves according to the Agreement, be not molested.

Lastly, That his Majesty please to grant what-ever else is necessary for the Roman Catholicks.

Upon which Peace, the Marquess of Ormond, the Lord Taaff, and that Party, engag’d to raise for Munster, 4000 Foot and 800 Horse; the supream Council and Preston for Leimster, 4000 Foot and 800 Horse; Inchiquin, 3000 Foot and 600 Horse; the Lord of Clanrickard for Connaght, proportionable to the first: In all, 15000 Foot and 3000 Horse, besides what Owen Roe (upon his uniting afterwards) might bring in, computed to be 5000 Foot and 500 Horse, that in the whole, a gallanter Army (had they been unanimous) could scarce have been marshall’d.

With what Consent and Unity soever this Peace was made, by those who had any pretence to Trust, or to whom there was the least Deputation of Authority and Power by the Nation, yet Owen O Neal (with whom the Earl of Antrim joyn’d) had the greatest Influence upon the Humours and Inclinations of the old Irish, who had given themselves up to the Nuncio, and who indeed had a better disciplin’d, and consequently a stronger Army at his Command, than the Confederates thought he could have gain’d to his Devotion, still refused to submit to it. So that the Lord Lieutenant, (as soon as the Peace was concluded) was as well to provide against him, to remove some Garrisons he held, which infested those who obeyed the Acts of the Assembly, and to prevent his Incursion, as to raise an Army against the Spring, to march against the English, who were possessed of Dublin, and all the Countrey, and important Places of that Circuit, and who, he was sure, would be supplied with all assistance of Shipping, Men, Money, Victuals and Ammunition, which the Parliament of England (who had now murthered their Sovereign, and incorporated themselves under the Name and Title of a Common-wealth) could send them. And he was in a worse condition to prevail against both these, by the unhappy Temper and Constitution of the Scots in Ulster, who, being very numerous, and possessed of the strong Towns, (though in profession they abhorred the Regicides, and were not reconcilable to Owen O’Neal and his Party) were (as yet) as un-inclined to the Peace made with the Confederates, and far from paying an obedience and full submission, to the Orders and Government of the Lord Lieutenant, maintaining, at the same time, the Presbyterian Form in their Church, and an utter Independency in the State, and out of those contradictory Ingredients, compounding such a peevish and wayward Affection and Duty to the King, as could not be applied to the bearing any part, in the great Work the Marquess was incumbent to.

As soon as he heard of the Murther of the King, he proclaim’d our present Sovereign, Charles the 2d. King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, at Carrick, the 16th. of Feb. 1648.

And being (by a Clause in his late Commission from his Majesty) qualified with special Power and Authority, to make no distinction (in difference of Judgement) betwixt any who should subject their Assistance to his Majesty’s Service, he soon won the Scots to a compliance, though under the shackles of their Covenant, who immediately us’d the most favourable Arguments they could, to win Sir Charles Coot to their Party. And to that end, (from the Congregation of the Presbytery at Belfast, the 15th. of Feb. 1648.) they tempt him (by several Representations) with their Sence: To which, the 7th. of March ensuing, Sir Charles Coot, and the Council of War, (held at London-derry) return’d these Reasons, for their Dis-agreement.

First, We find no part of God’s Word authorizing us, being but a Branch of a subordinate Kingdom, to declare against the Parliament of England, under whom we serve, who are the visible Authority of both Kingdoms, and against an Army, acting by their Power, before we receive from themselves a Declaration, and Grounds of those Proceedings, wherewith they are aspers’d.

Secondly, For the Covenant we have taken, on which your Representations seem to be grounded, we cannot find, we have sworn to act, according to the Principles you now declare: For, in some things, if we admit of your Representation, we shall be necessitated to act, against what we have sworn unto in the Covenant. For,

The first Article, wherein we are bound to a preservation of the present Discipline in Scotland; we are in the same Article obliged, to a Reformation of the same in England and Ireland, according to the Word of God, and the Example of the best Reformed Churches, which (no doubt) the Parliament will in due time establish: In the interim, we are un-satisfied with any Power, that acts in this Case, without their Direction.

For what you speak in relation to the King’s Person, we have yet no certainty out of England, concerning that Matter, and it is an action of so transcendent degree, that till we receive some positive Resolution concerning it from England, we ought not to proceed in giving our Sence of it.

In the 5th. Article of the Covenant, we are sworn to endeavour the continuing the Kingdoms in Union, in which we desire your selves to be Judges, if the publishing of your Representations, be a probable way to observe the Oath.

In the 6th. Article, we are sworn to defend those joyn’d with us in this Covenant, and not to suffer our selves directly or indirectly to combine against them: Now, till we receive a full Declaration of their falling from those Principles of this Covenant, how can we with safety to our own Consciences, declare a War against them, without breaking the Covenant in this Particular?

In the next place, We find some things in your Representations, wherein (as we conceive) you are not rightly informed.

First, In that you say, The Parliament hath broken the Covenant, in opposing the Presbyterial Government; which can no ways appear, since the same Government, by their appointment, is observ’d throughout England, and that the Covenant obligeth them to establish the Government no further, than is agreeable to God’s Word.

Secondly, You say, That you have deeply sworn in the first Article, to maintain the Church-Government, as it is in the Church of Scotland; which they have not sworn, the part of the Oath, for preservation of the Government, relating only to the Kingdom of Scotland, and the Reformation of Religion, to the Kingdoms of England and Ireland.

Thirdly, ‘Tis affirmed, That the Power now governing in England, doth labour to establish by Law an universal toleration of all Religions; which yet was never done by them.

Lastly, The sad Consequences which will un-avoidably follow, if we pursue the Intention of the Representations, are these:

First, By declaring such an open War against the Parliament, we should deprive our selves of all Succours and Supplies out of England, which have been hitherto a great part of our subsistence.

Secondly, The pursuing of such a War, will un-avoidably sow such Divisions amongst us, who, in these Parts, are of such different Principles and Practices, that we shall soon become instruments of our own ruine.

Thirdly, It will compel us, for our own preservation, to joyn with the Rebels, or desert this Kingdom.

And lastly, It will, without any lawful Call, engage us in a War against an Army, who have, under God, been the instruments of redeeming England out of thraldom, and was not long since acknowledged to have been so instrumental, in setling Scotland in the Peace and Quietness it now enjoyeth, and this at the Charge of England, as the Declaration of the Kingdom of Scotland doth thankfully witness.

These things therefore being duely weighed, we desire you, in the fear of God, seriously to take this our Answer into your Considerations, and to remember on whom the guilt of innocent blood will fall, if you inforce a War; and to set before your eyes, the punishment from Heaven, which hath still attended the Endeavours of all, who have deserted the Quarrel in this Kingdom, to engage against the Parliament of England. From visible Judgements, we are resolv’d, by God’s assistance, to take so good warning, as we will not be guilty of destroying the Cause, we have so long labour’d into countenance for your Representations, till we be better satisfied in our Consciences, though we will not directly or indirectly countenance any Sectaries or Schismaticks, who-ever is truely so called, contrary to our Solemn League and Covenant; but we will, to the utmost of our Endeavours, continue faithful in the prosecution of the Rebels in this Kingdom, and their Abettors, wherein we shall not doubt of the Blessing and Protection of the Almighty, upon our lawful and just Endeavours. And for furtherance hereof, we desire, in the last place, that we should all declare against the Peace last made by the Lord Marquess of Ormond, as that which will (if not protested against) ruine and destroy your Service of this Kingdom, against the Rebels.

Here it’s evident, that Sir Charles Coot could by no ways be brought on; yet the Peace being settled, his Excellency endeavour’d to work over Lieutenant General Jones to his Party; to which end his Excellency vouchsafed to write to him many Letters from Thurles, the 27. of March, 1649. all answer’d without the least compliance on Jones’s side. He, by his Reply the 31. of March, 1649. charging the fatal and inhumane Act (perpetrated on his Majesty) to his Excellency’s arrival in Ireland, during the Treaty at Carisbrook, whereby the sincerity of that Treaty was question’d, occasionally (writes he) producing what thereupon followed; so as in conclusion he professed, That were there neither King or Parliament, he should yet stand firm to his Principles, to preserve the English Interest in Ireland, that being a Cause alien from what was acted in England, Foraign to his Work and Trust, which if he should not perform; would not easily be expiated by a slender or lean Manifest: upon which no more Letters pass’d betwixt them; though the Lord Inchequin in June, from the Camp at Finglass, 1649. renewed the Attempt, and was answer’d with the like Resolution, and some Reflections on his Lordship.

About which time, Ireland came again to be seriously thought of by the Parliament, though hitherto it was (in some respects) made a Stale for several Designs then on foot. Jones was much confided in; but it was thought requisite, the weight of that Business should lye on other shoulders, not his; Cromwel therefore (about the 28 of March) was voted General of Ireland, Skippon (under the Title of Martial General) having refused the Command; and these ensuing Votes passed thereupon.

1. That such Regiments as should be alloted for the Irish Service, should have their Arrears audited, stated, and Debentors given for their respective Services.
2. That visible Security should be given, so that any Friend (or other, being intrusted with a Debentor) might receive it at a time prescrib’d by the Parliament.
3. That those who go for Ireland, should be first satisfied for their Arrears, since 1645.
4. That out of the 120000£ per mensem, for England and Ireland, three months Pay should be given to those that go.
5. That private Souldiers, and non-Commission-Officers, should receive 2 Months Pay of Arrears; and Commission-Officers, under a Captain, one Months Pay.
6. That Magazines for Provisions be settled at Bristol, Chester, Liverpool, Beaumaris, and Milford.
7. That a sufficient Squadron of Ships be appointed for the Irish Coast.
8. That Ships should be Victuall’d at Dublin, Liverpool, and Beaumaris, and a Court of Admiralty should be erected at Dublin, to prevent their coming into England, to dispose of Prizes, and so neglect the Service.
9. That the Pay of the Officers and Souldiers, should be according to the Irish Establishment, onely the Officers to receive for the present, the same Pay as here.
10. That an Hospital for sick and maim’d Souldiers, should be erected at Dublin.
11. That the Parliaments Forces already in Ireland, and those then ready to go over, should be in one Army, and one Establishment.
12. That 5000 Quarters of bread-Corn, 200 Tun of Salt, 200 Tun of Cheese, should be transported with those who now go over.
13. A Competent Train of Artillery, with Arms, Ammunition, &c. should be sent, and a care to be taken to send over Recruits of Horse, as there should be occasion.
Lastly, That there be Recruits of Horse, Foot, Arms, Saddles, &c. ready to supply the Service of Ireland, to be sent over, as need shall require.

Thus provided, Cromwel prepares for his Journey; though to accommodate him with an Army of 8000 Foot, and 4000 Horse, no small difference arose betwixt the Presbyterian and Independent at that time, undermining each other, the Levellers being pragmatick; He, however, carried over some of the discontented Persons on each side, finding them there work enough against a common Enemy: And so prepared for his Journey, 120000£ being borrowed of the City, upon the Credit of the Ordinance of 90000£ a month. In the interim, he gets Sir Theophilus Jones, (who was sent to the Parliament from his Brother) dispatch’d for Ireland with 1500 Quarters of Corn, and 10000£ in Money, little enough to hearten the Souldiers, frequently then deserting the Parliament, and flying to the Marquess of Ormond; yea, the Regiment the Parliament (sent under Colonel Tuthil, being made up of Voluntiers, most of those engaged in Colchester Design) mutinied, being sent over without Money, Provisions, or Cloaths, thereby indangering the City more then the Marquess.

The Scots, in the interim, in a Remonstrance and Declaration, (to which, on the least Motive, they are naturally inclin’d) of the general Assembly of the Church of Scotland, concerning present and eminent danger, the 13th. of Febr. 1649. declared, amongst other things, as Grievances, That the standing Armies in Ireland, under the Marquess of Ormond, the Lord Inchequin, and the Lords of Ards, and George Monro, forgetting all the horrible cruelty that was exercised by the Irish Rebels, upon many thousands of the English and Scottish Nations in that Land, have enter’d into a Peace and Association with them, that they may the more easily carry on the old Designs of the Popish, Prelatical, and Malignant Party; and the Lords of Ards, and George Monro, have by treachery and oppression, brought the Province of Ulster, and Garrisons therein, under their Power and Commands; which urging (with much violence) afterwards produced a Declaration from the King, in dislike of the Peace, 1648. much insisted on by the Irish, and indeed (as you will hear) begat the grounds of a future distast.

So that whosoever will wisely revolve and consider this wilde Conjuncture of Affairs, and that to the subduing the Power, Strength, and Wealth, of the Parliament, and the equal malice and headiness of Owen O Neal, and his Party (as much, or in truth, more contracted against the Confederate Irish, then the Kings Authority) and the forming and disposing the useless, and unprofitable pretences of affection in the Scots, and reducing them to obedience, the Marquess brought over with him neither Men nor Money, considerable, nor any advantage, but that of his own Person, Wisdom, and Reputation, and was now (upon the Peace) to constitute an Army, not only of several Nations, and Religions, and of such Passion, and Superciliousness in these Opinions, which flowed from their several Religions, but of such men, who had for about the space of eight years, prosecuted a sharp War against each other, with all the Circumstances of Animosities, Rapine, and Revenge; and who were now brought into this Reconciliation and Conjunction, rather by the wonderful Wisdom, and Dexterity of the Principal Commanders, then by their own Charity and Inclination; And that in the forming of this Army, he had not above 6 or 7 Officers, upon whose skill in Martial Affairs, and affection to him, he could with any confidence depend; but was to make use of very many, who were utterly unknown to him, and such who either had no experience in the War, or who had been alway in the War against him; I say, whosoever without passion considers all this, will rather wonder, that the Marquess did not sink under the weight of the first Attempt, nay, that he could proceed with success, in any one Enterprize, then that an Army so made up, should upon the first mis-adventure be dissolv’d into jealousies and prejudices, amongst themselves; and that all confusions should follow, which naturally attend such Compositions.

As soon as the Peace was thus concluded, proclaim’d and accepted, the Lord Lieutenant took a survey of the Stores of Arms, Ammunition, and other Provisions necessary for the Army, which was to be brought together in the Spring, and found all very short of what he expected, and what was absolutely necessary to the Work, and ways for raising of Money, with which all the rest was to be supplied, in no degree to be depended upon; The Cities, and Incorporate Towns, where, upon the matter all the Wealth was, having never submitted further to the General Assembly, then by declaring themselves to be of their Party; but like so many Common-Wealths, order’d all Contributions, and payments of Money, by their own Acts and Determinations; nor would upon the most Emergent occasions, suffer any Money to be rais’d in any other proportion, or in any other manner, then best agreed with their Humours and Conveniencies. So that the Commissioners, advised and besought the Lord Lieutenant, to make a Journey in Person, to such of those Corporations, as were best able to assist him, and by his own Presence, Assistance, and Interest, endeavour to perswade them, to express that affection to the Peace, they had professed; And thereupon he went with a Competent number of the Commissioners, to Waterford, which gave 8000£ and 3000 Barrels of Corn; and from thence he went to Limerick, and then to Gallway, and Kilkenny, from which several Places, he procured the Loan of more Money, Corn, and Ammunition, then the General Assembly had ever been able to do, for most of which last, he was forced to bargain with Patrick Archer, and other Merchants, for a Supply thereof, engaging the Kings Customs, and the tenths of Prizes, for payment; and by this means, which cost him much labour and time, he found himself in a condition, to draw several Forces together; which he did about the beginning of May, having made the Lord Inchequin, Lieutenant-General of the Army; the Earl of Castlehaven, Lieutenant-General of the Horse; and the Lord Taaff, Master of the Ordnance, at the General Randezvouz at Cashol, whilst the Scots reduc’d Ulster, and Connaght; and it being thought fit, to lose as little time as might be, in marching towards Dublin, as soon as any considerable number of men were once together; he sent the Earl of Castlehaven with some Forces, to take in several Garrisons, which were possessed by Owen O Neal in the Queen’s County, which was the way he intended to march, and so would have no Enemy in his Rear; And the Earl of Castlehaven, accordingly took the Fort of Maryborrough, and other Places in that County, and Athy, and Reban, in the County of Kildare, whereby their passage was open for the further March.

Having thus began the Campania, the Lord Lieutenant appointed a General Randezvouz for the whole Army, at Cloghgrenan, alias Glaughgrenan, an house of his upon the River Barrow, near the Castle of Caterlaugh, where he made a Conjunction of all the Forces, Protestant and Irish; Who by the Wisdom and Temper of the Principal Officers, mingled well enough, and together about the end of May, made a Body, as (it’s generally reported) of 3700 Horse, and 14500 Foot, with a Train of Artillery, consisting of four Pieces of Cannon; But when they were thus met, all the Money which could be rais’d by the Commissioners, or which had been rais’d by the Corporate Towns, was so near spent in drawing the Forces out of their Quarters, and in those short Expeditions into the Queen’s County, and County of Kildare, that they could not have advanced in their March, if the Lord Lieutenant had not upon his own Private Credit, borrowed 800£ of Sir James Preston, by means whereof, he gave the Common Souldiers four days Pay; and so about the beginning of June, marched from Cloghgrenan, and the same Evening, appear’d before Talbots Town, a strong Garrison of the Enemies, which together with Castle Talbot, two miles distant from the other, was within 3 days surrendred to the Marquess, upon promise of Quarter, which they had; and then he march’d to Kildare, which Town was likewise surrendred unto him; as were Castle Sallogh, and Castle Carby, at Kildare; He was compelled to stay 3 or 4 days, both for want of Provision, and for a Recruit of 2000 Foot, which by the Lord Inchequin’s Care and Diligence, was then upon their March, and being join’d, he was in hope by a suddain and speedy Motion, to have engaged Jones, (who at that time, viz. 12. of June, was march’d from Dublin, as far as Johnstown, with his Army, consisting of 1000 Horse, and 3000 Foot,) and so having encouraged his Souldiers with 3 days Pay, (which he was likewise compelled to borrow on his Credit, out of the Pockets of Persons of Quality, attending on him, and of the Officers of the Army) he passed the River of Lifly; and Jones having upon intelligence of his Motion, in great disorder rais’d his Camp, and retir’d into Dublin; after that Major Cadogan, by his Command, had done notable and severe Service about Tecroghan, burning the Countrey, not in 5 years before Visited, and had beaten a part of the Marquess’s Forces, though he got not so much by his Victory (though considerable) as Jones afterwards lost by Treachery, the Garrison of Allan being delivered up for 200£ The Marquess encamped his whole Army at the Naas, twelve miles from Dublin, that he might maturely deliberate what was next to be undertaken, being now the middle of June.

That which appeared worthy of debate was, whether the Army should first make an Attempt upon Dublin, in which it was believ’d there were very many both Officers and Souldiers, and other Persons of Quality, well affected to the Kings service, and who had formerly served under the Marquess, and esteem’d him accordingly, who might make that work more easy; Or whether the Army should be first imployed in the taking in of Trim, Tredagh, and other out-Garrisons, from whence the City receiv’d much Provisions of all kinds, and from whence Provisions to the Army would be cut off, and much other prejudice might arise. But upon full consideration, the Council of War, which consisted of the General Officers, inclined to the former; concluding, that if they could take Dublin, all other places would quickly fall into their hands; and if they should delay it, and waste their Provisions in those lesser Attempts, there might probably arrive out of England, such supplies of Men, Money, and other necessaries to Jones, which were daily expected as might render that important work almost impossible: Hereupon, the Lord Lieutenant marched the very next morning toward Dublin, and that afternoon, re-passed the whole over the River of Liffy, by the Bridge of Lucan, and encamped near that place, to rest his men a few hours: He marched very early in the morning, being the 19th. of June, and appear’d by nine of the Clock at a place called Castleknock, in view of the City; and hearing that Jones had drawn out all his Horse into the Green, not far from the Walls, he sent a Party of Horse and Musketiers to face them, while he drew his whole Body, within less then Cannon-shot of their Gates, hoping thereby to give some countenance to those in the Town, to raise some Commotion therein; and having spent some part of the day in this posture and expectation, after some slight skirmishes between the Horse, writes one; others say considerable, where the Earl of Clanrickards Regiment of Horse was sorely beaten, though they ralli’d twice; He found it necessary to draw off, and encamped that night at a place two miles from the Town, called Finglas, whither great multitudes of Roman Catholicks, whereof most were aged Men, Women, and Children, whom Jones had turned out of the City, repair’d to him, whom he sent with all due Order, for their Reception, into Quarters adjacent.

The Marquess was no sooner in his Quarters, then he receiv’d sure intelligence, that Jones had sent his Horse to Tredagh, from whence they would have been able to have distressed his Army several ways, and to have interrupted Provision which came out of the Countrey, out of the Magazines, which were at least 30 miles distant; And several Officers were of opinion; upon the view they had taken that day of the Enemy, and the countenance they had observed of their own men, that they were not presently provided for a formal Siege, and as ill to attack the Town by a brisk attempt; and therefore he resolv’d to remain encamp’d at that place for some time, whereby he might take the advantage of any opportunity, that within the Town would administer unto him: and presently sent the Lord Inchequin, Lieutenant-General of the Army, with a strong Party of Horse, to pursue Jones his Horse, which were sent for Tredagh; which he did so successfully, that he surprized one whole Troop, and afterwards encountred Colonel Chidley Coot, in the head of 300 Horse, whereof he slew many, and routed the rest, who in great disorder fled to Tredagh. The Lord Inchequin presently sent advertisement of this success, and that he had reason to believe, that if he pursued this advantage, and attempt the Town, while this terror possessed that Party, he should make himself Master of it; whereupon (in respect of the great importance of the Place, the reduction whereof would produce a secure correspondence with, and give encouragement to the Scots in Ulster, who made great professions (in which they were ever free) of Duty to the King, and had now under the conduct of the Lord Viscount Montgomery of Ards, driven Sir Charles Coot into the City of London-derry, and upon the matter beleagu’d him there) the Lord Lieutenant by the advice of the Council of War, approved the Lord Inchequin’s Design, and to that purpose sent him two Regiments of Foot, and two Pieces of Artillery, and such Ammunition and Materials, as could be spared; wherewith he proceeded so vigorously, that within 7 days, he compelled the besieged to yield to honourable Conditions, so reduced Tredagh to the Kings Obedience, after he had been twice beaten off; the Town having not above 600 Men, who had spent all their Ammunition, left to defend so large a circuit, some of which afterwards revolted to the Marquess; and Colonel Coot, with 150 Horse, and near 400 Foot, march’d to Dublin.

There was now very reasonable ground for hope, that the Parliaments Party would quickly find themselves in notable streights and distresses, when it was on a suddain discover’d, how very active and dexterous, the spirit of Rebellion is to reconcile and unite those, who were possessed by it, and how contrary soever their Principles and Ends seem to be, and contribute jointly to the opposing and oppressing that Lawful Power, they had both equally injured and provoked. The Parliament Party, who had heap’d so many Reproaches and Calumnies upon the King, for his Clemency to the Irish, who had founded their own Authority and Strength upon such foundations, as were inconsistent with any toleration of the Roman Catholick Religion, and some write (so bitter are their Pens) even with Humanity to the Irish Nation, and more especially to those of the old Native Extraction, the whole Race whereof they had (upon the matter) sworn to an utter extirpation; And Owen O Neal himself was of the most antient Sept, and whose Army consisted onely of such, who avowed no other cause for their first entrance into Rebellion, but Matter of Religion; and that the Power of the Parliament, was like to be so great and prevalent, that the King himself would not be able to extend his Favours and Mercy towards them, which they seem’d to be confident, he was (in his gracious disposition) inclined to express; and therefore professed to take up Arms against the exorbitant Power onely of them, and to retain hearts full of Devotion and Duty to his Majesty; and who at present, by the under-hand and secret Treaties with the Lord Lieutenant, seem’d more irreconcilable to the Proceedings of the General Assembly, and to the Persons of those whom he thought govern’d there, then to make any scruple of submitting to the Kings Authority, in the Person of the Marquess, to which and to whom, he protested all Duty and Reverence. These two so contrary and dis-agreeing Elements, had, I say, by the subtile and volatile spirit of Hypocrisy and Rebellion (the Arts of the time) found a way to incorporate together; and Owen O Neal had promised and contracted with the other, that he would compel the Lord Lieutenant to retire, and draw off his Army from about Dublin, by his invading those Parts of Leimster, and Munster, with his Army, which yielded most, yea, all the Provisions and subsistance to the Marquess, and which he presumed the Marquess would not suffer to be spoil’d and desolated by his Incursions: for the better doing whereof, and enabling him for this Expedition, Colonel Monk, Governor of Dundalk, (who was the second Person in Command, amongst the Parliaments Forces) had promised to deliver to him, out of the stores of that Garrison, a good quantity of Powder, Bullet, and Match, proportionable; for the fetching whereof, Owen O Neal had sent Farral (Lieutenant General of his Army) with a Party of 500 Foot, and 300 Horse. At that time Tredagh was taken by the Lord Inchequin; who, being there advertised of that new contracted friendship, resolved to give some interruption to it, and made so good hast, that within few hours after Farral had receiv’d the Ammunition at Dundalk, he fell upon him, routed all his Horse, and of the 500 Foot, there were not 40 escaped, but were either slain, or taken Prisoners, and got all the Ammunition, and with it so good an Account of the present state of Dundalk, that he immediately engaged before it, and assisted by the Lord of Ards, (who a little before, had been chosen by the Presbyterian Ministers, their Commander in Chief, thereby possessing himself of Carrigfergus, and Belfast) in two days compelled Monk (who would else have been delivered up by his own Souldiers) to surrender the Place, where was a good Magazeen of Ammunition, Cloath, and other Necessaries for War; most of the Officers and Souldiers, with all alacrity engaging themselves in his Majesties service; though the Governor Shipt himself for England, and landing shortly after at Chester, he went immediately to Bristol, where Cromwel (the Parliaments Lord Lieutenant) was then to come for Ireland; who receiv’d him very courteously; but, after he had remain’d some days there, advised him to go up to the Parliament, to give them satisfaction, in the Cessation he had made with Owen Roe O Neal, the 8th. of May, 1649. which he did; And the business of that Cessation being brought into the House, it was much resented; and after some debate, (more then ordinarily had on other occasions) several severe Votes passed against it; onely Colonel Monk, being conceived to have made it out of a good intent, for preserving the Interest of the Parliament, was held to be clear, and not thought fit hereafter to be question’d: But this was taken as a fair way of laying him aside; whereupon Colonel Monk retir’d to his own Estate, unhappy onely in being the Instrument of their preservation, who were not sensible of his Merits.

And now that all Parties might be kept entire, the Marquess of Ormond publishes a Declaration, upon Instructions from the King, design’d purposely for Ulster.

After my hearty Commendations, upon some Representations, that have been lately made unto us, we have thought fit, to send you down the ensuing Instructions:

First, That so far as your Power extends, you cause every Person, without distinction, who have submitted to his Majesties Authority, and to the Peace of this Kingdom, to be put into the actual possession of his Estate, he paying, and contributing to the maintenance of the Army, and necessary burdens of the Countrey, proportionable to the rest of his Neigbours.

2. That you cause the Articles of War to be put in execution, amongst all the Forces under your Command, whereof we send you down herewithall a Copy.

3. Whereas it is well known to belong to us, as General of the Army, in this Kingdom under his Majesty, to dispose of all Military Offices and Commands, whether in Chief or Subordinate, which Right we cannot in Honour suffer to be lost from the Sword; and whereas some Commissions lately have been Procured, giving Power to other Commanders, to name and place all sorts of Military Officers, under the respective Commands; in which Commissions nevertheless, and much more in the Instructions, there is an express reference to us, and to our Approbation, from which they are to receive their validity. We do therefore Order and Declare our Pleasure thereby, That no Commander whatsoever, within the Province of Ulster, do assume to themselves, the nomination of Military Officers, as Colonels, Lieutenant-Colonels, Majors, Captains, Lieutenants, Cornets, or Ensigns, upon pretence of any late Commission, but leave them to our discretion, as in this Kingdom hath ever been accustomed.

4. If any Person shall speak or act to the prejudice of his Majesties Authority, or Affairs, let him upon proof be forthwith Imprisoned, and his Estate secured, and an Information sent up to us of the nature of his Crime, that we may give further Order therein. And if any Ecclesiastical Person in his Prayer or Sermon, shall presume to exercise the People to Sedition or Disobedience, or shall intermeddle in Pulpit or Consistory with the managery of Civil Affairs, or shall derogate from the present Government or Governours of this Kingdom, or shall teach, that his Majesty is not to be admitted to the possession of his Crown, until he hath given satisfaction to his Subjects, or until he have taken such Oaths and Covenants, as are impos’d upon him, without his Consent, without Law, contrary to the Dictates of his own Conscience; upon proof thereof, without further Circumstance, let his Estate be confiscated to the use of the Army, and himself be either imprisoned, or banished, or tryed for his Life, as the Enemy shall deserve.

5. If there be any Person whose Loyalty is suspected, let the Chief in Command upon the Place, administer unto him the Oath of Allegiance; and if he refuse it, let them secure both his Person and Estate, and send up an information to us, that we may cause proofs to be made against him.

6. Although we cannot now take notice of the Scotch Army in this Kingdom, or of any, distinct from that which is committed into our hands by his Majesty; we expecting a joynt obedience of all Forces, English, Scotch, and Irish, indifferently, as branches of the Army under our Command; yet in respect your old Quarters are straightn’d by the Garrison of Belfast, by our very good Lord, the Lord Vicount Montgomery of the Ards; we are well pleased in lieu thereof, to assign unto you for the enlargement of your Quarters, so much of the Countreys of Antrim, as was possessed or enjoyed by Sir John Clotworthie’s Regiment, now disbanded of themselves; and because we cannot but judge, that this dissolution of them proceeds from the aversness to his Majesties Service, and therefore we require that none of them be admitted into any Troops, as Horsemen, or Dragooners.

7. For Answer to your other Proposition; if any Postage shall be sent down from them, or from the other Provinces of the Kingdom, into Ulster, for his Majesties Service upon any occasion: it is our Pleasure, they have their Quarter and Provision for the present in these Quarters, through which they pass; but the whole Province of Ulster is to contribute proportionably towards the Charge.

8. Let the Siege of Derry be prosecuted by the common advice of the Lord Vicount Mountgomery of Ardes, Robert Stewart, Sir George Monro, and Colonel Audley Meryin.

9. We desire the said four Persons last mention’d likewise to consider and certifie, what fit Augmentation of Quarter and further Provision, may be assign’d to the Regiment and Troops of Esteline without prejudice, or with the least prejudice to any other of his Majesties Forces.

ORMOND.

Upon the Lord Inchiquin’s success at Dundalk, the lesser Garrisons of Newry, Narrow-water, Green-Castle, and Carlingford, were easily subjected; and the Lord Inchiquin, in his return, being appointed to visit the Town of Trim, the onely Garrison left to the Parliamentarians in those parts, except Dublin, in two days after he had besieged it, he made himself Master of it, and so return’d with his Party (not impair’d by the Service) to the Lord Lieutenant in his Camp at Finglass. Owen O Neil still continued his affection to the Parliamentarians; and when he found that his design of drawing the Marquis of Ormond’s Army from Dublin could not prevail, he hastned into Ulster, and upon the payment of 2000£ in money, some Ammunition, and about 2000 Cows, he rais’d the Siege of London-derry the 8th. of August, the onely considerable Place in that Province, which held for the Parliament under Sir Charles Coot, and which was even then reduc’d to the last extremity, by the Lord Viscount Mountgomery of Ardes, Sir George Monro, Sir Robert Stewart, Colonel Audley Mervin, and others, and must in few days have submitted to the Kings Authority, if it had not (in that manner) been relieved by the Irish under O Neil, with whom Colonel Richard Coal, in the behalf of Sir Charles Coot (Lord President of Connaght) had made Articles of Cessation, (as Colonel Monk had done before) on the grounds of necessity, the 22. of May, 1649. the benefit of which he acquainted the State with, desiring that the Propositions presented by him might be accepted; which was thought by them a demand so extravagant, and of such dangerous consequence to the whole Kingdom, as it was ill resented (Owen Roe and his Party having been first engaged in those horrid Massacres) and presently rejected: And though Sir Charles Coot was not censur’d, because it was presum’d he did it out of necessity; yet several Votes passed against him as to that Cessation, though he was continued in his Imployment; and having received the pleasure of the Parliament concerning the Cessation made by him with Owen Roe, presently acquainted him therewith, who, according to Articles betwixt them, did soon retire, and, as we shall see afterwards, came to an agreement with the Marquis of Ormond, finding he could not by any means (he could use) draw himself or his Party to be accepted of by the Parliament, an attempt he earnestly solicited, engaging to maintain their Interest with the hazard of his Life and Fortune against all opposers whatsoever; with whom joyn’d the Lords, Gentry, and Commons of the Confederate Catholicks of Ulster: though many were of opinion, that all that was done both by Sir Charles Coot and Colonel Monk, was transacted by the privity (if not consent) of the Grandees in England; but the Grounds to fasten this upon them could never be found, though the business hath been narrowly search’d into: Known it was, that there was a Person sent over, and many Overtures made by a Priest O Rely to the Committee of Derby-house, but with whatreception, the certainty yet remains in the Clouds. However, Sir Charles Coot having by this means delivered himself from the straitness of a Siege, and having received some new supplies of Men and Provisionsout of England, (Colonel Hunks being sent from Cromwel with Forces to his Relief) presently marched out, and clear’d the Countrey about him; and afterwards in October got such a strength together, as he went to Colerain, and took in that Town by Anslat, and so went on to the Siege of Carigfergus. However, he so resents the Parliaments slow supplies, as (in June this year) there is exhibited his complaint, truly a sad one, in reference to their neglect, and in conclusion desires either to be suppli’d answerable to his condition, or to be discharg’d from his Employment.

But to look backwards. All the Places of Moment near Dublin being (as we have shew’d) reduc’d by the Marquis Ormond’s Party, who on the 24th. of July took a view of his whole Army, and found it to consist of no less than 7000 Foot and about 4000 Horse, others write more; which though a good Force, was not equal to the work of forming a Regular Siege of so large and populous a City as Dublin, and as unfit to storm it; therefore it was resolv’d still to continue the former design of straitning it, until the necessities within abated the obstinacy of that People; for the better doing whereof, the Lord Viscount Dillon of Costiloe, was appointed to remain still on the North-side of the Town, with a Body of 2000 Foot and 500 Horse, to block it up, having two or three small Places of strength to retire to upon occasion; and that the Sea (as far as his Power might extend) might not be unprovided, his Excellency granted Letters of Mart, the 6th. of July, signed by Secretary Lane, to Captain Joseph Containe of Waterford, and others. And then the Lord Lieutenant march’d with the remainder of the Army over the River of Liffy to the South-side, to a Place called Rathmines, where he resolved to Incamp, and from whence, by reason of the narrowness of the River, he might discourage an attempt of sending Relief into the Town by Sea from England. And in truth, if he had come time enough to have rais’d a Work upon the Point, some interruption might have been given to that Enterprise; but it pleased God, that that very same day (the 25th. of July) the Marquis marched thither, in sight of his Army; a strong gale of Wind from the East brought into Dublin Harbour Colonel Reynolds, Colonel Hunks, and Colonel Venables, with a good supply of Horse, viz. 600, and 1500 Foot, Money, and all other necessaries whereof the Garrison stood in need, which marvellously exalted the spirits of those, who were devoted to the obedience of the Parliament, and depressed the minds of them, who watched all opportunities of doing service to the King. There were then in Dublin 5000 Soldiers, besides Inhabitants. However, the Marquis pursued his resolution, and encamped that night at Rathmines, and the next day made himself strong there, till, upon information, he was sure to receive an account of the state and condition of the Enemy, that he might better conclude what was next to be done.

There were many men within the City who found means to send the Marquis still advertisement of what was necessary for him to know, & some Ships (which brought Supplies for the Parliaments Forces there) brought likewise intelligence from those that wished well to the Kings service, unto the Lord Lieutenant, and unto other Persons of Honour that were with him, and from several Persons of known Integrity, and who were like enough to know what was transacted in the Councils of the Parliaments Party: It was informed, that this Supply, which was already landed at Dublin, was all that was intended for that Place, and believed it to be sufficient to defend it against any Army the Marquis could bring to attaque it; and that Cromwel (who was known to be ready in England to Embarque with a great Army) meant to land in Munster, a Countrey but lately fall’n from their Devotion, and where there were still many inclined to him, and thereby to compel the Lord Lieutenant to rise from Dublin. And it is very true, that at that time Cromwel was resolv’d to have proceeded in that manner, after he had with much seeming difficulty been brought to accept of the Place, the Presbyterians laying Wagers he would never come, and the Independents sought to divert him from it by their unexpected Mutinies, on a Tenent, That all were to enjoy their own Principles. Yet upon this joynt intelligence of Cromwel’s advance (for it came from some Persons to the Lord Lieutenant, and from others to the Lord Inchiquin) it was, upon consultation with the General Officers, concluded absolutely necessary, that the Lord Inchiquin, being Lord President of Munster, should immediately, with a strong Party of Horse, repair into that Province, whereby at least the Garrisons there might be supported against any sudden attempt of the Enemy, if they should land there; and that, the Army being thus weakned by the Quality, as well as the Number of this Party, who were the best Horse of the Body, the Lord Lieutenant should retire to Drumnagh, being a Quarter of greater strength and security than that of Rathmines was, or could be made, and was at such distance, as might as well block up the Enemy as the other; and from thence, an interrupted Communication might be held with that Party, which encamp’d on the North side of the River. And upon this Conclusion, the Lord Inchiquin departed towards Munster. When it was known that his Excellency was to retire, the Officers and Soldiers expressed much trouble, and seem’d to believe the reducing of the Town not to be a matter of that difficulty as was pretended, if they could hinder the Parliamentarians Horse from grasing in the Meadows near the Walls, (which was the onely Place they were possessed of to that purpose) they could not be able to subsist five days; and it would be in their power to take that benefit from them, if they possess’d themselves of the Castle of Baggatrath, very near adjoyning to that Pasture, which was already so strong, that in one night it might be made sufficiently fortifi’d. And this discourse (which was not indeed unreasonable) got so much credit, that the Council of War intreated the Marquis to decline his former resolution of retiring to Drumnagh, the Earl of Castlehaven, General Preston, Sir Arthur Aston, and Major General Purcel, having viewed Baggatrath, and assured the Lord Lieutenant, that it might be possess’d and sufficiently fortifi’d in one night.

It is no wonder that in an Army thus constituted and composed, the Marquis thought not fit, by his Authority, to restrain it from pursuing an Enterprise of so much Gallantry, and which had so much possibility of success: and indeed, he still retain’d some hope of advantage by the affection of that City, and that (even in these last Supplies that were sent over) there were many that laid hold of that opportunity to transport themselves, for the advancement of the Kings service, and with purpose quickly to change their Masters, so that he was contented to recede from his former resolution, and on the first of August at night sent a strong Party, viz. 1500 Foot, under Major General Purcel, to possess themselves of Baggatrath, with Engineers, and such other Materials as were necessary to fortifie it: and because he concluded, that the Enemy would immediately discover what they were doing, and would use their utmost endeavours to prevent the execution of a Design, which would bring such irreparable damage to them, he gave strict order for drawing the whole Army in Battalia, and commanded, that they should stand in Arms all that night, himself continuing in the Field on Horsback till morning; as soon as it was day, he went to visit the Place that was to be fortifi’d, which he found not in that condition he expected; the Officer excusing himself, by having been misguided in the night, so that it was very late before he arrived there, though it was not an English mile distant from the Camp; wherewith the Marquis being unsatisfi’d, displac’d the Officer who commanded the Party, and put another of good Name and Reputation into the Charge, and appointed him to make his men to work hard, since it appear’d, that in four or five hours it might be so well fortifi’d, that they need fear no attempt from the Town; and that they might be sure to enjoy so much time, he commanded the Army to remain in the same posture they had been all night; and about 9 of the Clock, seeing no appearance of any Sally from the Town, which he had so long expected, he went to his Tent to refresh himself with a little rest, which he had not obtain’d for the space of an hour, when he was awaken’d by an Alarm from the Enemy, and putting himself immediately upon his Horse, quickly found, that his Officers and Lieutenant General Preston had not been so punctual in their Duty as they ought to have been, but had quitted their Posts (out of an unhappy confidence, that the Besieged would not adventure, at that time of the day, to make any Sally) as soon as the Marquis went to repose himself; so that a strong Party out of the Town, about 10 of the clock in the morning, the 2d. of August, 1649. march’d directly to Baggatrath, and (with less opposition than ought to have been made) beat, roated, and dispers’d the Party that possess’d it; who, finding their Horse not so ready to assist them as they expected, quitted the Place with all imaginable confusion; which encourag’d Jones’s Party (who were seconded immediately by the whole Power in Dublin) to advance further towards the Army (which they discern’d to be in high disorder) than at their coming out they intended. The Lord Lieutenant used all means to put the Horse in order, sending the Lord Taaff to command the Foot: But Sir William Vaughan (Commissary General of the Horse) being in the first Charge killed, they who followed him were immediately routed, notwithstanding that the Forces from Dublin march’d onely in single Troops and Companies, having not time to draw together in Battalia; whereupon so great a consternation seiz’d upon the spirits of all the rest, that the Marquis could prevail with none to stand with him, but the Regiments of his Brother, Colonel Butler and Colonel Grady, some write Miles Reylye, with which he charged the Enemy, wherein (Colonel Grady being slain, and his Brother sore wounded and taken Prisoner) that Body was entirely broken; and from that time, it was not in his power, by all the means he could use, to rally any Party of Horse, and to make them so much as stand by him; so that (when he was environ’d by the Enemy, attended with very few of his own Servants, and two or three Gentlemen) he was forced to make his way through them, and to quit the Field; when a small Body of Foot, under Colonel Gifford (which still kept the ground, and valiantly defended themselves) finding that they were deserted by their Horse, were compelled to surrender their Arms to Jones; the Lord Taaff making his own way so prosperously, that he got to the North-side, where he found that Body (composed of the Lord Dillons, Sir Thomas Armstrongs, the Lord Moores, and Lieutenant Colonel Purdons Regiments of Horse; Colonel Warrens, Colonel Walles; and Colonel Mich. Byrns Regiments of Foot) which had been left at Finglass in Arms, and which had not seen the Enemy that day; upon which, the Lord Taaff us’d all possible endeavours to perswade them to attempt a Recovery of what was lost, which, in so great disorder of the Enemy (which such success usually produceth) was not reasonably to be despaired of: But the apprehension, jealousies, fright and terrour, was so universal, that he could not incline them to it, nor to do more than (and that in great confusion) to provide for their own security: Whilst the Marquis directed his Letters to them, ordering therein the one half of them to go to Tredath, and the other half to Trym, for the security of those Places, whilst himself went to Kilkenny to rally what he could of the Army, and to raise what new Forces he should be able. This was the unhappy, and indeed fatal Defeat at Rathmines, by the Bishops at Jamestown, 1650, thought so improvident and unfortunate, as nothing happen’d in Christianity more shameful. Yet in his Excellencies Letter from Kilcolgan the 2d. of December, 1650. to the Assembly at Loghreogh so Answer’d, as hitherto no Reply hath been attempted. The news of which, and the consequences thereof, was receiv’d and proclaim’d (writes Walsh, fol. 583.) with much gladness and excess of ioy in Rome, as that which made for the Nuncio’s Party. It was the first and onely loss that fell upon any Army or Party of which the Marquis had the Name and Title, (and here he had no more than the name) of the Supreme Commander, and these the whole Circumstances of it. In this Battel were slain on the place, and in the Chace, about 4000. and 2517 taken Prisoners, and two whole Cannon, three Demi-cannon, one long square Gun carrying a Ball of 12 Pound, one Saker-drake, one Mortarpiece, all these Brass; besides 200 Draught-Oxen for the Train, and the richest Camp of Commodities an Enemy could well be Master of. But not to speak further of the sad misfortune of this great Commander, than whom, no man was more justly magnified for his Courage, confided in for his Loyalty, relyed on for his Wisdom, trusted in for his Care to prevent ill Accidents, and Dexterity to take advantages; he was indeed looked upon as the Restaurator of his Countrey, and as the onely Person, by whose management of the Irish War, the injur’d King was like to arise out of his Fathers ruines to the Glory and Greatness he was born to; though upon this Defeat, those (whose Crimes were no otherwise to be veil’d than by this misfortune) cast the miscarriage thereof solely upon him; a Fate incident to great Men, to be extremely magnifi’d on Success, and upon any notable Disaster to be as much depress’d, and peradventure neither justly.

Soon after this Defeat, Jones was writ to by his Excellence, to have a List of the Prisoners he had taken from him. To whom it was repli’d,

My Lord, since I routed your Army, I cannot have the happiness to know where you are, that I may wait upon you.

Michael Jones.

This Defeat at Rathmines alter’d the result of Counsels at Court, till then very strong for his Majesties repair into Ireland, the Scots having given ill proofs of their Integrity and Faith: And certainly the Irish were at that time so disposed, as probably they would have submitted to his Majesty, what-ever afterwards might have been the result of their compliance: And for the Parliament, they had at that time so inconsiderable a footing in Ireland, (possessing not a Garrison in Munster or Connaght, and in Ulster none but London-derry and the Fort of Culmore, as in Leimster little but Dublin and Ballishannon) as his Majesties Presence (it was thought) would have wrought on some, reduced others, and brought in All.

When the Marquis (as we have said before) found the Consternation to be so great in his Soldiers, as they could not be contain’d from dispersing, and had sent Orders to those on Finglass-side to march to Tredagh and Trim, for the strengthning of those Garrisons, which he believ’d Jones might, upon the pride of his late success, be inclined to attack; whilst himself went to Kilkenny, as the fittest Rendezvous to which he might rally his broken and scattered Forces, and from whence he might best give Orders and Directions for the making of new Levies: And in his March thither, the very next day after the Defeat at Rathmines, he made an halt, with those few Horse he had rallied together, and summon’d the strong Fort of Ballishannon, which he had before left blocked up by a Party of Horse and Foot, and (having found means to perswade the Governour to believe that Dublin had been surrendred, and that his Army was returning) he got that important Place into his hands, without which Stratagem, Jones would have pursued his Conquest even to Kilkenny it self, which he had found in a very ill condition to defend it self: For in a whole weeks time after the Marquis’s coming to Kilkenny, he could draw together but 300 Horse, with which he found it necessary that day sevennight after the Defeat, to march in Person to the relief of Tredath, which was besieged by Jones, and defended by the Lord Moor; but upon the approach of the Marquis no nearer than Trim, the Siege was rais’d, and Jones return’d to Dublin, and his Lordship entred Tredath, whether he resolved to draw his Army as soon as might be, and issued out his Orders accordingly, hoping in short-time, (if no other misfortune intervened) to get a Body of Men together able to restrain those of Dublin, from making any great advantage of their late Victory: But he had been there very few days, when he received sure advertisement, that Cromwel himself was landed with a great Army of Horse and Foot, and with vast Supplies of all kinds, at Dublin, where he arriv’d within less than a fortnight, (viz. on or about the 15th. of August) after the unfortunate Defeat at Rathmines.

The Scene being now alter’d, and the War the Lord Lieutenant was to make could be onely Defensive, until the Parliamentarians should meet with a Check in some Enterprise; and his own Men by Rest, Discipline, and Exercise of their Arms, might again recover their Spirits, and forget the fears they had contracted of the Enemy. He in the first place therefore took care to repair the Works and Fortifications of Tredath, as well as in so short a time could be done, and got as much Provision into the Town as was possible; and then with a full approbation of all the Commissioners, he made choice of Sir Arthur Aston, a Roman Catholick, and a Soldier of very great Experience and Reputation, (one at Reading and Oxford formerly confided in by his Majesty, a Gentleman of an Ancient and yet flourishing Family in Cheshire) to be Governour thereof, and put a Garrison into it of 2000 Foot, and a good Regiment of Horse, all choice Men, and good Soldiers, with very many Gentlemen and Officers of good Name and Account, and supplied it with Ammunition and all other Provisions, as well as the Governour himself desired; and having done so, he marched with his Horse and small remainder of Foot to Trim, from whence he had sent to the Lord Inchiquin to bring up as many Men to Tecroghan the Rendezvous as he could out of Munster; now the apprehension of Cromwel’s Landing there was over, and endeavour’d from all parts to recruit his Army, hoping (that before the Parliamentarians could be able to reduce any of his Garrisons) he might be empowered to take the Field.

The 24th. of August, 1649. the Commons assembled in Parliament set forth a Declaration, declaring all Persons who had served the Parliament of England in Ireland, and had betrayed their Trust, or adhered to, or aided and assisted his late Majesty, or his Son, to be Traitors and Rebels, and accordingly to be proceeded against by a Court-Marshal; whereby some were Sentenc’d, others sent into England, some Imprison’d there, and many disbanded, though they had serv’d against the Rebels from the first Discovery.

Upon Friday the 30th. of August, Cromwel marched out of Dublin, (having setled the Affairs of that City, Civil and Military, instituting Sir Theophilus Jones Governour in his absence) with an Army of 9 or 10000 Men, (chosen out of the General Muster, where appear’d a compleat Body of 15000 Horse and Foot) came before Tredath, Monday the 2d. of September; of which the Marquess of Ormond was no sooner advertiz’d, than he came to Trim, to watch all opportunities to infest the Enemies Quarters; and having full confidence in the Town, and in the Experience of Sir Arthur Aston, (who had sent him several Advices to precipitate nothing, for that he doubted not to find Cromwel play a while) the goodness and number of the Garrison being such, that Cromwel would not be able to get the Town by any Assault: But here again he found his expectations disappointed, for the Enemy resolv’d not to lose their time in a Siege; and therefore as soon as they had sent their Summons the 9th. of September, and it was rejected, they made a Breach the next day with their Cannon, and storm’d the Place; and though they were for some time stoutly resisted, and twice beaten off, yet at the third Onset (led by Cromwel) they enter’d, and pursu’d their Victory with so much cruelty, that they put the whole Garrison in Arms to the Sword, not sparing those upon second thoughts, to whom (in the heat of the Action) some of Cromwel’s under-Officers promised and gave Quarter; a crime, writes one (then in the Action) themselves were most guilty of, they again resuming Arms when they had engaged to lay them down: So that, except some few who (during the time of the Assault) escaped at the other side of the Town, and others, who mingling with the Rebels as their own men, disguised themselves, that they were not discovered, there was not an Officer, Soldier, or Religious Person belonging to that Garrison left alive, besides those (after Decimation) sent to Barbadoes; and all this within the space of nine days after the Enemy appear’d before the Walls; and when very many Royalists as well as Irish were glad that they were engaged before the Place, that was likely to be so well defended, and to stop their further progress for that season of the year.

This indeed was a much greater Blow than that at Rathmines, and totally destroy’d and massacred a Body of near 3000 Men, with which, in respect of Experience, and Courage of the Officers, and Goodness and Fidelity of the common Men, the Marquis would have been glad to have found himself engaged in the Field with the Enemy, though upon some disadvantages: And he had not now left with him above 700 Horse and 1500 Foot, whereof some were of suspected Faith, and many new rais’d men: And though the Lord Inchiquin was ready to march towards him with a good Party of Horse and Foot, and the Lord Viscount of Ardes with the like of Scots; yet he had neither Money to give them one days Pay, or Provision to keep them together for 24 hours: The Commissioners were either dispersed, or their Orders for collecting Money not executed or regarded; and when in those straits the Lord Lieutenant issued out Warrants for raising of Men and Money, they complain’d of the breach of Articles of the Treaty, and talk’d amongst themselves of Treating with the Enemy. That which was most conciliable, and which all men saw was fittest to be practised, was, to put all their Men into Garrisons, and thereby secure the most considerable Places, and therewithall (Winter now approaching) to have prosecuted their Levies, and by good Discipline and Exercise of their Men, recover their Spirits against the Spring: But this was not at all in the Marquis’s power to do, he was restrained by the Articles of the Treaty from making any new Garrison, and from changing any old Governours, without the approbation of the Commissioners; and he and the Commissioners together had not credit and power enough with the Chief Cities and Incorporate Towns, which were most worth keeping, and consequently most like to be attempted by the Rebels, to force or perswade them to receive Garrisons. So Wexford, Waterford, Limerick and Gallway, the most considerable Ports of the Kingdom, declared, they would admit of no Soldiers; nor indeed did they further obey any other Orders which were sent to them than they thought fit themselves. If this fatal distemper and discomposure had not been discovered to be amongst them, it is not to be believed that Cromwel (what success soever he had met with) would have engaged his Army, which with being long at Sea, change of Air, and long Duty, was much weaken’d, and had contracted great sicknesses in the Sieges after the beginning of October; yet being encourag’d, and, in truth, drawn on by the knowledge of this humour and obstinacy of the Irish, against all Remedies that could preserve them, he withdrew his Forces from Tredagh, (having taken in first Trim, Dundalk, Carlingford, Newry, and other smaller Garrisons thereabouts) and return’d to Dublin, having sent Colonel Venables down with some Forces to oppose George Monro, (who had a good Strength with him) and to relieve London-derry, but was not able to keep the Field: In his March, he was set upon in his Quarters by Colonel Trevor, who had 5 or 600 Horse with him, and gave him a desperate Attack; but the morning appearing, he was beaten out by Captain Meredith and his Troop, who was appointed by Colonel Venables to charge him; this was upon his march towards Belfast, which was surrendred unto him upon Conditions from the Scots: And while he was here, he sent out a Party under Lieutenant Colonel Conally, who was encountred as he march’d to Antrim by George Monro, and a good strength of Horse, and routed; Conally was there slain by Colonel John Hamilton. Such are the Dispensations of the Almighty, as he did not live to receive the fruit of so great service as he had done to that Kingdom, in discovering the Plot. Moses saw the good Land, but never entred.

At Dublin Cromwel refresh’d his Soldiers a few days, and (intending to fish in troubled Waters) resolv’d presently to appear before Wexford; which the Marquis of Ormond suspecting, (upon Cromwel’s return from Tredagh to Dublin) removed his Army from Castle Jordan down towards the Counties of Wexford and Kilkenny, there not onely to lie secure till Owen O Neil’s Army should come up to him, (according to agreement, as you shall hereafter hear) but also ready to be drawn into either Wexford or Kilkenny, as there should be occasion. Cromwel (according to his resolution) the 27th. of September, march’d from Dublin; but before he march’d thence, (or presently after) he Cashiers the seven old Regiments which Jones had continued at Dublin, allowing the Colonels (for a little time) a small Pension, which he soon took off; though they were the first who (to that instant) had serv’d against the Rebels. And then he march’d towards Wexford through the County of Wickloe, (taking the People into protection, and not suffering the Soldiers in his Army to commit any spoil as he went, but to pay for all Provisions) in his march he took in several Castles and Garrisons, as Killingkerick, Arcklo, Little Limerick, Iniscorphen, alias Eniscorvy, Ferns Castle, and the Fort of Wexford; and the first of October with his Army he sate down before Wexford, the Inhabitants whereof appear’d willing (under Colonel David Synnot their Governour) to make defence, albeit they had too long neglected the means thereof, and were at last (when part of the Enemies Army was lodged within half-Musquet-shot of their Walls) contented to receive an assistance of Men from the Lord Lieutenant, which (upon the first intimation) his Excellency hastned to them, of the choicest of those he had left, all Catholicks, (for that was still insisted upon) under the Command of his Cousin Sir Edmond Butler, with near 1500 Men) who with some difficulty pass’d the River into that part of the Town which the Parliaments Army could not infest; but he had not been two hours in the Town, before Captain James Stafford, Governour of the Castle (whom the Lord Lieutenant would have remov’d from that Charge, not as being unfit for it, but because he was a Catholick, and had exercised that Charge during the time that the Confederates were in Arms against the King) gave up that Place to Cromwel, and took Conditions under him: Cromwel having thus gain’d the Castle, advanc’d his Flag upon the Castle, and turn’d the Guns against the Town; which the Townsmen perceiving, their hearts fail’d them, and the Soldiers in confusion quitted the Walls, not expecting the return of their Commissioners, who treating with Cromwel, had procured the safety of the Inhabitants of the Town, and the preservation of it from Plunder, as leave for the Soldiers to depart every one to their own homes, (they engaging not to bear Arms any more against the State of England) and lastly, of life to the Officers. Yet in great consternation (fear having surprized the Townsmen and Soldiers before their Commissioners return) they endeavour’d to pass over the Water for the safety of their lives: Which Cromwel’s Soldiers perceiving, about 14. of October, presently clapt Scaling Ladders to the Walls, and entred the Town without any resistance, wherein all found in Arms were put to the Sword, to the number of 2000, amongst which was Sir Edmond Butler, endeavouring (when he discovered their Treachery) to escape, was killed, before he had been two hours in that City: Cromwel, in the interim not losing 20 men in the whole Siege, though (as you may see) Colonel David Synot, Governour of the Town and Castle of Wexford, had confidence by the Propositions he sent, (1.) That the Inhabitants of the Town should exercise (without disturbance) the Roman Catholick Religion. (2.) Their Religious Orders and Priests should enjoy their Monasteries and Churches. (3.) The Bishop Nicolus Ferns, and his Successors should have their undisturb’d Jurisdiction of their Diocess. (4.) Their Officers and Soldiers should march out with flying Colours, and the other punctilio’s of Honour. (5.) Whosoever of the Inhabitants hereafter should desire to depart the Town, should have what-ever was theirs with them. (6.) That all Free-men should have their Immunities and Liberties hitherto enjoyed, they adhering to the State of England. (7.) None to be disturb’d in their Possession. (8.) Who-ever afterwards should desire to depart, may have safe Conduct into England, or else-where. (9.) That all enjoy a full liberty of Free-born English Subjects, in what Port soever they should Traffick in England. (10.) That no memory remain of any Hostility or distance betwixt the Parliament and those that kept the Town and Castle. All which, Cromwel accounting impudent, had no effect.

From this Torrent of Success and Corruption, no body will wonder, That Cromwel march’d thence without control, and took in Ross, a strong Town situate upon the Barrow, and far more considerable for Navigation than Wexford, the River admitting a Ship of 7 or 800 Tun to ride by the Walls; of this Place Major General Lucas Taaff was Governour, who had with him a strong Garrison, re-enforced by 1500 Men, even in the fight of Cromwel’s Army, who (when he came before it) to save Blood, sent a Summons to the Town; which was answer’d suitable to his mind by the Governour: but the Great Guns sending in the next Summons, the Town was surrendred on condition the 19th. of October, That they within should march away with Bag and Baggage. Capitulating for which, Taaff demanded Liberty of Conscience for such as should stay. To which Cromwel repli’d, That he medled not with any mans Conscience; but if by Liberty of Conscience was meant a Liberty to exercise the Mass, he judged it best to use plain dealing, and to let him know, where the Parliament of England had power, that will not be allowed.

The Marquis of Ormond, out of a too deep sense of the stupidity, nay madness and ingratitude of that People, (for whose Protection and Defence he had embarqu’d himself, his Fortunes, and his Honour) and whose jealousie and fond obstinacy, made the work of their own preservation more difficult and impossible, than the Power of their Enemy could do, about this time desired nothing so much as an opportunity to fight Cromwel, and either to give some check to his swelling Fortune, or to perish (gloriously) in the action; and to that purpose drew all his Friends to him, then about the Graige and Thomastown, with an intention to fight him, his Excellency’s Army being exceedingly increas’d, by the conjunction of Inchiquin’s and Owen Roe’s Armies, had he not been diverted by a false Alarm of the Enemy’s, being gone as far as Bennets-bridge towards Kilkenny, whereby he was drawn thither for the defence of that City, otherwise he had engaged them before their getting to Carrick.

Ross being now in Cromwel’s possession, he caus’d a Bridge of Boats to be made (under protection of the Town) over the River Barrow, and the Army to sit down before Duncannon, a strong Fort commanded by Colonel Wogan; but the Place being so well provided of all Necessaries, it was judged convenient not to lose time about it. And presently after Colonel Abbot reduced Enisteoge (a little wall’d Town, about 5 miles from Ross) to the Parliaments obedience. And about the same time, Colonel Reynolds, with 12 Troops of Horse, and 3 of Dragoons, march’d toward Carrick, having divided his Men into two parts; whilst the Besieged were amused with the one Party, he enter’d a Gate with the other, taking the Place, and about 100 Prisoners, without the loss of one Man. But to look back.

From the time that the Peace was concluded at Kilkenny, the Lord Lieutenant well discerned the mischief he should sustain, by being to provide against the Attempts of General Owen O Neal, as well as against the English Forces, and that at least he could hope for no assistance from the Scots in Ulster, as long as they fear’d him. And therefore he sent Daniel O Neal, Nephew to the General, to perswade him to be included in the same Peace; but he was so un-satisfied with the Assembly, that he declared he would have nothing to do with them, or be comprehended in any Peace they should make: But if the Marquess would consent to some Conditions he propos’d, he would willingly submit to the King’s Authority in him. The Marquess was content to grant him his own Conditions, having indeed a great esteem of his Conduct, and knowing the Army under his Command to be better disciplined, than any other of the Irish. But the Commissioners of Trust would by no means consent to those Conditions, whereby it is evident, (though these would be thought to adhere to the Marquess) that they had alien thoughts to his Majesty’s Happiness, and declared, if the Lord Lieutenant should proceed thereupon to an Agreement, it would be a direct breach of the Articles of Peace. And thereupon Owen O Neal made that Conjunction with Monk, as is before spoken of, and, about the very time of the Defeat at Rathmines, relieved Sir Charles Coot in London-derry, and thereby kept the King, from being entirely possessed of the Province of Ulster, which, but for that Action, would have been able to have sent strong Supplies of Men and Provisions, to the assistance of the Marquess. And it is well known, that while the Lord Lieutenant was in a hopeful condition to prevail against the Parliament, the Commissioners of Trust, and the principal Persons of Interest, had no mind to agree with General O Neal, out of animosity to his Person and Parts, and in confidence that the Work would be done without him: And others, who were of his Party, had as little mind that he should be drawn into a Conjunction with the Marquess, because they knew, if he was once engaged under him, they should no more be able to seduce him, to joyn with them in any Actions of Sedition. And upon these Reasons, the Persons, who were deputed by the Commissioners to treat with him, and were known to have an Interest in him, on the one side perswaded Owen O Neal, that the Lord Lieutenant had broken the Articles of Peace, and that he could have no security, that what should be promised, should be performed to him; and on the other side informed the Marquess, that Owen O Neal insisted on such extravagant Propositions, that the Commissioners of Trust would never yield to them. But after the Arrival of Cromwel & his success against Tredagh, the Commissioners of Trust thought it high time to unite to him: And Owen O Neal himself discerned, how unsafe he should be, by the prevailing of the English Party, who, notwithstanding the signal Service perform’d by him to them, had publickly dis-avowed the Agreement which their Officers had made with him. And thereupon, by the Interposition of Colonel Daniel O Neal, (at that time Governour of Trim) all Particulars were agreed betwixt the Lord Lieutenant and him, the 12th. of October, 1649. with the Consent of the Commissioners of Trust; the management of which was committed to Sir Nicholas Plunket Knight, and Sir Richard Barnwel Baronet, authoriz’d by the Lord Lieutenant, to conclude with General Owen O Neal, for whom there was the Bishop of Clogher, and Tirlagh O Boyle, who agreed in 18 Articles, about the time Cromwel was before Wexford: Insomuch that he promised to bring his Army within a few days, and joyn with the Lord Lieutenant, which (though himself lived not to accomplish, dying at Cloughoter-Castle, in the County of Cavan, about the beginning of December) was shortly after performed. So that about the time that Wexford was taken, the Lord Lieutenant was not without hope, by the advantage of a Pass, and by cutting off his Provisions, to have made Cromwel return to Dublin very hard, without losing a good part of his Army; when on a sudden, and all together, all the considerable Places in the Province of Munster, as Cork, Toughal, Kinsale, Bandonbridge, Moyallo, and other Garrisons, revolted to the Parliament, and thereby gave them a safe Retreat, and free Passage, and necessary Provisions of all that they wanted, and Harbours for Ships, to bring all to them that they could desire.

The Lord Inchiquin being so totally betrayed by those Officers whom he trusted most, and had most obliged, and (that after he had in vain tryed to reduce them by force) he could not, without much difficulty, obtain the liberty and re-delivery of his Wife and Children to him, which when he had procur’d, he fled for safety into Thomond, to his Kindred.

This Defection, in so fatal a Juncture of time, (when the straits Cromwel was in, by the Winter, and want of Provisions, had rais’d the Spirits of all Men, and when they looked upon themselves, as like to have at least some hopeful Encounter with him) was not a loss, or a blow, but a dissolution of the whole Frame of their Hopes and Designs, and introduced a Spirit of Jealousie and Animosity in the Army, which no Dexterity or Interest of the Lord Lieutenant could extinguish or allay.

From the first hour of the Peace, the English and Irish had not been without that prejudice towards each other, as gave the Marquess much trouble, and they were rather incorporated by their obedience and submission, to the Authority and Pleasure of their chief Commander, than united by the same Inclinations and Affections, to any publick End. Insomuch as before the Defeat at Rathmines, there were many of the Irish, who much fear’d the swift success of the Army, and apprehended, the Lord Lieutenant’s speedy reducing of Dublin, would give him such Power, and make him more absolute, than they desired to see him, and therefore were not sorry for that Mischief. On the other side, the English were much troubled, to see the Authority and Jurisdiction of the Marquess so restrain’d and limited by the Articles, and that the Army was neither recruited, disciplined, nor provided, as it ought to be, solely by his want of Power; and they had a very low opinion of the Spirit and Courage of the Irish. But now upon this Defection in Munster, there was a Determination of all Confidence and Trust in each other; the Irish declaring, That they suspected all the English Nation, and made the Treachery of those, who so infamously had betrayed their Trust, an unreasonable Argument for jealousie, of those who remain’d in the Army, who being a handful of gallant Men, and of most un-shaken Fidelity to the King, were indeed, in respect of their Courage and Experience in the War, the Party to be principally depended upon in any Action or Encounter, and of which the Enemy had only an apprehension.

Though the Season of the year, for it was now towards the end of November, and the Sickness that was in Cromwel’s Army, made it high time to betake themselves to their Winter-Quarters, and such was their resolution; yet hearing of the gaining of Carrick, and of the present Distemper amongst those, who had the whole Strength the Lord Lieutenant was to trust to, and knowing all the Clergy had the full Dominion, in all incorporate Towns and Places of Importance, and would keep the People from submitting to those Expedients, which could only preserve them, he resolv’d to make an Attempt (with his Army, consisting of about 2000 Horse and 5000 Foot) upon Waterford, hoping to reduce that important Place, before the Army should draw into Winter-Quarters, knowing well enough, that the Marquess could not keep the small Body he had together, many days, which was true: For he, having not Money to give them half a Weeks Pay, or Provision to serve half so long, was compelled to suffer part of them, viz. the Scots, to go to their Quarters; who, upon the Plains of Lisnegarvy, (being joyn’d with Sir George Monro, to relieve Carickfergus) were, upon the 6th. of December, met with by Sir Charles Coot, who gave them such a blow, as they were afterwards never able to make head in Ulster. However, the Marquess was resolv’d not to leave Waterford to the Enemy, though the Inhabitants had so obstinately and disobediently refused to receive a Garrison, which would have prevented their present pressures; whereas they were now closely besieged to their Walls, on all that side of the Town which lay to Munster; the other being open, and to be reliev’d by the River Sure, which there severs Leimster and Munster, and washeth the Walls of the Town on that side. The Inhabitants seeing Destruction at their Door, abated so much of their former Madness, as to be willing to receive a Supply of Souldiers; yet under a condition, that they might be all of the old Irish of Ulster, who (under the Command of Owen O Neal) had long oppos’d the King’s Authority, and were now newly joyn’d with the Marquess, and in express terms refused any of their Neighbours and Kindred, the Confederate Irish Catholicks of Munster or Leimster, to the great offence and scandal of that Part of the Nation, which had been as zealous for their Religion as any. However, since there was no other way to preserve them, the Lord Lieutenant was content to comply even with that Humour; and so choosing a strong Party of near 1500 Men, and putting them under the Command of Lieutenant General Farral, who was the most acceptable to them, his Excellency himself march’d with them, and put them into the Town; which he had no sooner done, than Cromwel thought it convenient to raise his Siege, (having taken in Passage-Fort, within 2 miles of Waterford) and march’d to Dungarvan, delivered up the 3d. of December, where he found the Lord Broghal, who (partly by his own Interest, and the dis-affection in the Souldiers to the Lord Inchiquin) had gotten in all the Towns in Munster, that had formerly been under the Parliament: A Service most considerable, and such as was of very great advantage to Cromwel, who was now in great straits where to take up his Winter-Quarters, for his sick and distressed Regiments, his Army, partly by sickness, partly by leaving Garrisons in the several Places he had taken in, being so much weakned and impair’d, so as he brought not, of all the Men he carried over with him, above 5000 Horse and Foot, to Dungarvan; where Colonel Jones, who sickned in his way thither, died, about the 18th. of December, 1649. of a Purple Fever; a Person certainly of much Gallantry, and one in the Discipline of the Army (whereof he was Lieutenant General) very exact, carrying his Victories oftner more by the dint of his Sword, than the number of his Men: And though he passes not, in the History of our Age, without some Reflections, as too obstinately adhering to Cromwel, whom he us’d to call, Companion in Labours, yet those who were intimate with him, had that certainty of his Worth, as nothing so much steer’d him in the Service of Ireland, as a just Reflection on the Murthers and Insolencies committed by the Irish on the Protestants, not otherwise to be pacified, than by a due Revenge: And had he surviv’d this Service, it is confidently believ’d, Cromwel (how well soever he spoke of him) would have found some Expedient to have laid him aside. Cromwel having thus gain’d Dungarvan, shortly after betook himself to his Winter-Quarters, garrisoning at Bandonbridge, Colonel Ewer, and his Regiment; at Kinsale, Colonel Stabber; at Cork, Colonel Phaier; and Colonel Cook at Wexford; and Youghal, and other adjacent Places, was assign’d the head-Quarters. Whilst the Marquess of Ormond, (sensible of what might be the product of so un-controul’d a Success, having left Waterford, in his thoughts full of the sence of the late benefit and preservation, which, by his vigilance, that City had receiv’d) in December, (a season much colder than usually had been observ’d in that Countrey) cast all ways imaginable to hinder the Enemy’s future Attempt upon that Place, and to reduce Passage, Wexford, and other Places, weakly mann’d and provided by Cromwel. And accordingly he drew his Forces together, and, leaving them on the other side of the River Sure, himself with a Train only of 40 or 50 Horse, consisting of his Friends and Servants, went into the Town, presuming he should be able to perswade them to submit to joyn, in whatsoever should manifestly appear for their own benefit or advantage. When he came into the Town, he found Lieutenant General Farral engaged in a Design to take Passage, a Place seized on by Cromwel, when he had retir’d from Waterford, and which was an in-convenient Neighbour to that City. Colonel Wogan (who had been seasonably sent by the Marquess into Duncannon, even when the first Governour placed thereby the Confederate Catholicks, was ready to deliver it up to the Enemy, and who had with notable courage defended it against Cromwel, and in the end, after the loss of a great number of his Men, compell’d him to retire) had agreed to meet Lieutenant General Farral, Commander of the Ulster Forces, at a Place and House appointed, and together to fall on Passage. Though the Marquess had not been informed of the contrivance of the Design, yet he knew well enough, what interpretation would be made of his Interposition, or Command, or Wariness, should he declare against it, therefore he was very willing it should proceed: The Matter was well laid, and carried with secrecy, being hopeful enough. Lieutenant General Farral had not been march’d from the Town many hours, when the Marquess discovered (from some Place of prospect in the Town) a strong Party of Horse, marching in good order, the way that led to Passage, which belonging to the Enemy, made him conclude, that they had notice of the Design. Whereupon he presently sent for the Maior of the Town, and shewing him the in-evitable danger their whole Party was in, (which was the only Srength against any Enterprize of the Enemy) if they were not instantly reliev’d, required him presently to send some Body over the Water, for the transporting (from the other side of the River) of a Regiment or two of Horse, with which he would himself endeavour to rescue them. How apparent soever the danger and mischief was, and how visible and natural soever the remedy, all the Commands and Entreaties he could use, could not prevail to get one Body, or their Consent, that any of his Horse should be suffered to march through the Town, without which they could not go to their Relief. When he had in vain tryed all the means he could invent, to convince and perswade them to so natural an Action, he caused all his Friends and Servants aforemention’d, to mount their Horses, and with all imaginable haste himself led them towards Passage, that he might at least discover (though he was not like to prevent) the loss that was to ensue. When he came within sight of the Town, he could discern a Party of Foot, marching in great haste and disorder towards him, being pursued by the Enemy’s Horse, who had even over-taken them, having fallen upon the remainder, and either killed them upon the Place, or taken them Prisoners. Though the company which attended the Marquess, was too few to encounter the Enemy’s Horse, with any considerable hope, yet he drew them up in that manner, on the side of an Hill, that the Enemy imagining their number to be more considerable, thought fit to lessen their pace, and to send small Parties to discover them; which being again entertain’d by the like number in like skirmishes, the Foot as much improving their March, they were in the end (by the Marquess’s frequent opposing of his own Person, to retard the Enemy’s pursuit) preserv’d; and so brought back with him into the Town, about half of those who had march’d thence, (the rest being killed or taken Prisoners by Colonel Zanckey) which also had been infallibly destroyed, if the Marquess had not taken that desperate course to redeem them, as he might in hope have recovered all the others, who were made Prisoners, and defeated all that Body of the Enemy, and consequently have taken Passage, if the City would have permitted his Horse to have been transported over the River, and to have march’d through it. His Excellency’s Forces had not better success in their Attempt to re-take Carrick, (governed by Colonel Reynolds) meerly through the want of Pick-axes and Spaces though his confidence of the Design, (built on the brittle assurance of his Commanders) had brought him almost thither, where (if it had not been for Colonel Milo Power, who acquainted him of his Armies being baffled, and of its removal thence) he had been surprized by the Enemy. And the Lord Inchiquin’s, Lieutenant Colonel Trevor’s, Sir Thomas Armstrong’s Expeditions against Wexford and Ross, ended in the like loss and misfortune. The Marquess however leaves nothing un-attempted to fortifie Waterford, what dis-couragements soever he had received by the Insolency of some Men, instigated by the Violence and Opiniastrise of the Clergy; In as much as he knew, Passage or the other Places could not be regain’d, without he might bring his Army over the River, which they would not admit of, nay! desiring that his Army might for a little time be but hutted under their Walls, where they should receive their Provisions and Pay, duely out of the Countrey, and so should be a Security and Benefit to the Town, without the least damage in any Degree. This Proposition also found no more regard then the former, and instead of consulting, with what Circumstances to comply with so just and necessary a Demand of the Kings Lieutenant, it was proposed in the Council of the Town, To seize on his Person, and to fall on all who belonged to him, as an Enemy; Which Advice met with no other Reprehension, then that for the present, the major part did not consent unto it. Of all which, when the Marquess was fully informed, he thought it time to depart thence, and to leave them to their own Imaginations; and so marched away with his Army, which after this Indignity, it was a thing impossible to keep them together; And (because the Principal Towns refused to admit them in) he was fain in the depth of Winter, to scatter them over all the Kingdom. The greatest part of the Ulster Forces were sent into their own Province, there to chuse a new General, according as their Conditions allowed them; for Owen O Neal was dead; And Luke Taaff with his Men, were sent back into Connaght, to my Lord of Clanrickard; The Lord Inchequin, with the remainder of such as belonged unto him, went over into the County of Clare; The Lord Dillon, with his, into Meath, and towards Athlone; all the rest were scattered several ways; Onely Major General Hugh O Neal, was admitted with 1600 Ulster Men into Clonmel, as Governor, whilst the Marquess went to his Castle of Kilkenny; From thence he dispatch’d the 24th. of December, an Account to the King, (who was then in the Isle of Jersey) of the true Estate of his Affairs in that Kingdom; By which his Majesty might see, how much Cromwel’s Forces, who disclaimed any Subjection to him, prevail’d against his Authority; And how it was equally contemned, deluded, or dis-regarded by his Subjects, who made all the Professions of Obedience and Duty to him; which was a Method, these ill times had made his Majesty too well acquainted with. And from this time, which was towards the end of December, 1649. the Marquess never did, or could draw together into one Body, a number of 500. what endeavours he used to do it, will be mention’d in order hereafter.

Assoon as the Lord Lieutenant came to Kilkenny, he consulted with the Commissioners of Trust, without whose approbation and consent he could do no act, that was of importance; what remedy to apply to the disorder and confusion, which spread it self over all their Affairs; they had been still Witnesses of all his actions, of his unwearied pains and industry, and of the little fruit that was reaped by it how his Orders and Commands, and their own, had been neglected and dis-obeyed in all those Particulars, without which an Army could not be brought or kept together; how those places which the Rebels had possessed themselves of, had been for the most part lost by their own obstinate refusal, to receive such assistance from him, as was absolutely necessary for their preservation; and yet that they had rais’d most unreasonable Imputations and Reproaches on him, as if he had fail’d in their Defence and Relief. They had seen the wonderful, and even insupportable wants and necessities the Army had always undergone; and knew very well how all Warrants had been disobeyed for the bringing in of Money and Provisions, for the supply thereof. And yet their Countrey was full of clamour and discontent, for the payment of Taxes, and being exhausted with Contribution; He desired them therefore, to examine where any mis-demeanors had in truth been, and that they might be punished; and from whence the Scandal and Calumnies proceeded, that the minds of the People might be informed and composed. The Commissioners for the most part had discharged the Trust reposed in them; yet there were some amongst them, (too able and dexterous in Business) who alway malign’d the Person of the Marquess, or rather his Religion, and the Authority he represented; And what professions soever, they made of respect to him, still maintain’d a close Intelligence and Correspondence with those of the Clergy, who were the most dis-affected to his Majesties Interest; and who from the misfortune at Rathmines, had under-hand fomented and cherish’d all the ill humours and jealousies of the People. The Commissioners advised the Marquess, as the best expedient to satisfie the Countrey; that Orders might be sent to them, to elect some few Persons amongst themselves, to send to Kilkenny, as Agents, to represent those Grievances which were most heavy upon them, and to offer any desires which might promote their security, alledging, that they could by this means be clearly inform’d, how groundless those jealousies were, and the Artifices would be discover’d, which had been used to corrupt their affections: though the Marquess well saw how tedious and inconvenient this course might prove, and rather advance all the scandalous and seditious Designs, then suppress them; Yet he fore-saw as well, that if it were declin’d by him, he should be un-avoidably reproach’d, with not being willing to be informed of the just Grievances of the People, and consequently not to remedy them; And therefore without giving countenance to any such irregular Convention, by any formal summons of his own, he gave way that the Commissioners should write their Letters to that purpose, and accordingly the Agents did come thither from the several Countreys, to communicate and present their Complaints and Desires together, in January following; And the Lord Lieutenant received them with good Countenance, and wished them freely to consult together as soon as they could, to present whatsomever they had to say to him; to which, they should be sure to receive a speedy Answer.

About which time, Colonel Barry (who through the whole Scene had been intrusted by the Supream Council, to negotiate with the King, and was not ill thought of by the Marquess of Ormond) had then licence from Cromwel, to visit his Wife and Family at Castlelions, under the Parliaments obedience, where he transacted (through the Mediation of a noble Person) many Concerns, to the composing of Differencies with the greatest; though what tended to an Agreement with Inchequin, would never in the least be indulged; and the rest then spoke of had a fate, not seasonably to be composed.

In the mean time, the Bishops and Clergy of themselves, and without any Authority, received or desired from the Lord Lieutenant, Assembled at Cloanmacnoise, upon the River Shannon, upon whose Councils and Conclusions, all mens eyes were more fixed, then upon what the Agents should represent at Kilkenny; it being very evident, that many of the Catholick Noblity of the Kingdom, and some principal Persons of Quality and Interest, formally concurred with the Marquess; And the Commissioners of Trust, were for the most part, as zealous for the execution and observation of the Articles of Peace, and that the same might be rendred useful to the Nation: Yet the Clergy and Religious Persons, had found means to obstruct that Union, which was necessary for the carrying on the Work; and especially had that influence upon the Corporate Towns, that no Garrisons would be admitted therein, or such Submission paid to the Lord Lieutenant, or the Commissioners Orders, as were essential to their own defence, and to the making War against the Enemy; So that all men were in suspence, what would be the issue of that Meeting. And it cannot be denied, but that those Bishops, and that part of the Clergy which were best affected, and knew the ways which were most conducing to the happiness of their Countrey, prevail’d so far, that the Conclusions which were made there, seem’d full of respect for the Kings Service, and wholsom Advice and Council to the People; They declared how vain a thing it was, to imagine that there would be any security for the exercise of their Religion, for the enjoying of their Fortunes, or for the preservation of their Lives, by any Treaty with, or Promise from the Parliament. That they abhorred all factious Animosities, and Divisions, which raged amongst themselves, to the hindrance of the Publick Service; And therefore enjoyn’d all the Clergy, of what Quality soever, and Ecclesiastical Persons, by Preaching, and all other means, to incline the People unto an union of Affection; and to the laying aside of all jealousies of each other, and unanimously to concur in opposing the Common Enemy; And appointed the Bishops and other Persons, to proceed with greater severity against those Religious and Spiritual Persons, who should under-hand cherish and foment those Jealousies and Divisions. In a word, they said so much, and so well, that when the Lord Lieutenant was informed of it, and when he saw the Extract of their Determinations, he conceiv’d some hope, that it might indeed make good Impression on the People, and produce a very good effect: The Particulars of which here follows.

The Copies of Acts and Declarations, by the Ecclesiastical Congregation of the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates, met at Clonmacnoise, the fourth day of December, 1649. And since Concluded.

Whereas heretofore many of the Clergy and Laity, did in their actions and proceedings, express much discontents and divisions of mind, grounding the same on the late difference of Opinion, happened amongst the Prelates and the Laity; by which the Nation was not so well united, as was necessary in this time of great danger, wherein all, as with one heart and hand, ought to oppose the Common Enemy. We the Archbishops, Bishops, and Prelates of this Kingdom, met motu proprio, at Clonmacknose 4. Decembris, 1649. having removed all differences among us, (not entring into the merits of diversities of former Opinions) thought good for removing of all jealousies from our own thoughts, hearts, and resolutions; and from others, who had relation, or were adherent to the former diversity of Opinions, to manifest hereby to all the World, that the said Divisions and Jealousies grounded thereupon, are now forgotten, and forgiven among us on all sides, as aforesaid. And that all and every of us, of the above Archbishops, Bishops, and Prelates, are now, by the blessing of God, as one body united, And that we will, as becometh charity and our Pastoral charge, stand all of us as one intire Body, for the Interest and Immunities of the Church, and of every the Prelates and Bishops thereof; and for the Honour, Dignity, Estate, Right, and Possession, of all and every the said Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates. And we will as one intire and united Body, forward by our Councils, Actions, and Devices, the advancement of his Majesties Rights, and the good of this Nation in general and in particular occasions, to our Power; and that none of us in any occasion whatsoever, concerning the Catholick Religion, or the good of this Kingdom of Ireland, will in any respect single himself, or be, or seem opposite to the rest of us, but will hold firm and intire in one sence as aforesaid; hereby detesting the actions, thoughts, and discourses of any, that shall renew the least memory of the differences past, or give any ground of future difference among us, And do in the Name of Jesus Christ, exhort all our flock to the like brotherly affection and union, and to the like detestation of all past differences or jealousies as aforesaid, arising hitherto among them. And we desire that this our Declaration be Printed, and Published in each Parish, by Command of the respective Ordinaries. Ut videant opera vestra bona, & glorificent Patrem vestrum qui in Coelis est.

Datum apud Clonmacnose,13. Decem. 1649.

Signed by,

Hugo Ardmachanus, Fr. Thomas Dublin, Thomas Casshel, Joan. Archiep. Tuam. Fr. Boetius Elphyn, Fr. Edmundus Laghlinensis & Procurator Waterfordiensis, Emerus Clogher, Robertus Corcagiensis & Cluanensis, Nicholaus Fernensis, Edmundus Limericensis, & Procurarator Episcopi, Ossoriensis, Franciscus, Aladensis, Andraeus Finiborensis, Joan. Laonensis, Fr. Oliverus Dromorensis, Fr. Antonius Clonmacnosensis, Fr. Hugo Duacensis, Fr. Arthur Dunensis, & Connerensis, Fr. Terentius Imolacensis, Fr. Patr. Ardagh, Oliverius, Deis Procurator Episco. Medensis, Dr. Joa. Hussey Procurator Episco. Ardfertensis, Fr. Joannes Cantwel Abbas, S. Crucis, Dr. Thadeus Clery Episcop. Rapo. Procurator, Fr. Gregorius o Ferraile Provin. Ordinis Praedicatorum Provin. Hiber. Fr. Thomas Mackeyernane Provin. Fratrum Minorum Provin. Hiber.

Walterus Clonfortensis Congregationis Secretar.

By the Ecclesiastical Congregation of the Kingdom of Ireland.

We the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Ordinaries, and Prelates of the Kingdom of Ireland, having met at Clonmacnose propria Motu, the fourth day of December, in the year of our Lord God, 1649. to consider of the best means to unite our Flocks, for averting Gods wrath fallen on this Nation, now bleeding under the evils that Famine, Plague, and War, bring after them, for effecting a present Union, Decreed the ensuing Acts.

1. We Order and Decree as an Act of this Congregation, That all Archbishops, Bishops, and other Ordinaries, within their respective Diocesses, shall enjoyn Publick Prayers, Fasting, General-Confession, and Receiving, and other works of Piety, toties quoties, to withdraw from this Nation Gods Anger, and to render them capable of his Mercies.

2. We Order and Decree as an Act of this Congregation, That a Declaration issue from us, letting the People know, how vain it is for them to expect from the Common Enemy commanded by Cromwel, by Authority from the Rebels of England, any assurance of their Religion, Lives, or Fortunes.

3. We Order and Decree as an Act of this Congregation, That all Pastors and Preachers, be enjoyned to Preach amity. And for inducing the People thereunto, to declare unto them the absolute necessity that is for the same, and as the chief means to preserve the Nation, against the extirpation and destruction of their Religion and Fortunes, resolved on by the Enemy. And we hereby, do manifest our detestation, against all such Divisions between either Provinces or Families: or between old English, and old Irish, or any the English or Scots adhering to his Majesty. And we Decree and Order, that all Ecclesiastical Persons, fomenting such Dissentions, or un-natural Divisions, be punished by their respective Prelates, and Superiors, Juxta gravitatem excessus, & (si opus fuerit) suspendantur beneficiali & Pastores a beneficio & officio ad certum tempus, Religiosi autem a Divinis juxto circumstantias delicti. Leaving the Laity offending in this kind, to be corrected by the Civil Magistrate, by Imprisonment, Fine, Banishment, or otherwise, as to them shall seem best, for plucking by the root so odious a Crime; The Execution whereof, we most earnestly recommend to all those having Power, and that are concerned therein, as they will answer to God for the evils that thereout may ensue.

4. We Decree and Declare Excommunicated, those High-way Robbers, commonly called the Idle-Boys, that take away the Goods of honest men, or force me to pay them Contribution; and we likewise declare Excommunicated all such as succour or harbour them, or bestow, or sell them any Victualing, or buy Cattle, or any other thing else from them wittingly; Likewise all Ecclesiastical Persons, Ministring Sacraments to such Robbers, or Idle-Boys; or burying them in Holy Grave, to be suspended ab officio & beneficio, si quod habent, by their respective Superiors, juxta gravitatem delicti. This our Decree is to oblige within fifteen days after the Publication thereof, in the respective Diocesses.

Signed by,

Hugo Ardmachanus, Fr. Thomas Dublin, Thomas Casshel, Joan. Archiep. Tuam. Fr. Boetius Elphyn, Fr. Edmundus Laghlinensis & Procurator Waterfordiensis, Emerus Clogher, Robertus Corcagiensis & Cluanensis, Nicholaus Fernensis, Edmundus Limericensis, & Procurator Episcopi Ossoriensis, Franciscus Aladensis, Andreas Finiborensis, Joan. Laonensis, Fr. Oliverus Dromorensis, Fr. Antonius Clonmacnosensis, Fr. Hugo Duacensis, Fr. Arthurus Dunensis, & Connerensis, Fr. Terentius Imolacensis, Fr. Patric. Ardagh, Oliverius Deis Procurator Episco. Medensis, Dr. Joannes Hussey Procurator Episcop. Ardfertensis, Fr. Joannes Cantwel Abbas, S. Crucis, Dr. Thadeus Clery Episcop. Rapo. Procurator.

Walterus Clonfortensis Congregationis Secretar.

By the Ecclesiastical Congregation of the Kingdom of Ireland.

We the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Ordinaries, and Prelates of this Kingdom of Ireland, having met at Clonmacnose propria Motu, on the fourth day of December, in the year of our Lord God, 1649. taking into our consideration, among other the Affairs then agitated and determinated for the preservation of the Kingdom, that many of our Flock are mislead by a vain opinion of Hopes, that the Commander in Chief of the Rebels Forces, commonly called, the Parliamentaries, would afford them good Conditions, and that relying thereon, they suffer utter destruction of Religion, Lives, and Fortunes, if not prevented. To undeceive them in that their ungrounded expectation, We do hereby Declare as a most certain Truth, that the Enemies Resolution is, to extirpate the Catholick Religion, out of all his Majesties Dominions, as by their several Covenants doth appear, and the Practice where-ever their Power doth extend, as is manifested by Cromwel’s Letter of the 19th. of Octob. 1649. to the then Governor of Ross. His words are: For that which you mention concerning Liberty of Religion, I meddle not with any man’s Conscience, but if by Liberty of Conscience, you mean a Liberty to exercise the Mass, I judge it best to use plain dealing, and to let you know, where the Parliament of England have Power, that will not be allowed of. This Tyrannical Resolution they have put in execution in Wexford, Drogheda, Ross, and elsewhere. And it is notoriously known, that by Acts of Parliament, called, The Acts of Subscription, the Estates of the Inhabitants of this Kingdom are sold, so as there remaineth now •o more, but to put the Purchasers in possession, by the power of Forces drawn out of England. And for the common sort of People, towards whom if they shew any more moderate usage at the present, it is to no other end but for their private advantage, and for the better support of their Army, intending at the close of their Conquest (if they can effect the same as God forbid) to root out the Commons also, and plant this Land with Colonies to be brought hither out of England, as witness the number they have already sent hence for the Tobacco Island, and put Enemies in their places.

And in effect this banishment, or other destructions of the common People, must follow the Resolution of extirpating the Catholick Religion, which is not to be effected, without the Massacring or Banishment of the Catholick Inhabitants.

We cannot therefore in our Duty to God, and in discharge of the Care we are obliged to have, for the preservation of our Flocks, but admonish them, not to delude and lose themselves with the vain expectation of Conditions to be had from that merciless Enemy. And consequently we beseech the Gentry, and Inhabitants, for Gods glory, and their own safety, to the uttermost of their Power, to Contribute with patience, to the support of the War against that Enemy, in hope that by the blessing of God, they may be rescued from the threatned Evils, and in time be permitted to serve God in their Native Countrey, and enjoy their Estates, and fruits of their Labours, free from such heavy Levies, or any other such Taxes, as they bear at present: Admonishing also, those that are in-listed of the Army, to prosecute constantly according to each mans charge, the Trust reposed in them, the opposition of the Common Enemy, in so just a War, as is that they have undertaken for their Religion, King, and Countrey, as they expect the blessing of God to fall on their Actions. And that to avoid Gods heavy judgment, and the indignation of their Native Countrey, they neither plunder nor oppress the People, nor suffer any under their charge, to commit any extortion or oppression, so far as shall lye in their power to prevent.

Signed by,

Hugo Ardmachanus, Fr. Thomas Dublin, Thomas Cashel, Joan Archiep. Tuam. Fr. Boetios Elphyn, Fr. Edmundus Laghlinensis & Procurator Waterfordiensis, Emerus Clogher, Robertus Corcagiensis & Cluanensis, Nicclaus Fernensis, Edmundus Limericensis, & Procurator Episcopi Ossoriensis, Franciscus Aladensis, Andreas Finiborensis, Joan. Laonensis, Fr. Oliverus Dromorensis, Fr. Antonius Clonmacnosensis, Fr. Hugo Duacensis, Fr. Arthurus Dunensis, & Connerensis, Fr. Terentius Imolacensis, Fr. Patric. Ardagh, Oliverus Deis Procurator Episco. Medensis, Dr. Joannes Hussey Procurator Episco. Ardfertensis, Fr. Joannes Cantwel Abbas, S. Crucis, Dr. Thadeus Clery Episcop. Rapo. Procurator. Walterus

Clontfertensis Congregationis Secretar.

But the People weary of the War, the Plague encreasing, and ill provided to endure those Extreamities, Cromwel forced daily upon them, they flocked from all Places unto him, and liv’d under Contribution, whilst the Marquess of Ormond finding it in vain, to qualifie the Discontents at Kilkenny, went about the end of Christmas to the Marquess of Clanrickards, in Connaght, who consulting together, found nothing effectual to compose the differences, the Clergy still irritated amongst them; whereupon his Excellency returned to Kilkenny, where the Agents spent some time in preparing Heads of such Grievances, as they thought fit to present to the Lord Lieutenant, who called still upon them to dispatch; But (upon Conference with the gravest of the Commissioners) they found how groundless all those Slanders were, which they had believ’d before they came thither, and so could not agree of any Particular to complain of; Besides they met with some Disturbance there, for Cromwel (well knowing how the Marquess’s small Forces were scattered abroad) march’d with a strong Party towards that Town; with which the Agents were so alarm’d, that they would stay no longer there, but desired the Marquess of Ormond to let them adjourn to Juni, in the County of Clare, which they did; and though they met there, yet they never agreed of any draught of Grievances to be presented, though they made ill use of their Meeeting, to propagate the Scandals and Imputations which had been groundlessly rais’d, and to inflame the People with the same untruths; Notwithstanding this Alarm and Danger the Lord Lieutenants Person, and the City were really in, all the Power and Authority he had, could not in ten days draw 500 Men together, to resist the Enemy; However the Townsmen appeared ready, and prepared for their defence, and the Marquess putting all his own Friends and Servants on Horseback, with which (making a Troop of about 100) he look’d with so good a Countenance upon the Enemy, that he retir’d; And shortly after the Lord Lieutenant committed the Charge of the Place, and the Countrey adjacent, to the Earl of Castlehaven; and went himself upon a more important Business to Limerick.

Cromwel (having continued in his Winter Quarters in Munster scarce two months) finding the Weather prove very favourable in the end of February, his Soldiers much recovered from the Distempers, which the change of Air had caused in them at their first coming over, marched out with a Body of 3000 Horse and Foot, and (having receiv’d all necessary Supplies from England) divided his Forces into two Parties, the one he led, the other was committed to Ireton’s care, who march’d away to Carrick, there to re-inforce himself by the conjunction of Colonel Reynolds. These Forces were to march into the Enemies Quarters two several ways, (the better to amuse the Enemy) and to meet together at a Rendez vous near Kilkenny. Cromwel in his March took in Cahir-Castle, Kiltenan, Goldenbridge, Clogheen, and Roghil Castles, and seating himself before Callan, joyn’d with the other part of the Army under Ireton, enforced by the addition of the Forces under Colonel Reynolds and Colonel Zanckey, which, in their way, had took in Arkenon, Dundrum, Knoctover, Bullinard, and other Castles. The Forces being joyn’d, Callan, Cashel, Featherd, Graige, and St. Thomastown, with the Castles and Garrisons thereabouts, were easily subdued: And Cromwel resolving to besiege Kilkenny, (knowing it was strong) sent for Huson (Governour of Dublin) to march speedily to him with all the Forces he could conveniently draw together; which he did, and (by the way taking in Ballisannon, Kildare, Leighlin, and other Places) joyns with Cromwel’s Army near Goram, which was presently taken: From hence Cromwel with his Army, consisting of 16000 Foot and 6000 Horse, marches against Kilkenny; upon whose approach, the General Assembly fled to Athlon, and from whence the Earl of Castlehaven was drawn out with his Forces, by reason the Sickness raged so, having left Sir Walthar Butler and Major Walsh, with about 50 Horse and 400 Foot to defend the Place; where a Breach being made, and assaulted by Cromwel’s Soldiers, they were beaten back with the loss of some Men, and about 600 Arms; though he had it surrendred to him shortly after upon these terms: 1. To deliver up the City and Castle to him, (viz. Cromwel) with all the Arms, Ammunition, and publick Store. 2. That the Inhabitants should be protected in their Persons, Goods, and Estates, from the violence of the Soldiery, and they that would remove, to have three months after the date of the Articles. 3. That the Governours, Officers, and Soldiers might march away with their Bag and Baggage. 4. That the City should pay 2000 pounds to Cromwel. From hence Cromwel (having well refresh’d his Army after the Siege of Kilkenny) approaches Clonmel, Garrison’d by 2000 Foot and 120 Horse, under the Command of Hugh O Neal, who behav’d himself so discreetly and gallantly in its defence, that Cromwel lost near 2500 men before it, and had gone away without it, had not the Powder been spent, which forced the Governour and Soldiers in the night to forsake the Town, and go to Waterford, leaving the Townsmen to make Conditions for themselves; which they did, as to the safeguard of their Lives and Estates. Whilst these things were agitating, the Lord Lieutenant, the Marquis of Clanrickard, Castlehaven, and the Bishop of Clougher, held a Council at Baltimore in West-Meath, to consult the security of the Nation; which Cromwel hearing of, sent Colonel Reynolds and Sir Theophilus Jones, with 2500 Horse, Foot, and Dragoons, against them, with which they dispersed them, and those Forces which the Marquis of Clanrickard and the Earl of Castlehaven had brought out of Connaght to the Relief of Tecrogham, (within 20 miles of Dublin) and being joyn’d with the Dublin Forces, took in Trim, Balahuse, Finagh, and other Places. In the time that Clonmel was Besieged, the Bishop of Ross with 4000 Foot and 300 Horse endeavours its Relief, but is overcome by the Lord Broghil near Bandon-Bridge, and himself taken Prisoner, and hang’d in the sight of Caringdred; which Castle thereupon yielded to the Lord Broghil. In this Hurry, the Forces in Ulster being (besides) much shaken by reason of several Interresses, the Nobility, Gentry, and Commanders for the King scattered a Declaration, that none who would submit to his Authority should suffer either in Religion, or State; but it prevailed little. During the Leaguer of Clonmel, absolute Orders were brought to Cromwel from the Parliament for his sudden return; as also two Expresses from the Council of State to that purpose, which (after the compleatment of that Siege) he fulfilled, leaving the Kingdom about the end of May, 1650. having made Colonel Ireton his Deputy.

Here we cannot but take notice, that there were several Precepts by the Archbishop of Ardmagh and others, to pray for the success of Oliver’s Forces; whilst Dominick Dempsy, a Franciscan, (esteem’d a grave and holy man, and therefore a leading Person) and Long the Jesuit, asserted, that (the King being out of the Roman Catholick Church) it was not lawful to pray for him particularly, or publickly in general on any other day than on Good-Friday, as comprehended amongst the Infidels, alias, Jews, Mahometans, Pagans, and Hereticks; and then for the Spiritual welfare of his Soul, not for his Temporal prosperity.

Though the Parliamentarians, by the Faction and obstinacy of the Irish, who could not hitherto be induced to make reasonable provision for defence, had prevail’d far, and possessed themselves of many good Places without considerable opposition, yet there remain’d a good part of the Kingdom free from their Power; the whole Province of Connaght was still entire, and the Cities of Waterford, Limerick, and Galway in possession of the Catholicks, which might be made so strong, as not to fear any strength Ireton could bring before them, and are so situated for all advantages of Sea, that they might, being well supplied, maintain a War against the whole Kingdom: they had also the Forts of Duncannon and Sligo, as also the strong Castles of Caterlough, Athlone, Charlemont, Carlo, and Neanagh, from whence the Confederates might bring into the Field twice the number of Men which the Enemy had; so that there wanted onely Unity, Order, and Resolution to preserve themselves; to improve which, the Marquis of Ormond resolved to begin with Limerick, and if he could have disposed that City unto a full obedience, and to receive a Garrison, he made no question not onely to fortifie it against any attempt of the Enemy, but under the countenance of it, and by the security of the River Shannon, to Quarter his Troops, raise Contribution for their support, Discipline his Men, and, in effect by the Spring so to recruit his Army, that he might not suspect to prevail against the Enemy where-ever he should engage: And to this purpose he went himself thither from Kilkenny, in January, hoping that the good resolution of the Bishops of Cloanmacnoise had well prepared the People to comply with him; but when he came thither, albeit he was receiv’d with outward demonstrations of respect, he found the temper not such as he desired, whatsoever the Bishops had declared; The Clergy had observed none of those Directions, nor were any in so much credit as they who behaved themselves quite contrary to those Determinations. And if no way could be found to allay this Spirit, all his endeavours he saw would be without any fruit: Hereupon he resolv’d to try, whether that part of the Clergy which wished well to the Kingdom, could use as efficacious means to preserve, as the other, who desired confusion, did to destroy it: And upon advice with the principal Persons of the Catholick Nobility, and with the Commissioners of Trust, he did by his Letters of the 27th. of February, 1649. desire as many of the Catholick Bishops as were within convenient distance, to meet him at Limerick; which they accordingly did the 8th. of March following.

When they came thither, he conferred with them in the presence of •he Commissioners of Trust with all frankness, upon the distracted and disjoynted state of Affairs, and freely told them, That without the People would be brought to have a full confidence in him, and yield perfect obedience to him; and without the City of Limerick might be perswaded to receive a Garrison, and obey his Orders, it was not to be hoped that he could be able to do any thing considerable against the Enemy: He desired them therefore, if they had a mist rust of him, or a dislike of his Government, that they would as clearly let him know it; assuring them, that such was his desire of the Peoples preservation, that there was nothing within his Power consistent with his Duty to the King, and agreeable with his Honour, that he would not do at their desires for that end: Withall letting them see, that his continuance with the Name, and not the Power of the Lord Lieutenant, could bring nothing but ruine upon the Nation, as well as dishonour on him. So that again he propounded to