The History Of The Warr Of Ireland From 1641 To 1653

BY
A BRITISH OFFICER,
OF THE REGIMENT OF SIR JOHN CLOTTWORTHY.
EDITED WITH
Preface, Notes, Appendix,
BY E. H. Hogan

“When shall we meet again, Sir, and restore
Those pristine pastimes we found heretofore?
When shall we again unkennel up these men,
Or rather hydras, from their hell—deep den ?
As for the Rebels, they are keeping off,
And celdom come within ye Loughe,
Yet now and then we at distance see
A Kerne stalking Cap—a pe.”

(By Payne Fisher, a Brother Officer of the Author)

DUBLIN:
McGLASHAN & GILL, 50, UPPER SACKVILLE-ST.
LONDON: SIMPKIN & CO. , AND BURNS, OATES & CO.
EDINBURGH: ]. MENZIES & CO.

1873

PREFACE.

The MS. which is here published, and copies of the “Description of Ireland, anno 1598,” and of the “Macaririae Excidium” have been preserved at Clongowes-Wood College since the year 1814. All are written in the same beautiful hand, and bear the autograph of F. Betagh, S.J ., who died in 1811; and the “Macaririae Excidium,” has the Latin words:—”Resid. Dublin. Soc. Jesu—Catalogo inscript. an. 1752.”—”Entered in the Catalogue of the Dublin Residence of the Society of Jesus, in the year 1752.” This entry would lead us to think that our MS. was written before 1752; and this conclusion is confirmed by the opinion of some gentlemen well versed in mss. mysteries, who say that it was written circa 1750.* It is clearly a transcript, and by its many blanks bears witness to the imperfect state of the original.

The original was composed after the death of Clotworthy in 1665, after 1666, after 1676, the date of Lord Kingston’s death, after 1682, when Alexander MacDonnell became Earl of Antrim, and before 1688 when Ormond died. Thus it was written about 1685, was copied about fifty years afterwards, and has remained unnoticed ever since. The late Father Bracken, S.J ., who was a man of very extensive and accurate knowledge, and was acquainted with F. Betagh, thought the Author’s name was Mulholl, as the title in gilt letters on the back of the MS. is “Mulholl, Irish Warr, 1641, MSS.” The Mulholls are a Carlow clan; and Mulholland is an East Meath or even an Ulster sept; and it is probable the latter is the real name, and was abridged because it could not be printed across the back of the book. This might explain why he records at p.30 the death of ” Mulhollan, a stout old Horseman.” The ground for doubt concerning the author’s name is, that “Mulholl “might be the owner of the MS., and in fact might be the Dublin Jesuit of that name who lived in the last century, and was related to many military men, such as Colonel Count O’Shee, and Clarke, Duke de Feltre, of the French service. Through him it might have passed to the Jesuits, and was then preserved by F. Betagh, who naturally felt an interest in these times, as his family lost their property in Meath, because ” Captain Francis Betagh of Moynalty, at the head of a company of foot, pillaged his Protestant neighbours in 1641,” although the captain was at that time not nine years old!

*In the Report of the Royal Commission on Historical MSS. our MS. will be described by Mr. Gilbert. This learned Archivist and Historian is now editing the famous “Aphorismical Discovery.”

The Army Lists in Kilkenny Castle would tell us if Clotworthy had an officer of that name. But as we cannot consult them, we must be satisfied with knowing that the author was: an inhabitant and probably a native of the North. At p.4 he speaks of Ulstermen as his “countrymen;” but in other pages the Briton seems to break out in him: as for instance, when he labours to explain the defeat of the British at Benburb, and attributes the victory, to the length of the Ulster pike, and not to the strength of the Ulster men, who, according to the nuncio Rinuccini, “were of huge frame,” while the Anglo-Irish were comparatively of a low stature. In religion he was “a true Protestant, of one faith with his King and Governor.” He was in 1641 an officer in Clotworthy’s regiment, which, with the exception of Lord Conway’s, was the only regiment in Ireland raised, and paid, and officered by the Parliament; he belonged to Captain Houston’s company, in 1642; served under Monroe against Castlehaven in 1644; in 1647 he served under Monk, from whom he got a present of a “greyhound and ;—————” in 1649 he and a Major Dunbar, in command of 1OO horse, were sent by Jones to watch the movement of Ormond’s army. In 1650 he fought for the King, and with his men went and selected good quarters “near the enemy’s garrison, than which no place is so advantageous in time of war,” and as he had good intelligence he was not “snapped up.” In 1651, he was on the side of the Royalists at Letterkenny, and saved the life of Colonel MacDonnell, afterwards Earl of Antrim.

This gallant Parliamentary officer fought against the Irish, but scorned to calumniate them; he was no pigeon-hole pedant, for he wrote “such memorable things as happened in his owne time, which he could certainly write as Truth or credibly informed.”(p. 6) He wrote in a simple, straightforward, soldierlike style, which must be most refreshing to those, who are disgusted with the “bendsinister,” the fell temper, and the fevered, “epileptic” and “demoniac” style of the Carlyle school of history. His simple narrative may serve as a wholesome corrective of the “blood and iron ” production of Mr. Froude, whose massacre story he disproves, saying that not a sixtieth part of the reported murders ever took place. Indeed Mr. Froude,—the man of Simancas, the king of the inverted commas, the Oracle of the Pigeon-hole—tries to prove the massacres by the state papers, ‘the witnesses of blood,’ ‘the sworn depositions.’ But that gentleman, in his English History, calls the Irish State Papers a “quaking morass on which you never can be sure of your footing;” and as to sworn depositions of the English in Ireland, the Earl of Kildare said to Cardinal Wolseley” I know them too well to reckon myself convicted by their base words, or heedless hearsay, or frantic oaths. Of my cousin Desmond they may lie lewdly, since no man can here well tell the contrary. Touching myself, I never noted in them so much wit or so much faith, that I could have gaged upon their silence the life of a good hound, much less mine owne.”

The latest publisher of these “base words, and heedless hearsays, and frantic oaths, and lewd lies,” has been refuted on the platform by Father Burke, and in the newspapers by Mr. Prendergast and Mr. Mitchel. As this little book is the first contribution to Irish History since Mr. Froude published his “English in Ireland,” the Editor has been asked and urged to refute him in this Preface; but he has declined, because, to use a mild phrase which was current in 1641, that gentleman “has cracked his credit” as an historian.

Mr. Lecky says, “He is guilty of gross historical exaggeration; his own pen in his history a few years ago gives a crushing answer to his book on Ireland ; he is not dealing ‘righteously with history; no historian was ever less judicial; hatred seems too often the animating principle of his history, and in this work the objects of that hatred are the Irish Celts and their religion; he is in flagrant contradiction to all historians and to his own narration of facts; he has an inveterate passion for paradox.”

The Spectator (Nov. 3, 1872)says—”He is the victim of unconscious race prejudice and conscious religious antipathy, which disqualify him from writing Irish history.”

The London Quarterly, reviewing his “English in Ireland,” tells us that “his tone is often extravagantly and almost savagely severe. Irish faults and crimes are hunted down with a ferocity which has something of the bloodhound. Impartial the work certainly is not.”

Saturday Review declares that “his commas cannot be trusted ; his inaccuracy of quotation is incurable. . . . The gift of distinguishing truth from fiction was not born with him. It probably never came into his head, that when he professes to repeat a man’s own words, he ought to repeat the man’s own words and not something else. Can we trust a single uncertified detail from the hands of a man, who, etc.?. . . . His is the unfairness of wilful ignorance. Historian he is not.

Four volumes of ingenious paradox, eight volumes of ecclesiastical pamphlets do not become a history.—Utter carelessness as to facts, and utter incapacity to distinguish right from wrong—most ingenious attempt ever made to call evil good and good evil. We see enough to make us shy in accepting the smallest fact on his authority alone. The disease is innate and incurable—it would probably be impossible to make him understand what zeal for truth is. In boiling, burning, racking or embowelling he sees the highest embodiment of English common sense. Occasional beauties of style cannot be allowed to redeem carelessness of truth, contempt for the first principles of morals, and ecclesiastical malignity of the most frantic kind. The book, as a whole, is vicious in its conception, and vicious in its execution, and is not ‘un livre de bonne foi.'”

The London Quaterly—”Mr. Froude utterly fails in the one primary qualification of a historian, which is, that he should inspire confidence in the minds of educated readers and a fair belief in his guidance.”

Hosack, p.511—13.—”Mr. Froude, the most reckless of Mary’s modern adversaries, uses language unprecedented among historians of any age. When it serves his purpose, he invents fictions of his own.”

Meline, p.313—”He is disgusted with the blameless inanity of sincerity, with the imprudent weakness of telling the truth, with the silly hesitation of being unscrupulous worshipping art more than truth; he falsifies the citation and falsifies its meaning.”

Meline, p.10.—”He takes unprecedented liberties with texts and citations—puts a speech of his own into the mouth of other persons—Passages cited from certain documents cannot be found there, and other documents referred to have no existence. In a word, he trifles with his readers and plays with his authorities as some people play with cards.”

p.23.—” His treatment of those historical characters he dislikes is after the recipe of Figaro, “Calomniez, calomniez, il en reste toujours quelque chose.”

p.85.—”He cannot, for his life, correctly quote. He cites his own invention as an historical fact.” “He manufactures evidence, is an inventive historian.”—Table of Contents of chap. X.

p. 109.—”He tortures citations, palters with the sense while tampering with the text of his authorities.”

p.102.—” He has whole pages in which blundering and invention strive for the mastery, and alternately obtain it in every line.”

pp.247, &c.—”This passage is of Mr. Froude’s own invention. ‘THERE ARE NO SUCH WORDS IN IT, NOR ANYTHING LIKE THEM.’ The suppression and the invention are very serious in their nature. . . . . His verdicts are against evidence, he adores. his paper Mumbo Jumbo, and makes it speak as he orders, or else he cuffs it.”

Wiesener—”There is no effort, no sacrifice of truth for which Mr. Froude is not prepared for the sake of amusing his reader. We find a mere page of romance in which the text is positively altered and falsified; he has attributed to himself a despotic sovereignty over facts and the documents in which they are contained. His quotations are not faithful; we have compared them with the originals, and we cannot get over our amazement at the extreme liberties which he allows himself to take with the texts.”

“The School of History, to which he belongs, despises the conscientious study of events, which has hitherto been considered as a fundamental duty, and puts its hand on authentic documents only to trifle and tamper with them.”*

In presence of these deliberate declarations of English, Scotch, American, and French critics, may not one address to Mr. Froude the words written two centuries ago about another English historian of Ireland? Nalson, an English Protestant, says in his Collection of great Affairs of State, “Dr. Borlase will excuse me if I take the liberty to affirm that he has not followed old Tully’s character of an honest historian—Ne quid falsi audeat dicere—Of which I think he hath not only failed in many particulars, but again raised 11p the spirit of Detraction. He swims down the popular torrent of Calumnies, and brings the stream of his own sentiments to supply the channel. The Irish might have sharp swords, but surely they have not blacker pens than Borlase.” One would fancy that this was an extract from a review on “The English in Ireland,” it hits off Mr. Froude so well. This reverend gentleman has been named the modern Cambrensis; and as by the enlightened critics quoted above, he is declared a bankrupt in historical honesty, we may call him Cambrensis eversus, or the Briton overthrown—”there let him lie.”

With this shocking example of “incurable inaccuracy” before us, we have done our best to give an exact copy of our MS. For the sake of the public we have punctuated it, divided it into paragraphs, placed the dates at the top of the pages, and put brackets in place of the blanks of the MS. which we have filled up as well as we could. More copious· notes could have easily been added, but they would have increased the price and diminished the circulation of a useful book,—which is published in the interests of truth and humanity outraged by modern “historians.”

*It n’est pas d’effort, ni de sacrifice (en fait de vérité) auquel l’auteur ne soit pret pour amuser le lecteur; le texte est positivement denaturé et falsifié, il s’est attribue une souverainete despotique sur les faits et les documents ou ils sont contenus; nous ne revenons pas d’étotmement, sur les libertés extremes que M. Froude se permet avec les textes. . . .

“Cette ecole historique meprise ce que l’on regardait jusqu’ ici comme un devoir fondamental, l’etude conscienscieuse des evenements, ne mettant la main sur les documents authentiques que pour s’en faire un jeu.”—Revue des Questions Historiques, Vol. IV., pp.394, 395; Vol. VI. p.424.

We terminate these few prefatory remarks by asking the reader to look at this history in the light of the following official declarations. of the contending parties:—

“By the Lords Justices and Councell,

“It is resolved, that it is fitt that his Lordship (E. of Ormond) doe endeavour with his Majesty’s forces to wound, kill, slay and destroy by all the wayes and meanes he may, all the said rebells and their adherents and releevers, and burne, spoil, waste, consume, destroy and demolish all the places, towns and houses where the said rebells are or have been relieved and harboured, and all the come and hay there, and kill and destroy all the men there inhabiting able to bear arms. Given at his Majesty’s Castle of Dublin, 23rd Feb. 1641,” (or, 1642, new style.)

Signed—

“R. DILLON,
THO. ROTHERAM,
AD. LOFTUS

F. WILLOUGHBY,
J. TEMPLE,
ROBERT MEREDITH.”

The Scotch Parliament declared—

“That the Irische prissoners in all the prissons of the Kingdom should be execut without any assyse or processe conform to the treaty betwixt both Kingdoms” [of England and Ireland.]—Balfour, iii. 341. The Catholic Confederation of Kilkenny,.. May, 1642—

“We will and declare all those that murder, dismember or grievously strike; all thieves, unlawful spoilers, robbers of any goods, extorters; together with all such as favour, receive or any ways assist them, to be excommunicated; and so to remain until they completely amend and satisfy, no less than if they were namely proclaimed excommunicated.

“We command all and every the generals, colonels, captains, and other officers of our Catholic army to whom it appertaineth, that they severely punish all transgressors of our aforesaid command touching murderers, maimers, strikers, thieves, and robbers; and if they fail therein, we command the parish priests, curates or chaplains, respectively, to declare them interdicted; and that they shall be excommunicated if they cause not due satisfaction to be made unto the commonwealth and the party offended. And this the parish priests or chaplains shall observe, under pain of excommunication on sentence given ipso facto.”—Borlase, p.122 ; Rushworth, V. 520.

THE HISTORY
OF THE
WARR OF IRELAND
1641.

Sr William Parsons and Sr. John Borlase, Knight, Master of the Ordnance, were the 10th of February sworne at the Council Board Justices. In whose times the Warrs in Ireland broke out the 23rd of October. We will not title it Rebellion, in regard those Insurrections and Fightings against both the Kings in our own times in England and Scotland are not called Rebellions but Warrs; and why should not those be called Rebells who fought against their King’s person, as those did not, but fought against their fellow subjects.

The design of the Warrs of Ireland was discovered on the night before by one Owen O’Connally, a meer Irish man, born in the County of Monaghan, and bred one of the late Lord Massereene’s servants—a Protestant from his youth, who, out of a sense of Loyalty and Conscience, and to advance himself, discovered the same to Sir William Parsons, and, next the same night, to Sir John Borlase, at whose house the Council met, though not many, where Owen O’Connally gave this account on oath:—

“That, being at Monmore in the County of Londonderry on Thursday last, he received a letter from Colonel Hugh Oge MacMahon, desiring him to come to Conaught, his House in the County Monahan, and to be with him on Wednesday or Thursday last, whereupon this Examinant came to Conaught on Wednesday night last, and, finding the said Hugh came to Dublin, followed him. He came about Six o’clock in the evening, and forthwith went to the lodgings of the said Hugh, to the House near the Boote in Oxmantown, and there he found the said Hugh, and came with him into Town near the Pillory to the Lord Maguire, where they found not the Lord within, and there they drank a Sup of Beer, and then went back again to the said Hugh’s Lodgings.

“He saith that at the Lord Maguire’s Lodgings the said Hugh told him, that there were and would be this night great numbers of Gentlemen and Noblemen of Irish Papists from all Parts of the Kingdom in this town, who with himself had determined to take the Castle of Dublin, and possess themselves of all his Majesty’s Amunition there to-morrow Morning, being Saturday, and that they intended first to batter the [walls] of the Town, and if the City would not yield, then to batter down the Houses and to cut off all the Protestants that would not join with them.

“He further saith, that the said Hugh told him then, that the Irish had prepared men in all parts of the Kingdom, to destroy all the English there to-morrow Morning by Ten of the clock, and that in all the sea ports and other Towns in the Kingdom all the Protestants should be killed this night, and that all the Posts [that] could be, could not prevent it. And further he saith, that he moved Hugh to forbear executing of that Business, and to discover it to the State for the saving of his own Estate; who said he could not help it, but said they did owe Allegiance to the King and would pay him all his rights, but that they did this for the tyrannical Government that was over them, and to imitate Scotland who got a privilege by that course.

“And he further saith, when he was with the said Hugh in his Lodgings the second time, the said Hugh swore, that he should not go out of his Lodgings that Night, but told him, that he should go with him next morning to the Castle, and said, that if this matter were discovered somebody should die for it. Whereupon this Examinant fained some necessity for his Easement, went down out of his chamber and left his sword in pawn, and the said Hugh sent his man down with him and when this Examinant came down into the yard and found an opportunity, he, this Examinant, leaped over a Wall, and so came to the Lord Justice Parsons.”—(Vide Baker, page 536.) How that this Plot and design was thus discovered, certain I am, some of my Countrymen breathed heavily their curses on Connolly for his discovery; but had they considered, as I question not but that many of them did, that it was no mean Plot and Design to possess themselves of all the strong Towns and Forts in the Kingdom by surprise, and to dispossess their Neighbours, Protestants, Successors of their Conquerors, that God saw it then not just, and decreed otherwise either immediate, or by his Will, that such a mean person as Connolly should be the instrument of discovering the same; so as it may be concluded that, as God did not like it, the Fates did not favour it; but the Irish being engaged in the Plott must go through with it, and so engaged in that Warr wherein they lost most of their Gentry, who were abjured out of the Kingdom and lost their Estates with all; and so it will ever be till they are of one Faith with their King and Governor.

As for MacMahon, I cannot apprehend that his relation or obligation on Connolly as being his Father’s Father’s Son, alias Foster-Brother, was sufficient grounds for him to acquaint so mean a Man with so great a Secrecy, being of a contrary Opinion and Religion, as did appear by him in discharging his Conscience as became a true Protestant. Before MacMahon told Connolly of the plot, at least four or five days before, one Bryan MacBu-chonaght Maguire in the County of Fermanagh, a Gentleman, told the same, or to that purpose, to Sir William Coote of Inniskillen, his Gossip, on which he secured himself and the same Island, and sent immediately to the Lords Justices at Dublin, who were so incredulous in the matter, that they sent back again to Sir William for a further and certain account, of which they had no return till Connolly’s discovery.

As for giving a Relation of the transactions and proceedings of the Warr, I intend it not, being matter sufficient to make a volume in folio by itself, and so I leave it to that Pen that will do it impartially, and not like Mr. Philips’s continuation of Baker’s Chronicle, who was strangely misinformed in many things touching Ireland, or he had a mind to be branded for a partiall Historiographer. Only I will write in their own time and place such memorable things, as happened in my own time, which I can certainly write as Truth, as Spectator, or credibly informed.

Before which I shall say something to some Books I have seen, which hold forth that one hundred and forty thousand Persons were murdered in Ireland that Winter of British. The one of these Authors is a gentleman called Borlase, the other is one Crawford a Minister, that exceeds him again by far in number. In answer to both I return, that upon seeing their Books I made inquiry into the same, and find it true, as I heard formerly, that most damnable Inhumanity was done by some of the Natives by murdering of the British, for which they deserved to be cut off the World by quarters, which I believe the High Court of Justice sitting in every province in the Kingdom dealt accordingly with them, at least with such as were living after the Wars, and were found out, as some of them were, and suffered by our present Laws since; and if any of them be yet to the fore, certainly God’s Judgment will overtake them, there being no Sin that cry’s louder and longer for Justice than the Murder of the Innocents, the Bane of the Widows and the Destroyers of Women and Children. But that so many were murdered then, as these Authors hold forth, is not my opinion, and that they have been misinformed otherwise, as a willing mistake in them; for the most suffered after that manner was in Ulster, as the other provinces say; and the most in Ulster, as the most notorious was at Portadown, in the County of Armagh, as all Ulster says; and the most that were there drowned and murdered exceed not ninety persons, for which some were hanged, as they well deserved, at the High Court of Justice at Carrickfergus in the year 1653.

My Ground for the same is, that I had the same Account from an Englishman, who had the good fate to escape that day, and from some of the Irish that were Spectators, and liked not that inhumanity and unchristianlike Murder—which the English now landing at the place have inquired after, and found accordingly.

I remember about Christmas, that Winter of the Wars, there came to us to Antrim with their Captain, one Lindsay, a civil man, who loved no murder out of [cold blood], the number of about forty horsemen as a Troop, and had a horn for a trumpet, all formerly living about Tullaghoge—who left their wives and children, with their goods, with the enemy, who all concluded they were all destroyed, and in revenge they could not endure to see any Irishman but they must beat him to destroy him. So one night they left Antrim, their garrison, unknown to all the Officers but their own Lieutenant, Barnet Lindsay, and fell on Mr. Upton’s tenants, a gentleman who hated to see or hear Innocent Blood drawn, and would save them if he could, but was then in Carrickfergus; and they murdered about eighty persons, men, women, and children, near Templepatrick; at which other Scotts took example, and did the like at Island Magee. Then the Irish, on the other side, in the County of Antrim, to be revenged, spared not to destroy the Scottish where they could get advantage, as at [Portadown]. Such was the fury of both Scotts and Irish for Blood and Revenge, that they thought it good service to God, to destroy one another, as indeed it continued so till in May the Scottish army came out of Scotland, consisting of ten thousand soldiers, at least by that name, under the command of General Lesley, and his Major-General Robert Monroe, and until Owen MacArt came over from beyond Seas, and was Captain General of the Irish of Ulster, who both gave fair quarters like Soldiers, and halted those inhumane acts before done.

As to the number of British murdered the first Winter of the Wars, I will acquaint the Reader with the same, as far as I could learn, after scrutiny made into the same, as I said before. The most was committed in Ulster, and it did not exceed through all Ulster above the sixtieth part held forth by those Authors I named before; yet I believe this will be incredulous to some; but if they please to inquire after it, and learn the truth, they will see that I exceed not far the truth, as far as possibly could be inquired into; which truth sure drew [punishment] on the Actors thereof—their number being about twice ten thousand and odd.

In July, 1641, the late Lord Massarene, then Sir John Clottworthy, our Colonel, went from Antrim, then our garrison, by Boats, in night time, and landed next morning early near Mountjoye—our strength being five hundred men; and took Mountjoye Castle without opposition, being deserted before we came to it—a place of high consequence, as the stage of war then lay, and as was known by the sequel of actions. After fourteen days of rest and fortifying the place, good intelligence was gotten, and Spies employed among the Irish, and not the meanest among them, [we] made Incursions into the country for preys, which we often got, as cows and Garrons, and with all some hot skirmishes, and most usually put them to Retreat; at which time several of the British, till that time in Arms with the Irish, came into us with their arms, not having an opportunity till then to escape, as they said themselves at this time. Also there came daily to us women and children of the British, so much, that they were sent away the first fair wind to Antrim, for there they could not be maintained; and some of which were the Wives and Children of that Troop we mentioned before, who gave them for lost, and drew much of innocent blood in revenge of them.

We have not yet given an account of the Lord Maguire and MacMahon, which is, that they were both taken that night with thirty more, and next day of their Confederates. When MacMahon was examined by the Lords Justices, he denied not much of what Connolly said, and told them—Let them use him as they pleased, his blood would be revenged; but it seems Hugh Birn, Roger Moore, one Plunket, and one Fox escaped that night over the River, and the rest were befriended by the Citizens, as Phillips’s Continuation of Baker’s History has it, page 537.

Lord Maguire and MacMahon were sent to London by sea, and committed to the Tower, out of which, by the friendship and means of a certain Lady, they made an escape, and kept private, in Drury Lane five weeks, expecting a conveniency to leave it—till an Irish servant belonging to a Knight of Ireland then there in great respect, using the House, where they laye, to bring Milk from it, came acquainted with the maid; and to serve him with the same, who out of secrecy told him that such persons were in their House, on which next day the House was besett with a Guard, and both taken, and, for more secrecy, sent a shipboard in two Vessells upon Thames River, for their person, and there kept till November, 1644, when MacMahon was put to death, and Lord Maguire in February following—both at Tyburne.

Tis most certain that, though Connolly used all the means he could, yet he could not get MacMahon saved, being there the same time he suffered.

After the Irish took that Night [the forts] of Charlemont, Dungannon, Monaghan, Dunderagee, Newry, Belturbet and others, the first place they appeared anything of a body was at Lisnagarvy, where Sir Phelim O’Neill, then their chief Commander, came with forces out of Tyrone, Ardmagh, Down, etc., on the tenth of November, to the number of about three Thousand, a considerable part of which entered the Town on all quarters, and spent there a good part of the day at very hot work; but were at last so gauled out of the Markethouse, the Church and other Houses, and so manly charged by Sir George Rawdon, who Commanded the Lord Conway’s standing Troop, with Back and Breast, that they were beaten out of the Town.

Then they were called by Sir Phelym at the Pigeon House near the Town, where they entered into consultation what next was to be done. The Result of this was that after night they fell on and entered the Town the second time, where they were saluted with a shower of shots, and charged and discharged by the Troops, so that after two or three hours. dispute they were beaten out the second time, with a loss then of about one hundred men; and all the victory they got was to burne most of the town the last time they entered,, and the next day they burned Sir George Rawdon’s fine House at Brookhill.*

*Lingard says, that Sir Phelim’s men “were no more than tumultuary bodies of robbers, for the most part unarmed, who, whenever they were met by men in arms, shrunk from the contest or paid dearly for their temerity.” Our Protestant Author, who saw them at work, does not speak so disparagingly of them.—Ed.

The next thing the Irish took in hand under the command of Sir Phelym was to take in Dundalk, which they did without any great opposition. From thence they marched to Drogheda, where the Irish of Cavan, and those of Fermanagh and Monaghan and MacMahon’s met them about the Twenty-ninth of November, and blocked up the Town on all sides; where by sallies out of the Town they often received Losses.

The [Governor] of the Town was Sir Henry [Tichborne] a good old soldier, who had in it 1,500 men, Foot and Horse. The Irish were at least 4,000, a part of which one night enter the Town over the Walls with Ladders, [the MS. has Ladies], by connivance or carelessness of the Centinells, but advance no further till the allarm is up, and the Governor advances to them and beats them out with Loss, and [in such haste, that they] left their Ladders behind them.

Not long after, when a party consisting of 600 Foot, commanded by one Major Rooper, and 50 Horse commanded by Sir Patrick————, marching from Dublin to relieve the Town, was not aware in a misty morning early, near Jenningstown, when they perceived the Irish close to them on both sides of the way. On which one of the Officers of the English Army very considerately gave the word of Command to Counter March, which one of the Irish hearing took it that he said the Irish word, Cantuort baise*—being as much as to say, that they were in danger of Death, or of being lost—which word sounded so among the Irish, that they fell on them in that narrow Lane and put them into disorder, and killed about 500, no more being escaped but the Horse, (who, it seems, made no Resistance,) and the Major and one or two Officers, with about one hundred men to the Town, who through much difficulty made their way.*

means Danger of Death, and is pronounced Contowirt Bawish.

*Another illustration of how “Phelim’s tumultuary bodies of robbers shrunk from the contest.”

About this time Mellifont was taken by the Irish, being much exasperated against the Lord Moore, who was very active against them, and one of the [Defenders] of the Town at the very beginning.

There came a vessel afterwards up the River with some provisions for the Town, but unhappily was landed, which the Irish got and burned. Then Sir Phelym caused two stakes to be put deep in the sands on both sides of the River, and a strong chain between them to stop Vessells from the Town; but at length two Vessells took advantage of a Spring Tide and a fair wind withall, and sailed up to the chains and broke and cut them, and so got in—all the time the Irish on both sides was giving fire but did but little to stop them. After this the Irish despaired of taking the Town, being doubly charged, gauled and often put to Retreat by the besieged, so that they lost more men than they killed [within] or about the Town. So they marched off and left the Siege about the 20th of March, with no great Honour.

One Donel O’Neill, who was all the time in the Town, being Clerk of Sir Henry Tichburn’s Company, gave me this account. After he left Drogheda he went with Colonel Alexander MacDonall, Capt. into Scotland where he was with the [Irish contingent] till they were defeated at Philliphaugh in 1646. Then he came to Ireland and was Major to Colonel MacDonall at Dublin Siege in 1649 (now Lord of Antrim). The poor Gentleman, as stout a Man as a General could desire to charge an enemy, died lately—his Heart being broke by the unhappiness of his two Sons turning Tories, the one of which being drowned in Black Water, and the other called Con, brought out of Scotland and hanged at Dungannon, which he well deserved for murdering his comrade Tory, one Hagan.

After the Irish left Drogheda, Sir Henry Tichburne and the Lord Moore marched after Sir Phelim and his Tyrone Men to Dundalk, and took it by storm, and got no great opposition; for the Irish left it, not being able to Man the Gates against the Field pieces planted against it—through want of skill or courage, for they were not accustomed to such Matters. For a Raw General and Green Soldiers are not for taking of Towns or to defend them manly against the storms of old Soldiers.

The Lords and Gentry of the Pale confederated not themselves in the Warr openly till the Siege of Drogheda, and then itself they said that old Sir Charles Coote, who then made up a Regiment in Dublin, was cause of the same, in that he declared at a Council held in Dublin he would not spare the Blood of Papists, as some of his severity showed at Trim, at Santry and in the County of Wicklow afterwards, which they laid to his charge.

The year 1642.—The next Action of the Irish was at a Town called. . . ., in the County of Londonderry, under the Command of one Cormuck O’Hagan of Tyrone, his Forces being about a Thousand. At this Town one Mr. Rowley of Castleray commanded the British of these Parts. About 400 British hearing the Irish were advancing drew out of the Town on a Hill close to it called. . . .Hill; which the Irish seeing they divided themselves into three Bodies, and advanced to meet them. The British seeing themselves overpowered, took discouragement in bad time, and, before they came to push to Pike, took the Retreat; at which the Irish took Heart and fell on their Rear, and put them to the run; and so most of them were killed, with Mr. Rowly. Those who escaped made to . . . .and to Coleraine.

The next place endured the Irish Storm was Antrim, which was not so hard put to it as Lisnagarvy. At which time, being the first Winter of the Warrs, the Lord Chichester and Sir Arthur [Hill] were chief Governors as to them that were called of the Counties of Down and Antrim. From the Latter the Officers had their Commissions, who getting intelligence of the enemies coming over the lower [Six-mile] Water with a strong Army, sent orders to one Major Foulk Ellis, then the chiefest Man in the Garrison, and to the rest of the Officers to secure the Castle, and to march away with Bag and Baggage. On which some Townsmen went away, the Alarm of the Irish Army’s approach being so terrible to them. On which the Officers, that is to say, Major Ellis, a Soldier of late Practice in Scotland, Captain James Clotworthy, a person who hated anything base, and very valiant, Captain Robert Houston, my Captain, a man [brave] from Blood, and Captain Arthur Langford, a man likewise, Captain William. . . .and Captain James Colvill, two forward for Blood; the last four each had a. . . . .

Of all these Officers none is this day living. They went to a Consultation, what was most expedient to be done, of which the result was to stay and keep the Town and to fortify it. On which went to work Men and Women, and made a Ditch of about 8 feet broad without any Breastwork only the Flankers and Rounds; which before fully finished, the Irish Army appears on [the hill of. . . . ] to the number of about 4,000, under the Command of Turlough Oge O’Neill, Brother to Sir Phelim, who was a Gentleman more a Mercurian than of Mars’s traine. They marched down till they came on those Hills next adjacent to the upper end of the Town, where they remained tracing up and down inoffensively from Monday till Wednesday the 13th of February, on which day they made three Parties of themselves—all the Pikemen having a Shafe or two of Corn on his Pike, and so advanced in front, not above ten or twelve as fyle Leaders, and about forty or fifty deep in each Fyle, which was an odd way to attack a Town. They attacked in several places—at the Town head Gate, at the Flanker next the Mill, and at Parkes’ Gate, then so called, being the Gate as you go out of the Town to Shane’s Castle. The Party that charged the Town head Gate and the Flanker, came no nearer than a Pike’s Length, who were so galled out of the Flanker, that they fell back and lost about fourteen or fifteen killed. Those who advanced to the Mill Flanker did not much better; and those at Parkes’s Gate nothing at all but retired.

Of those killed at the Town head there were two Captains, one Captain Hagan and one Captain Hara, whose Heads some of the Soldiers without directions brought into the Town, both the Heads knotted together with the Hair, and hung them on a Batteries’ Crook a day or two. In all this pitiful and unsoldierlike Assault, my Captain’s quarter of the Town was at the Gate going out to the Steeple, near the Meeting House now; but never a shot came near hand us, not being assaulted.

There were in the Town at this time about 700 Foot and a Troop of Horse, there being three Companies more than these four Companies named before—the one Commanded by old Captain. . . .of Cloghoter, and the other by Captain Shaw of Ballykelly, and the third by one Captain John Ellis, that came to us from . . . .upon the Alarm of the Irish Army’s coming into the Country.

After the Irish fell off they marched over the River at Muckamur, and quartered all Night at Old Stone. The next morning Captain Clotworthy, only with his man, went to Carrigfergus for Relief; which before it came, being about 300 Horse and Dragoons, the Irish burnt all the Haggards of Corn in the Country, and marched away to Lorne, where they [acted] as meanly.

I am confident, had the Forces which cameout of Carrigfergus and Belfast overtaken them and joined with those of the Town, they had routed the Irish, who being gone, they returned to their Garrison. It may be observed that a young and unpractised General, and Raw Men, as so were the Irish, are not fit for taking of Towns, and rare if they stand to fight in the Field.

The next meeting of the British and Irish was at Bunderaga near the Crosses in the Route. The British of Coleraine marched out under the Command of Archibold Stewart of Ballintoy, and other Officers, to the number of 600 Men and a Troop of Horse to get a prey. On which the Alarm was up, and the Irish under the Command of Alexander MacColla MacDonald, to the number of six or seven hundred Men, charged them in Boggie Ground and beat their Horse in amongst their Foot, and followed close in their Rear, and without any great Opposition took the Rout, which was the ruin of most of them, leaving their Colours with the Enemy. This was a fatal Break to the British in these Parts, and that at Garvahy before on the other side of the Ban. For after this Defeat, being on Good Friday, the Irish of the Route and the O‘Cahans, and their Associates in the County of Londonderry, besieged Coleraine on both sides, and getting no relief by Sea it was reduced in five or six weeks’ time to a low condition, and had yielded up, if the Lord of Antrim had not come into the Country from Dublin and raised the siege on the County of Antrim side, and caused to send meal and provision into the Town, himself being at his House in Dunluce.

The next Boute the Irish and British had in Ulster was at a place called Glommaquin in the County of Dungall, whither Sir Phelim O’Neill and O’Cahan, their chief Commanders marched with about 4,000 men. Which the British hearing, under the Command of Sir Robert Stewart, an old Soldier, entrenched themselves in Night time, but had not time to make it full Breast high before Morning, when the Irish appeared close to them, and sent a Brigade under the Command of Alexander MacColla MacDonnell, a stoute brave Fellow (under the command of Mount Rose afterwards in Scotland) who charged up alone to the work but was shot, and after a very smart skirmish the Irish fell back, and took the Retreat, where many were slain, and with much ado O’Cahan brought off MacDonnell in a Horse-Litter.

In this expedition Sir Phelim had a Company of [lame Beggars] and a Captain and Officers over them of their own sort, and gave them [pay] on their march as to other Companies; but they were all lost, for they could not run; as it was well deserved: instead of begging Alms forsooth they must go to fight in the Field for Blood.

In the month of May the Scottish Army landed at Carrigfergus, being long looked for, consisting of about 10,000 men, at least ten Regiments, under the command of General Lesly, and his Major General Robert Munroe; who, after taking some rest, marched out to Tully near the Ban, near. . . .with whom marched out our Colonel, Sir John Clotworthy, and 800 of his Regiment, which was made up a little before. From Tully the Army marched to Ballymeny, where near to it was a Trench the Irish kept, in a. . . .which was taken upon quarters; which quarter was not so well made, or [was] at least so ill kept, that they were all put to death (there number being about. . . .) but three or four who were saved.

1642.—From thence General Lesly marched with his Army to Dunluce, which he took, and made prisoner of the Lord Antrim, notwithstanding that he was not in Arms, and had relieved Coleraine as before said. He carried him to Carrigfergus, where he was kept in the Castle for a year, by the instigation of old Argyle, then in Scotland the only Man in those days. The Lord of Antrim at last, by means of some friends in the Town, had a cord sent into him amongst his Linens, which a Man carried to him by the Friendship of an Officer of the Garrison, that that night had charge of the Guard and Sentinell on him. He slipt down at a window of the Castle with the Rope in his clothes, with heavy Boots, and made towards the place appointed, where Horses should meet him about a mile from the Town. But he missed the Horses; for he that brought the Horses observed not his Instructions as he should, and made no stay at the place appointed, but went into the Town, and next day was taken with his Horses, and within a few days hanged—his name was Whyte.

The Earl, missing of Horses at the appointed place, made on in his Boots, not knowing where, through the Mountains, till he [arrived] under Castle Robin within a mile of Lisnegarvy, where happily he met next Morning a poor Scolloge, {Irish, Sgulog, a little, withered old man,] with whom he associated himself; and after knowledge of one another and that my [Lord told him] who he was, the poor man [led] him to a secret place, where he left him till himself went to Lisnegarvy, and bought Bread and Beef, and returned.

After my Lord refreshed himself, he went to sleep in a hollow Tree in the Wood till next night, and then the Scolloge guided him to Charlemount, where he made no stay, but went to Mellifont to my Lord Moore’s. The Scolloge he kept till he died, and made much of him; the Officer of the garrison, [who] befriended him, left it and followed him, whose kindness and friendship in need he requited, and so he did; the Gentlewoman, [who] washed his Linens and sent in the Cord to him, is living this day, and has £10 a year for Life on that Friendship’s Account.

The next service the Scottish Army did was the taking of Newry, which was done without opposition. There several of the Irish suffered, amongst whom one O’Deery was shot on the Bridge, and though close to him, yet the Bullets dropped down and entered not his skin, on which he was thrown in the River wounded by Swords.

The next marching into the [field] of the Scottish Army was to Coleraine, and so to Tyrone, where the British Regiments met them, that is to say, the Lord Conway’s, the Lord of [. . . .’s,] the Lord of Ards’, and Sir James Montgomery’s, consisting of about 700 men in each, besides seven Troops of Horse, who took the House of————from the Irish, and Dungannon. The first was burnt, not being tenable; the latter, Captain Theophilus Jones of the Lord Conway’s Regiment was left to command it. At this time our Regiment kept Mountjoy.

Both these Armies met no enemy to fight them, but Charlemont that did them more harm than they could do to it. After this all retired home, and quartered that Winter till the next Summer, 1643. Then the Scottish Army and British together marched out————of Town, to Tyrone and to Ardmagh, but saw no enemy till they came to Loghgale, where Owen MacArt was with about 1000 men and two Troopes of Horse, being lately come from beyond Sea, as we said before.

Upon the advance of these Armies, MacArt staid till as many as his own number came up, all the rest close after them; then he charged their Horse in the Van and beat them back, and then retired towards Charlemount, giving Fire very hot on the way, and taking the advantages of highways and Ditches and quicksetts, that several were killed of the Scottish Army under the leading of Sir Philip————, together with himself. But if Charlemount had not been too near there had been a Revenge. At this time MacArt’s House was burnt in————, and some pillage got in it.

There was nothing done after this that’s worthy the relating, but that Owen MacArt determined to go to Leinster, seeing himself weak and his Enemy strong—the Scottish Army and British, as so they were called, in the County of Downe and Antrim—and the three Regiments of the Lagan, alias County of Donegall, that is to say, Sir William Stewart’s Regiment, Sir Robert Stewart’s Regiment, Sir Audley Mervine’s Regiment, and four companies of [Sir W. Balfour’s Regiment,] each of which Regiments had a troop of Horse: besides a Troop belonging to Inniskillen. MacArt considered he was not able to keep himself in Ulster, on which he sent warning to all with Bag and Baggage to march away on a certain day appointed to Leinster. Which accordingly was done, and so all the Creates was on their march—men, women and children; [so] that nothing could be seen or heard but Cows or running. On which day MacArt had of soldiers but about a thousand, and about a hundred Horse; for, fearing nothing, most of the Head men of the Creates took care to send their own away, and so neglected to be with him at this Hurly-Burly they were—till on a sudden an Ambuscade of Horse starts up near Clownish, and charges MacArt and his Horse, who took the Retreat to his Foot. There at a narrow Cawsy, a mile east of Clownish, there was some stop put to the Horse by McArt, till a Brigade of Foot came up and made way for their Horse; at which place MacArt escaped narrowly, pistolling him that would lay hands on him, after fired at him, and so retired to his Foot drawn up, and stood till the Foot and Horse of the British came up, and after the first fire charged them and broke them; but by the advantage of Mosses and Bogs not many were killed. According as it fell out unexpected, at the [Retreat] on the narrow Cawsy, Cullo Madder Mulhollan, a Stout old Horseman, was killed, and some other gentlemen endeavouring to where Con Oge O’Neill and Hugh Duff O’Neill, afterwards MajorGeneral, and several others after Con Oge got quarters; [after Con Oge got quarters] and came away with a Guard with the rest of the Prisoners, a minister came behind his back, unknown to the Guard, and shot him, and so left him dead in the place. At which Sir Robert Stewart, who commanded that day the British, was in an extreme passion, and charged the minister never more to come abroad. All the rest were safely carried to Derry, where Hugh Duff O’Neill lay a Prisoner till after the Scottish Army was routed by MacArt at Benburb, and not till then released, being the space of three years.

This year, in October, Dungannon was besieged by the Irish for five weeks, and given up by Captain Jones with honour.

The way MacArt came to be surprised, as before, was on this account, that the general warning he gave to all to draw away out of Ulster being so publicly known to all, two Irishmen being then on protection with their Cows near the————, called Rory O’Haran and Laughlin MacRory, went and acquainted the same to Sir Robert Stewart, on which he marched with two thousand Foot, and Horse 200 to Clownish, the day appointed by MacArt, and met him as before, and got as many Cows as they could drive. MacRory was hanged afterwards by MacArt, but he never met with Haran, as I heard.

After the Route at Clownish, MacArt came that night to the Braniter Woods, and next day rested at Charlemont, and next night went after the People of Ulster to the County of Cavan, where he gathered them all again. [Thence they] went all to a place called Portleaster in Meath, a strong passage and place of safety, being sic. [a Castle in] it. Which the Lord Moore hearing, then being at Drogheda, marched out with about 3000 Horse and Foot, and follows MacArt to prey Ulster. To do which, one [thing that] strongly induced him, was, that he knew the Cessation was then in agitation, and that within four days it would be finished and proclaimed.

1644.—[Of] Moore’s marching MacArt got intelligence, and in all haste went to [Tecroghan?], where he got two good field pieces from Sir Lucas Fitzgerald, which he planted as Breast Works on the passage————, and put about thirty men with a Captain of the MacGermiss’s,(Perhaps it should be McGuinness’s) it could not hold more, in a mill beyond the Pass, very requisite for Mac Art, as the case then stood.

At the Lord Moore’s advance, after some small encounter in the Front, he assaulted the Mill very fiercely. But [by] what he met of opposition within, by thrust of Pike and the Field Pieces playing on his Men, several of them were killed, and [the rest] forced to fall off. I have been credibly told by those that were there, that some of those killed of Lord Moore’s Men had Rumpes of three or four inches long lying flatt on their fundament. At this repute the Lord Moore being highly concerned, went with about half a score of his Chief Officers, and was viewing what ground to make a Work on, advantageous against the Pass and the Mill; which MacArt observing, looked through his prospective Glass, after which he levelled a Gun with his own hands, and caused the Cannoneer to fire it, which Shot most strangely killed the Lord Moore. Upon which immediately they put him into a Waggon all mangled, and marched home to Drogheda. The news of which came not to MacArt’s ears till Night, at which he was highly concerned, as being sorry for him, at least he seemed to be so. On which all the Ulster Creates left Portleaster, where they were within that circumference as close as Cows in a Pound; and then they dispersed themselves in Leinster, Munster, and Connaught, where they found anything of Friendship or conveniency.

After this MacArt went to with his Guns, where he played the prelude of what followed next year, to marry his son Henry Roe to Sir Lucas’s daughter, at which some great Persons of Leinster was dissatisfied.

1643.—At this time there were no Irish Enemies in Ulster but these few in Garrison at Cloghout[er], and in————, both in the County of Cavan, under the command of Colonel Philip McHugh O’Reilly, and those in Charlemont under the command of Sir Phelim O’Neill, being most commonly about 120 Foot and about 50 Horse, who often troubled and preyed the lower Parts of the County of Londonderry, and about Strabane and Liffer. At this time the Scottish Army had the command of Mountjoy, where they kept three or four hundred Men; where they lost many a Man the Winter before—being so besieged at distance by the Irish that they could not get Fuel for Fire without Blood.

At this time likewise, August ’43, the Scottish Army besieged Charlemount at distance, where they lost many of their Men in the Night time—doing the usual practice of those in the Castle, who were smart Men to fall on the Scottish Guards in the Night and cut them off, and sometimes drawing them in the Mosses.

This Harvest, the Scottish Army, the Lord Conway’s Regiment, the Lord Donegall’s Regiment, and our Regiment were all in the Counties of Ardmagh, Tyrone, and Londonderry—reaping, threshing, and burning all the Grain the Irish sowed, which was plenty; at this rate we were, and all Ulster waste but those three Garrisons before named; and having made an end of reaping all, comes News to us of a Cessation of Arms for a Year, from the 15th of September, 1643, till that day twelve month.

On which the Irish Creates and MacArt with what Stores he had, being not strong as yet, retired back to Ulster, every one where they plowed and sowed: where they found all their Fields bare and their Grain reaped, and so were necessitated to buy their own Grain at dear Rates from the Scottish or British, or want it. At this time the Irish, after they came to the Waste Lands, had Grass enough, and Milk and Butter, but little or no Bread; and we had Bread enough, but Cows and Butter was scarce amongst us.

James, Marquiss of Ormond, January 21, [was] Sworne in Christ Church, Dublin, Lord Lieutenant, with great acceptance and solemnity as a person fittest to manage the troublesome Affairs of those Times. Not long after his coming to command the Kingdom for the King, the Lord Inchiquin, the Lord Broughill (afterwards Earl of Orrery, created by King Charles the Second, at his Restoration) by the instigation of the Parliament of England, then at Warrs against the King, violated their parts of the Cessation in Munster; and the like did General Major Munroe and all the Scottish and British Army in Ulster, but the two Garrisons of Newry and Dundalk, which were under the command of the Lord Lieutenant.

MacArt seeing the Cessation obstructed, and not being able to make good his part against these Forces before named, in the month of March marched away Bag and Baggage, Men and Cows to those Provinces [in which] they were before, and left Ulster once more all waste, I mean so much of it as was under their Habitations, which was the most part of it by far.

Those I named before, as Inchiquin and Broughill, upon no account would have neither Peace or Cessation with the Irish, and writt to the King to that Effect.* But the Lord Lieutenant that made it and kept his part of it, knowing the motives for which it was intended, did accordingly accomplish the same in part, and so sent 4,000 good Men out of Dublin, tryed Soldiers, under the command of Coll.————, and Collonell Monke, to the King to assist him, who after landing reached not to the King before they were fought by the Parliament’s Forces at [Nantwich] in Staffordshire,* and beaten, and Colonel Monke taken prisoner and Colonel————killed. When Collonell Monk was released, ’twas said he made a Vow to himself never to fight in England on either side, and was sent afterwards by the Parliament to command the British Forces in Ulster, of whom hereafter we will give a further account.

The Irish being all out of Ulster, the Province then was quite without any Enemy, only those in the places named before. And so [it] continued till in August the same Year came down an Army out of Leinster and Munster under the command of the Earl of Castlehaven—his name was James Hudly,* second Baron of England, and General of the Irish Forces of Munster. His Army consisted of about 4,000 Foot and about eight or nine hundred Horse, by relation. They made no halt till they came to Dunderagee, where they made a Fort.

Upon the Alarm of their coming into the Province, Major General Munroe rendezvoused with his Scottish Army, consisting of ten Regiments, though not ten thousand—I suppose not then in the Field over 4,000, and with the British Army consisting of five Regiments but not above two thousand Men,—the Lord of Claneboy’s Regiment, the Lord of sic. [Donegall]’s Regiment, the Lord Conway’s Regiment, Sir John Clotworthy’s Regiment, and Sir James Montgomery’s Regiment. Each had a Troop to it belonging, and Collonel Arthur Hills’ Regiment of Horse, consisting of about in the Field then four thousand Horse.

*Inchiquin was the son of a Catholic,—O’Brien Lord Inchiquin; he was a Catholic for many years before his death, and was always a Catholic in his heart; he is called a “Political Protestant” by the Protestant historian of the O’Briens’.

*Should be Cheshire.

*Audley.

Monroe lying in his Rendezvous with these Forces, expecting the coming up to him of three Regiments more and five Troops of Horse, that is to say, Sir William Stewart’s Regiment, Sir Robert Stewart’s Regiment, and Sir Audley Mervyn’s Regiment, then a Colonel as well as the rest, and four Companies belonging to Londonderry, all consisting of about one thousand eight hundred Men, besides a Troop of Horse belonging to each of those Regiments, an Inniskillen Troop, and Captain Dudley Phillips’s Troop, being about 50 Horse in each Troop; so as the whole Army of Foot then in Ulster of British and Scottish in the Field was about 7,000, and of Horse seven or eight hundred.*

*According to others, the British were 17,000.

Before these forces of the Laggan and these parts came to the Rendezvous, being at Crumlin Church, near Hillsborough now, Castlehaven sent about seven or eight hundred Horse, and three or four hundred Dragoons in night time, and in the morning early fell on our Horse Quarters two miles beyond Drumore at an old Mill Race, and put our Guards there to Retreat, till a company of Foot was sent out of Drumore, [and under] one Colonel Humes was commanded to quarter for safety to the Camp, and the Horse under command of Sir George Rawdon, then Major of Horse to Lord Viscount Conway, who had a smart Boute with the Irish Horse and put them to Retreat, and killed about half a score, besides a Cornet and his Horse likewise killed, and his Lieutenant taken prisoner.

In the mean time the Horse was at hot work—the Company of Foot, whereof one Captain Blahir was Captain, engaged on a Moss with the Dragoons and were all killed to very few escaped, and the Captain taken prisoner and carried away. The next day Sir Robert [Stewart] and those Forces from Londonderry and Donegall came up and joined with Munroe. Then the whole Army marched towards Castlehaven, who retired to Charlemount in Post haste. But none of them were taken, on which our Army marched to Armagh, where they lay for seven weeks without any fighting except pickering and beating of Guards; for Castlehaven would not come out, and to charge them where they lay was not safe or prudent, being all environed with Mosses and Bogs.

At this rate Castlehaven was all this time, having at last no provision left, nor no supply suffered to come to him from Leinster or Conaught by our Army, was glad to eat Flesh without Bread or Salt, which so gave the Lax to his Men that they were dying, till at last necessity made them stale away* in night time, and so they escaped to Leinster and Munster. They lost many of their Arms by the way, being so feeble and sickly many were not able to carry them. Any man that is a Soldier practical in Warr Expeditions may think it strange that Castlehaven should march down with his Army to a waste Country, as the County of Ardmagh, Dunderagee, and Charlemount, and not to the planted Countries where his Enemies lay dispersed in their Quarters, as the Upper Clandeboys and Lecale in the County of Down, and Lower Clandeboys in the County of Antrim, or unto the County of Donegall where provision was plenty—but the Fates would not have it so.

*Steal away.

The blame of the same was much attributed to MacArt, who was with Castlehaven as his chief Councellor, and had about 2,500 Ulstermen under his command. They said his Ambition was the cause solely, for that he was not well satisfied he had not the Command of the Army to himself—considering himself not to be the worst soldier, with which several old Soldiers does acquiesce.

Now that Castlehaven and MacArt retired out of Ulster, then all was quiet, but what incursions these in Charlemount used to do, as I said before. I have enlarged myself upon Castlehaven’s expedition in regard I saw what I write.

1645.—This year the Scottish and British Army had no Enemy to march against, and to besiege Charlemount they never attempted it only at a distance as you read before, on which both those Armies, Horse and Foot, to the number of 6,000 Foot and 900 Horse, or thereabouts, marched as farr as Granard in the County of Longford, where we encamped all day on Sunday, and on Monday morning marched to————, where our forlorn Hope encountered with three or four Troops north side of the Bridge, but being overpowered retired to the Bridge, where there was a smart Boute, and about a score killed between both. The Irish Troops were put to Retreat, and the Foot coming up the Castle was taken, and the Commander of it killed, who made but slender defence according to what he might do, according to the strength and situation of the place.

That night the Army lay near to a stately House called Ballycarvellan, belonging to one Nugent; where Hens and Geese were gotten plentifully, which was a [great treat] to our Soldiers. The next morning the Major General caused them to burn that House, of which several thought most strange and pitied it. Then the Army faced about and marched towards Newry and so homewards, where by the way, in Westmeath I saw about half a score Swine the straggling Soldiers got, all footed [qr.? shod] like a Colt, which was strange amongst us, neither did I see any such Swine.

1646.—This year a Nuncio came from the Pope, and brought with him————of Gold, and had them stamped to Pistols and half Pistols. At whose coming the Confederate Council of Kilkenny were consulting who to send to keep the Scotts of Ulster from advancing to their Country; and then considering with themselves how the Lord Castlehaven lost many of his Army, and did nothing but stole away from the Scottish at last, they resolved to employ MacArt, and so styled him Captain General of the Catholic Army of Ulster, with permission to raise seven Regiments [of foot], and seven Troops of Horse—which accordingly he did. In some of these Regiments were 1,500, as in his own and Collonel MacDonnell’s, and in all the rest about 1,000 each.

After he raised these Forces he got Arms for them, half Muskets, half Pikes, so he would have it, and Pistols for four Troops and Lances for one. Then he marched from his Winter Quarters in March, and marched to a Hill in the County of Cavan, called the Gallanagh, where he remained seven Weeks training and exercising his Men daily, and gave them sixpence per diem of the Pope’s Gold, so that Hill is ever since called Cnock anorr [Cnoc an oir] in Irish, the Hill of Gold.

Towards the end of seven Weeks he got intelligence from Charlemount, that the British and Scottish Army were to Rendezvous at a place called Benburb, within two miles of Charlemount, on the Fifth of June; on which he marched towards it, discharging all the [Creates] and ordered them all to return home; and came in the Evening before the Day to Benburb, sending his Scouts to Ardmagh, where meeting Munroe’s Forlorn of Horse, they took one of the Scouts and sent him to Monroe, who encamped that night with the British and Scottish Army at Lochadein near Sir Charles Poine’s Pass, as they call it in English.

On getting Intelligence from the Prisoner, that MacArt was marching with his army towards Charlemount, Monroe roused his company in post haste, and sent the Lord of Ardes, his son-in-law, with all the Horse to fall on MacArt’s Rear, [in order] to put a stop to his March till he came up with the Army after him: then fearing nothing but that Mac Art would get to Charlemount, and keep himself there secure as Castlehaven did before, and so hinder his March to Kilkenny to join there with the Lord Lieutenant. Not expecting they had Hearts to face him, [he] marched at a great rate till they came to Rinardee; on which MacArt getting notice from his Scout who had escaped to him, sent out in the morning early Colonel Bryan Roe O’Neill with all Horse but one Troop to Dungannon, to fall on those forces marching from Coleraine under the command of Sir George Munroe, being about 300 Foot and a Troop of Horse. And he sent a Captain and one hundred Men to keep Port More passage on Black Water, least his Enemies should march to that pass.

They did not, but made towards Rinard, which MacArt observing, commanded out a Major of Foot called Mac MacHugh Boy O’Neill, with about 1000 Foot and that Troop he had left in the Camp, and met the Lord of Ardes forlorn of Horse at the Wood called Ballaghkillagevill, where they saluted one another very roughly. They beat back the Forlorn till the Lord of Ards came up, and gave him the like salutation, and then retired through places as secure from Horse as they could, giving Fire in the Rear.

At this Alarm MacArt made not his way to Charlemount but towards his Enemies, and marched a Myle from Benburb towards them, where he took his ground on a scroggred high hill, and sent out five hundred men more, half Pike half Musket, to assist those returning from the Lord of Ardes. On which Ardes halted till Munroe came up with the Army, and drew on another Hill against MacArt, and a Bottom between them. Then men were commanded out from both sides down next the River in scroggie Woods, where Munroe’s Men were often put to the worse and beaten back, and then [the parties were] relieved on both sides.

In the meantime that these parties or wings were so playing, Munroe’s field pieces were not idle, but giving Fire, and most commonly overshot MacArt’s men, [and] only twice struck down two fyles. At this rate they were from two o’clock till an hour before Sunset, and MacArt’s Men crying to advance. But he desired them to have a little patience till the Horse would return; who returning in great haste in a gallop, all in a sweat both Horse and Men, and drawn up in their ground; then there was an intermission on both sides, being preparing to fight more close, on which MacArt spoke in the Front of his own Men these words, as I was told, or to that effect:—

“Gentlemen and Fellow Soldiers! Know that those that stand before you ready to fight are those that banished you, your Wives and Children from your Lands and Houses, and make you seek your Bread and Livelihood in strange places. Now you have Arms in your Hands as good as they have, and you are Gentlemen as good as they are. You are the Flower of Ulster, descended from as Ancient and Honourable a Stock of People as any in Europe. This Land you and your Predecessors having possessed about three thousand years. All Christendom knows your quarrel is good—to Fight for your native Birthright and for the Religion which your Forefathers professed and maintained since Christianity came first to this Land.

“So as now is the time to consider your distressed and slavish condition; you have Arms in your Hands, you are as numerous as they are; and now try your Valour and your Strength on those who have banished you, and now resolve to destroy you Bud and Branch. So let your Manhood be seen by your push of Pike; and I will engage, if you do so, by God’s Assistance and the Intercession of his Blessed Mother and all the Holy Saints in Heaven, that the Day will be your own. Your word is Sancta Maria; and so in the Name of the Father, Son and Holy Ghost advance, and give not Fire till you are within Pike-Length.”

Which accordingly was observed. At which time the Sun and Wind was against them, and blew the Smoke in their Faces, so that for a little moment the Musketeers could not see. At which charge the Scottish and British Officers stood it Manfully, and left not their Ground till they were beaten down by push of Pike. But their men did not back them so Vigorously as they should. One reason was, that since they left Mullow and Lisnegarvy they had not time to rest or refresh themselves till they came to front MacArt, and then standing from Two o’clock till Seven o’clock to their Arms, was enough to make them faint and heartless.

Another reason is that the Irish Pikes were longer by a Foot or two than the Scottish Pikes, and farr better to pierce, being four square and small, and the others’ Pikes broadheaded, which are the worst in the World. Withall to my own knowledge, the Soldiers, I mean some that were not strong [enough] in the British Army for his Pike in a windy day, would cut off a foot, and some two, of their Pikes—which is a damned thing to be suffered. But the truth is, that Army did not expect to be faced by Ulstermen, much less to be fought with; but too much confidence makes security, and security makes carelessness: and so it happened that day.

The Scottish Army that day were but six Regiments, consisting of about five hundred a piece; viz.—Three Thousand Men. For of the ten Regiments come out of Scotland (which indeed were but the scum of that country, excepting Officers, who were generally accomplished gentlemen, and indeed very musical and liberal) there went back to Scotland four Regiments to assist Argyleagainst Mount-Rose; that is to say, the Lord Smickler’s Regiment, garrisoned in Newry, Collonel Hume’s Regiment, garrisoned in Belfast, Collonel Campbell’s, alias Lawyer’s Regiment, in Templepatrick, and Collonel Campbell’s, alias Aghinbrack’s, quartered in the Roote; so as indeed the Scottish Army was but weak. Then the British Forces that Day in the Field were four Regiments of Foote; viz., Lord Claneboy’s, Lord of Ardes’s, Lord Conway’s and Sir James Montgomery’s—our Regiment of Antrim not being there, being quartered between Antrim————and the Fort of Blackwater, at the River foot. Those British Regiments, I believe, were not above five hundred a piece that day; so, as I verily believe, Monroe was not above five thousand Men, if so many, besides seven or eight hundred Horse, or thereabouts, on which some blame was cast upon that Day; there was not an Army in Ireland in that Warr since the beginning for two months, Provision was better accommodated.

The number killed there was about eighteen or nineteen hundred, besides one hundred and fifty odd taken prisoners, of private Soldiers, whom MacArt sent away with a Convoy to Sir Charles Poines’pass with safety. The Officers [who] got quarters, he sent to Charlemount; but the Lord of Ardes he sent to Cloghouter. The Lord Blaney refused to take quarters, and so was killed, one of his Thigh Bones being broke before by a Bullet in the charge; his command that Day was Captain of the Artillery. That Day it was much observed by MacArt, that Munroe had no-Reserve, which indeed was very odd. As for him, he had a whole Regiment, consisting of one thousand Men at least, with their Collonel Rory MacGuire, a Gallant stout person, as was said; and placed them about half a quarter of an English Myle out of Munroe’s sight—who advanced forward seeing the field their own, and got all the clothes and money of the dead, those before them following the Execution so hot, stay’d not to strip the Bodies or search their Pockets.* The slaughter was followed till Night parted them.

*”The Irish got the Arms of the British, four good cannons, all the tents, baggage, stores, 1,500 draught horses, and two months’ provisions, and Munroe’s coat and wig.”—Carte.

The second day after the fight MacArt marched towards Sir Robert Stewart’s, and the Forces under his command, being about two thousand, encamped at Agher, making on to meet Munroe at Clownish. But getting notice of MacArt’s advance marched off in Night time and retired to Londonderry, and left MacArt but an old Drum and two or three Musketts in their Camp. But if he had stay’d, MacArt would Revenge the Day of Clownish, but Sir Robert was more prudent and Wary. Then MacArt returned to Benburb and marched to Charlemount, and to Dunderagee, and then sent out two strong parties thence under the command of his own Lieutenant-Colonel Phelim MacToole O’Neill, who brought with him great preys from about Killeleigh and Dundrum in the County of Down; and the other party under the command of O’Cahan advanced no further than within a Myle to Glanavy, and returned without a Cow or Horse.

After five or six Days rest at Dunderagee, MacArt marched back into the County of Cavan, where he remained with his Army in Camp and in quarters for seven Weeks 5 which was thought strange that they remained so long there, and did not prosecute the Victory he obtained. His reason for the same was, that some Letters was gotten with my Lord of Ardes signifying that a peace was to be concluded through all Ireland by the Lord Lieutenant, who then was the Marquis of Ormond; and that MacArt was resolved to obstruct the same, if he had not an honourable share and condition in it, which it seems he had not; neither was it honourable or safe to all the Irish, as they conceived, for they all generally did not submit unto it. The main reason was, that the confirming of much of the peace, in things very considerable to the Irish, was to be referred to the next Parliament, to be by them considered and enacted; to which MacArt answered that he was not making a peace with a Parliament, which he did not know, nor they [with] him, but was making his conditions of peace with the King of England, &c.; and that he expected he would confirm whatsoever peace he made with him, as he for his part would do the like in whatsoever he engaged in, and so that peace took not effect.

This year was a prosperous year with the Irish; for General Preston, about the same time MacArt did beate Munroe at Benburb, was in siege about Roscommon five weeks, about the end of which Major Ormsby with one thousand two hundred Horse, advanced to relieve it; of which Preston getting Intelligence, drew all his Horse within his outwork, and left nothing in the Horse-quarters but their Tents. Next morning early advances Ormsby, thinking to fall on the Horse in their quarters; but, being disappointed, marched round about the Company and went off—those within, being then agreed very near to close conditions, did not stir or move.

The Horse Officers, as Major Finglass, Major Barnwall, and other brave fellows, seeing Ormsby marching away without a Salute, were much dissatisfied, and begged leave of the General to follow him; which he was very backward to do, least to receive any Rub or Affront, which might occasion the not-surrender of the Castle. But the Officers [being] very importunate with him, [he] at last gave them liberty, and advised them that each Horseman, being in all about six or seven hundred, should take a Footman behind him; and [he] told them that if they took a Retreat, none of them should return to him; for not a Man of them he would take or receive into his Camp.

On which these Officers marched after Ormsby accordingly, and, after three miles marching at a quick motion, made the Footmen light, and ordered them for fighting; then the Horse advanced before them, where they found Ormsby drawn up ready to receive them, in three divisions, against which the Irish ordered themselves, and so charged—in which Major Ormsby, like a brave fellow, called aloud for his Brother Barnwall, who quickly answered him, and after discharging their Pistolls, went to their short Swords very manfully on both sides; but at last Barnwall gave him that cut on the small of his swordhand, [which] maimed him during his Days. Then Ormsby and his Horse were put to the Run disorderly, before the Foote came up, and followed the Slaughter for Eighteen Miles; but Ormsby was carried off by Sweepstake, his fleet horse, in despight of Fate. The number killed were about two hundred.

The Castle of Roscommon was surrendered next daye by one Collonel Saunderson, and Lieutenant Collonel Thomas Coote being the chief commanders in it, who got honourable quarters. In this fight the Irish lost but one officer, Captain Burke, with about twenty Men.

The Winter this year MacArt nor Preston, with their Armys, were not long in their quarters, when they advanced near Dublin and stop’t all across to the same, so as it was reduced to a needy condition; and then understanding that the Lord Lieutenant was on terms with the Parliament of England, to give it to them, the King, then being gone to the Scottish Army as his last refuge, sent after to the Lord Lieutenant to put the Castle and City in their hands, and that they would keep it for the King. But the Lord Lieutenant thought it better to quiet the Parliament rather than the papists, and so it was accordingly surrendered to their Commissioners, sent over to that end, viz. Collonel Michael Jones, Arthur Anslie, Esquire, Sir Robert King, Sir Robert Meredith and Collonel John Moore, of which Jones was made Governour, and of all Leinster. At the surrender the Lord Lieutenant got honourable conditions, and Thirteen Thousand Pounds in money from the Parliament at his going over; but on other considerations. The surrender of it was on the 28th of June, 1647.

After Jones was possessed of it with his forces, the Irish Armies fell back; then MacArt was commanded to go, and take in Sligo in Connaught, then the only considerable place the English had in Connaught, which was gotten from the Irish the year before, and some other Castles; for until the year forty-five, the Irish was at peace and quietness there, from the Beginning of the Warrs without any Army troubling them, which made them not to be so Military as the other Provinces that were commonly at action.

MacArt having marched with his Army as farr as these Mountains beyond Abby-boil, in order to take in Sligo, where his pioneers were at Work five or six weeks through Rockey mountains to make way for his Guns, during that time General Preston was with his Leinster Army within fifteen or sixteen Miles to Dublin—being a compleat Army, to the numbers of about five thousand, and the best paid in Ireland.
On which Collonel Jones sent to General Monck at Lisnegarvy for one thousand foot and five or six troops of Horse, which was sent him, and joined with Jones on Skreen hill, and advanced towards Preston, who, hearing of more forces coming to Jones, retired, but was followed and forced to face about and to take his Ground at————alias Dungan Hill, twenty-five Miles of Dublin, and drew up his Army in Bodies, and planted his Cannons on Ground [which] proved not very advantageous unto him.

On which Jones and Sir Henry Tichburne, a good old Soldier, who marshalled their Army into Battallions, and sent five Hundred Horse underthe command of Major James Clotworthy, formerly mentioned, to give the first charge, which he did with great resolution, and in going on had his Horse killed under him, but quickly remounted, and advanced, and beat all till he struck the Cannon—then the Bodies closed, and not long Preston’s Horse held to it, when they retired disorderly, and [were] followed about two Miles.

In the mean time, they left their Foot engaged, who made out in a Moss, and there stood to it till they were overpowered, and most of them killed, and taken and got quarters. The most of Preston’s Foot [that] escaped, were two or three hundred Irish, under the command of Major Hugh Oge MacCormuck, who were in Mount Rose’s service in Scotland, till [on] the day of Phillip-haugh, he was defeated in September in the year 1646, who were now charged very hot, and, seeing all gone, broke through those that charged them, with some loss, and escaped through a Moss where no horse could follow. General Preston was much blamed for his Conduct in Loosing that Army; for had he stay’d within Portlesterr-pass, as MacArt sent him advice, till himself would come to him with his Army, they had [been] too many for Jones; but he did not, but thought to do the work himself, but his fate was otherwise. This fight was on the Twenty-third Day of August, One thousand six hundred and Forty-seven.

Of Jones his Army there was not sixty left, whereof the chief was one Captain Moore, in the first charge. This Army being thus lost, then Leinster was in a sad and timorous condition, least to be over-run byJones his Army; upon which MacArt was sent for by the Councell of Kilkenny to come to Leinster with his Army; which accordingly he did without delay, and encamped within a safe place, at Castlejordan, where no Enemy could force him to fight, but when he found his advantage to come out.

Upon whose return Collonel Jones sent again to General Monck about the latter end of August for One thousand foote and horse, whom in person he Commanded himself, and met Jones at the church on Skreen-hill, and then marched into Portlester, where was a Castle commanded by a Lieutenant of Preston’s Army, with about thirty men, which was Battered down at the 38th Shott of Cannon, there being two planted against it; but those in it escaped over a muddy Gut of a River close to the Castle, that no horse could follow them. At the fall of the Castle there was a soldier stood Centinel upon one of the Turretts of the Castle, which, when it fell, the Stones falling with such force threw the poor creature clear of them, that up he got to be away; but the Soldiers Rushing down at the fall of the Castle, knocked him in the head; at which General Monk and Jones, then standing at the Battery and saw him fall, were very Angry when they heard he was killed, after he escaped so strangely as he did.

At this time those two Generals expected MacArt (who heard all the Shotts, being but Seven Miles off,) would come into the field and fight them; but he did not. Then they marched out of Portlester, where they were viewing the Ground where the Lord Moore was killed three years before, very oddly, as you have read before. Then they marched to a Garrison called Athboy, commanded by one Major Stanley of the Leinster Army, where as soon as he saw a preparation to assault it, he sent out for a parley, which was granted him. In this Interim three or four hundred Soldiers of the Army rushed down without Command or Commanders, and fell on the Castle where Stanley was, and took it without Opposition or Blood; for the Officers seeing the Soldiers run down, run’d after them, but on a sudden the Castle and Stanly was taken, and got quarters, on mercy, and so the like the rest of the Castles, in which in all there were about Three hundred men and one Captain Dardis, who were all sent to Dublin till they were Ransomed. But about a Douzen of Fine Gentlewomen there taken, were sent to [ ] with a safe loving conduct.

Then Monk and Jones parted, and Monk brought with him a Small Gun from Jones, and marched to an Island at Carrickmagh [ ] kept by the Irish, which at the third shot was given up on quarters, who had Liberty to go where they pleas’d, their number being about a dozen and a Serjant. All the pillage in the place General Monk bestowed on myself, being no less than a Greyhound and a pair of [ ] which I brought home to Antrim.

About two months after these two Generals returned home and quartered their Men, the Councell of Kilkenny sent their Commands to MacArt to march with his own Army and Leinster Horse under the Command of Commissary General Dongan, to burn all Meath and Dublin quarters; to which he returned Answer, [that] to do the same was nothing of Soldiery or prudency as he conceived; for if they expected to be Victors, they should not burne the country, and that it was a practice he never saw done in any country.

But all would not do; for they told him flatt and plain by their Messenger, that he should not have any Winter quarters from them if he accomplished not their Commands. On which MacArt marched with his Army, with those Leinster Horse commanded by Commissary General Dongan, and made no great halt till he encamped two Nights at Corduff, and sent out parties on both hands as far as Drumponragh,* within a Mile to Dublin, and on the other hand to Drogheda, and Burnt all between those two Cities, and all Meath, Westward, that contributed to Dublin. MacArt being on his return after he left Corduff, Collonel Jones and Sir Henry Titchburne with Dublin forces appeared within view, at the distance of a mile or two to MacArt, but did not engage, and as the case then stood with them, it was prudently done.

*Drumcondra (?)

After MacArt returned from this Burning Expedition, the Council of Kilkenny gave him Winter quarters. But before he dispersed his Army, having good intelligence, being the Life of quick actions, sent Two thousand Men under the Command of O’Cahan his own Lieutenant, Collonel Phelin MacToole, and Major Dogherty of the Horse, and marching twenty odd Miles that night, and next morning, being a cloudie misty morning, undiscovered went to the Gates of Rolls in Westmeath and suddenly surprized it, where Collonel Jones (now Sir Theophilus Jones) was in garrison with about seven hundred foot, which were all lost to a few, but himself got good quarters though taken without conditions—being worthy of it for a Gallant Soldier on Foot and on Horse.

After this party of MacArt’s returned, his Army were dispers’d on their Winter quarters, where we will leave them a while and see whatnext follows in the North, in the County of Antrim, of Revolution, which was, that great Animosities were between the Officers of the British Army and those of the Scottish Army, consequently between their chief Commanders—General Monk of the British Army and Major General Munroe of the Scottish Army. In that the Scottish, since they were defeated at Benburb, were not recruited, and were weak, yet did keep the same quarters which they had, being but a Remnant of six Regiments; and the British Army stronger and more considerable wanted quarters, and such as they had were encroached upon daily by the Scottish. To remedy which there was a plot laid by Major Owen O’Connally, formerly mentioned, and Sir Robert Adare, a Captain of Horse of the Scottish Army, and one Captain Brice Coghran, (afterwards styled Sir Brice Coghran) a Captain of Foot of the Scottish Army in Carrickfergus; which plot was made acquainted by them to General Monk, on which the time was appointed to put it in Execution; pursuant to which Monk with considerable Forces met in Night time and marched to Knockfergus’ Gate, next the Irish quarters, which at break of day was opened to them by Captain Coghran, that Night Captain ofthe Watch, and without delay or opposition, Major General Munroe was taken in his house, and made prisoner, and within four days sent to the Parliament of England with one Major Burgh of Lisnegarvy. Burgh got two hundred pounds from the Parliament for his prisoner, who was committed to the Tower, where he lay for five or six years, and what was against him that deserved his Imprisonment so long, was kept silent from me.

But the Scottish Army, after he was taken, were thought inconsiderable, and got neither quarters nor [pay] as I heard of; then Carrickfergus was under Monk’s command, and not long after Coleraine was likewise, having taken it from the Scottish in open day time without the least Opposition. This year was very calm, but many Transactions there was preparing for action the next year.

In the mean time the British Forces often used to make incursions into the County of Monaghan to get preys, and all by the means of one Notorious Spye called MacCumasky, a County Monaghan Man, always imployed by one Captain Thomas Clarke belonging to Collonel Marcus Trevor, quartered at Carlingford, afterwards Lord Dungannon, made by the King at his Restoration. Which Spy kept his Mother as his under-Spy amongst the Irish Creates, begging as a poor Beggar woman, who no sooner as she saw any of the Creates to come into that Country or else Cavan, but immediately she brought her son notice of them, then he to his patron, Thomas Clarke, then he to Collonel Trevor; on which he sent to Lisnegarvy to Major Rawdon (afterwards made a Baronet) for Foot and Horse, then Rawdon to Antrim Regiment; and then as many as were commanded and requisite for the Business most commonly met all at Lochadein; from whence all marched in Night time where the Creates were, and surprized them by the conduct and Guiding of MacCumaskie, whom I have seen in the front of the partie in a dark night, light off his Horse and groap on his knees to find a passage through a Bog.

By his spying I am confident that the Irish in those two Counties, especially Monaghan, the Creates in four or five years lost five thousand Cows, besides Mares and Garrons, and most commonly in the Winter, and sometimes in Frost and Snow. But at last he was taken by Collonel Bryan MacMahon and hanged, who well deserved it from him and his people.

This year James, Marquiss of Ormonde, furnished with new instructions, returns Lord Lieutenant, when the Parliament of England made an Ordinance of address to the King; but such Caution was given him as to act nothing in the Execution of his power as long as the treaty between the King and Parliament or any hopes of it Lasted. For if peace had been made between them, there had been no peace made with the Irish, which injunction the Lord Lieutenant well observed and kept close at Kilkenny, till at last he saw the King abused and slighted, and then [he] made use of his power and Interest, and made peace with all the Irish but MacArt and [the] Ulster partie, which was proclaimed Seven Days just after the King was murdered at his own Gate at Whitehall, viz., the thirtieth of January, One thousand Six hundred and Forty Eight, Sub Carolo secundo.

The thing hindred MacArt and Ulster men to get the same conditions as Leinster and Munster got, (which was all they desired), was through the malice of some of the Commissioners [who were] empowered to make the peace, as the Lord Lieutenant said, who I will not name, since they recanted afterwards and are now in their Graves. At which MacArt, seeing himself slighted, was highly dissatisfied, conceiving he obliged Leinster men more, and consequently the Commissioners, when he came to defend their Country from their Enemy after their Army was broken at Dungan-hill, as before mentioned, then to refuse him the same conditions as others gott, and withall that he did as good service, as he conceived, as either of those two provinces, on which he adhered to the Pope’s Nuncio then in the Kingdom. At this time the Clergy of Ireland were as factious as the Laity; one party of them for the Lord Lieutenant and another for the Nuncio, and both Excommunicating one another with Bell, Book and Candle light. The like Division amongst Roman Catholicks was never before seen in Ireland; but it was a prelude of what followed—which was, that in C[romwell’s?] time, and in the Anabaptists’ time, there was five pounds for a priest’s head as well as for a Wolf’s head—so as most of the Clergy Romanists were Banished and made fly the Kingdom.

Upon MacArt’s advancing to the Pope’s Nuncio, a considerable part of his Army, more than the one-half, deserted him and submitted to the peace, and to my Lord Lieutenant, viz., the Lord Iveagh’s Regiment, Sir Phelim O’Neill and his Regiment, Collonel Alexander MacDonnal (since Lord of Antrim) and his Regiment, Collonel Tirlagh Oge O’Neill of the Fews and his Regiment, and Collonel Miles Reilly and Collonel Brien MacColla MacMahon with their two Regiments of Horse.

Now MacArt, seeing himself thus deserted by his own Officers, and slighted by the Com[missioners] at concluding the peace, was some time Ruminating with himself what course next to Steere, having no amunition left; and Linster and Munster Forces, adhering to the Lord Lieutenant, were not his friends, but look’d upon him as a forlorn Person, with all those that adhered to him: on which the result was that he sent to General Monk, then at Dundalk, and concluded a League with him, that all Ulster Creates, come out of Linster and Munster, should be safe in Ulster, paying small contribution per Cow, per Year—and that if Monk should be besieged, or necessitated by the Lord Lieutenant’s partie, then he was to relieve him to the uttermost of his power; in consideration of which MacArt was to have Twenty Barrells of Powder.

At this rate we will leave them, and give some Account what was done in Munster between the Lord Inchiquin, General for the Parliament of England, and the Lord Tibbott Taafe, General of the Irish Forces of Munster and Conaught. They were on both sides such brave Forces, that a Day and Field was appointed, viz., the [13th] Day of November, 1647, at Knockannoss in Munster in the County of [Cork].

The Account of which in brief was (as it was given me by those there that day) that the Lord Taaf’s Army consisted of about four thousand five hundred Foot, and Horse about seven or eight hundred; of which Foote there were about a thousand of that Army fought under the Command of Mountross in Scotland, and now in Taafe’s Army under their own Commander, Alexander MacColla Mac Donall, [who was] with Mountrossa—Major Generall now with Taafe made Lieutenant Generall.

The Parliament’s Army (so they were called) under Inchiquin consisted of about the same number of Foote with Taafe’s but were more in Horse. Both Armies appearing at the day and place, then both marshalled and ordered their bodies to the best advantage of fighting and to obtain the Victory; and indeed [they were] on both sides very confident. And so MacDonall with his One thousand old beaten Soldiers, and himself in the head of them, was placed against Inchiquin’s right hand; and Munster men on the right hand of Taafe’s Army, placed against Inchiquin’s left hand.

Then the forlorn on both sides engaged, and [Taafe’s forlorn was] beaten back once or twice by Inchiquin’s Horse; then MacDonall advanced with a select Band of targetteers, and Broad Swords, and charged Inchiquin’s right hand Infantry, and, being Seconded by his own Men, broke them clear, and put them to confusion, and was Slaughtering them; at which time Inchiquin’s left hand did charge and Brake Taafe’s right hand, and were slaughtering as fast as MacDonell was on the other hand, at which rate they were fighting all round, till Inchiquin, an Expert Commander, with Horse charges MacDonall on his back on the Execution of those before him, and puts him and his men to confusion, and so to run.

And MacDonall himself, going off two or three Miles, got quarters, and all those men [who] stuck to him, from a Coronet of Horse called [O’Grady]. At which time comes up one Major Purdon, afterwards Baronetted, and demanded the Coronet who it was he gave quarters to. On which he told him; on which Pourdon was in a fury, and shott Mac Donell in the Head, beingthe other[’s] prisoner, and so MacDonell was Lost. In revenge of which the Coronet for Seven Years fought Pourdon every year, but most commonly got the worse, which was the more pity. For I am confident, that after an Enemy having surrendered his Sword and Armes, and is a Prisoner, ’tis murder to kill him; and that is the fulfilling of the old Adage,—”a Man may murder his Enemy,” against which the Law of God, the Law of nature and Nations, especially the Law of Armies (which is very exact in that particular) is against.

The most of Taafe’s Foot were lost, but of his Horse not two hundred. The loss of this Field was much attributed to the want of ready conduct, and those on the right hand did not fight so Vigorously as MacDonall did on the left hand. But it was his destiny to be so lost after these many fights and dangers he was in in the Warrs of Scotland—being as stout and strong a Man as ever carried a Broad Sword and Targett of late days, and so Vigorous in Fight, that had his conduct [been] equivalent to his Valour, he had been one of the best Generalls in Europe. This Fight should be placed in the Year 1647.

After this fight all was quiet from Action, and the peace generally submitted unto, and Inchiquin joined with Lord Lieutenant, and styled the King’s Army Royal, who about the Beginning of June began to Rendezvous. Then the Lord Lieutenant sent twice or thrice to Collonel Jones, Governor of Dublin, to take honourable conditions, and to surrender the Castle to him on his Majesty’s behalf, and to joine with him in the Service; but Jones would not on any account. At which denial some said, that if the Lord Lieutenant had put the Castle into some of the Roman Catholick Commanders’ hands, when he gave it the Parliament and Jones in the Year 1647, now he might have it back againe undoubtedly, but it was destined otherwise.

The Lord Lieutenant being in the Field with his Army, drew near Harristown, within fifteen miles of Dublin, in the County of Kildare, made Jones to look about him, who with all haste sent for Monk to Dundalk, who with like haste went to him with his Troop, only having no Forces to spare out of the Garrison; and going to him to Dublin, next Day Jones and he marched with the Forces they had, consisting of about three Thousand Five hundred foote, and about six hundred Horse well mounted and Armed, and made nohalt till they were at the Naas, within fifteen miles to the Lord Lieutenant’s Army.

That Night they sent out one hundred Horse under the Command of one Major Dunbarr, with whom I was commanded as next Officer, to bring some Account of the other Army and to get a Prisoner if we could. On which Major Dunbarr marched till he met their Centinells and out-Guard, who retired after loosing one of their men; on which Dunbarr fell back quickly, and brought the Prisoner to Jones and Monk, who gave them some Account not very material, but that the Army Royal (for so it was called) was at least Twenty-five Thousand men; but believed not Twenty Thousand, if so many.

The next night Jones and Monk sent out a Captain of Horse,one Sir John Hoy, with one hundred Horse, who brought an Account at break of Day, that the Lord Lieutenant with the whole Army was marching between us and Dublin; on which the Camp was raised in haste, and marched to it, at a good quick motion; but marched not two miles when the Lord Lieutenant’s Horse falls in the Rere, under the Command of one Major Barnewall, before spoken of, to the number of Five hundred, where they made hot work with Pickeering and Pistolling close, till he that Commanded the rear, Colonell Theophilus Jones, a sure man for that work, Seeing Barnewall’s keep close in the rear, sent for one hundred Foote [half] Pike half Muskett, and kept them in the rear, on which Barnewall and his men sett off at Fox and Geese. There were but few drop’t of either side, but I am confident many were wounded with Musquett and Pistols.

This Night Monk and Jones parted, and never saw one another afterwards; for Monk returned to his Garrison, and Dublin was blocked up next day, and when it was besieged, Dundalk was yielded up by Monk to Inchiquin, and [he] went to England; and the same year, Jones being made LieutenantGeneral to Cromwell’s Horse, died at Yoghill, in Munster.

Before the Lord Lieutenant Rendezvous’d his Army, he sent Sir George Monroe with Collonel Alexander MacDonnall, now Earl of Antrim, with his Regiment, and one Collonel Butler with five hundred Dragoons from Ross in the County of Wexford, and marched to Athlone, where Collonel Francis Taafe, son to Lord Tibbott Taafe, with his Regiment joined with them, by a patent from the Lord Lieutenant; on which they marched by the way of the mountain called and to Inniskillen, and then to Letter-Keney, where they remained for Ten days refreshing themselves, and sending privately to Colerain, which was Monroe’s Garrison since the Scottish Army came over at May ’42, till Monk took it in ’48.

From Letterkeney they marched over at the River at Liffer, and to Colerain, which was Surrendered to Monroe at sound of his Trumpet; upon which there was a great alarm in the County of Antrim, and many got to their Armes, as those of Lisnegarvy, Antrim and Ballymeanagh, and marched towards Ballimoney to fight Munroe, who, as soon as he heard of their advance, marches out towards them. But the others were wary, they retired and dispersed each Man to his own, and staid not to engage. On which Munroe marched to Antrim who received him, and then to Lisnegarvy, who did the like; but into neither he did put a Garrison, which he repented afterwards. Then he marched to Carrickfergus, which, after some few shotts and no blood drawn and a parly granted to the Castle and Town, was yielded to Sir George by one Major Ellis, left there by Monk, when he took it from Major General Munroe; and then he put his own men into it, under the Command of Collonel Degeale,* afterwards General Degeale in Scotland, after the King’s Restoration. Then the Country of Antrim and Down professing all for the King, Munroe with Collonel MacDonell and his Regiment, and Collonel Butler and his Dragoons, marched to the Lord Lieutenant at Dublin Siege, and Collonel Taafe back to Athlone with his men. After two nights rest Collonel MacDonell and his Regiment were sent back from Dublin Siege to the County of Antrim, where we will leave them at ease awhile, and trace out what MacArt is doing.

*Perhaps Dalzeele, mentioned by Carte.

Then Dublin being besieged, and also Drogheda by the Lord Inchiquin, Lieutenant-General now of the Army Royal, MacArt comes into the County of Ardmagh and sends a Collonel of Horse, one Brien Roe O’Neill, and his own Lieutenant Colonel, Phelim MacTool O’Neill, without about Two hundred foote and a Troope of Horse for the Twenty Barrells of Powder to Monk before promised him. Where they stayed so long that Inchiquin got Intelligence thereof at Drogheda, and with all haste marched himself at a quick motion with five hundred Horse, and Commanded before him as his forlorn Collonel Marcus Trevor with two hundred of them, who overtook MacArt’s men with the Powder at a pass at a Bog north of Castletown within quarter of a Mile, where Trevor charged them, before Inchiquin came to him, but was beaten back. Then Inchiquin coming in, Trevor and he charged them again, where after some opposition MacArt’s men were beaten, and to the number of about One hundred and Twenty of them killed in their Ranks, and the Powder [was] all taken but One Barrell carryed away by a Horseman.

The Officers for the most part got quarters, and were released on their Parole to pay Ransom, and the Soldiers taken released and sent away to MacArt on promise of Ransom. Then matters going very hard with MacArt, and ruminating with himself what course next to steere, the result was, that he sent to Sir Charles Coote, afterwards created by the King at his Restoration Earl of Mountrath, then besieged by the King’s party in Londonderry, viz., by Sir Robert Stewart, Sir Alexander Stewart, and Collonel Audley Mervin (afterwards Knighted by the King) and their Forces, and conditioned with Coote to raise the Siege for forty Barrells of Powder and a Thousand Beefes—which Coote immediately condescended unto, being glad of the Bargain.

On which MacArt marched with all the power he had, being not above two thousand, horse and foote; of which when the Besiegers heard, they drew off and dispersed themselves to their several quarters, and so MacArt remained in the County of Londonderry most commonly at Ballykelly, doing nothing but eating of [the thousand] Beefs and recruiting his Army—Men being daily going to him in whole Companies, from all parts, of those who left him before.

In the mean time Drogheda was taken in by Inchiquin, after which he marched to Dundalk with his Artillery, which before he made use of, the Town was surrendered unto him on honourable conditions by Monk, and all his Men took in with Inchiquin, and himself went away for England. After the Town being taken, Inchiquin left there a Garrison, and returned to the Siege at Dublin, where he was not long when news came to him out of Munster, that some Forces were Landed out of England at Cork, and that all those in it, and in those parts of the Country of the English, were revolting to them and casting off their allegiance to the King. On which he marches from the Siege with about One Thousand five hundred Horse, Foot and Dragoons.

Of which those Besieged got intelligence, and took the advantage of his absence and resolved to overcome or to be overcomed ; and so the [2nd] Day of July,* about Eight the Clock in the Morning sallied out all at one Gate, and fell on the next Guarde, and beat them, and so the next, and to the next, without any smart opposition, till they met one Sir William Vaughan, a Colonel of Horse, and one MacThomas Fitzgerrald, a Collonel of Horse, with what men they got together, who fought them courageously; and then those [who] came out being better seconded than those [who] opposed them, [the besiegers] were at last beaten and put to Route. After which there was no more fighting worthy relating, but all took the Run, of which many got into the House, where they made their quarters, both Soldiers and Officers.

*August, it should be.

Most of the Army escaped or got quarters, and were not long followed, for the plunder of Merchants’ Shops, Sutlers’ Tents and many other inducing matters abated much the fury of the Execution. For, such a Camp for plenty of all things, and rich withall, was never seen in Ireland before, so as it might well be baites to poor Soldiers close besieged. This Army was called the Army Royal, and well it might be so, and for riches and number may well be paralleled to King Darius’s Army when they fought against Alexander the Great: who being so numerous and confident, undervaluing their Enemies, that the most of them never thought that fighting would come to their turn, and so were gaping on till they were Routed without fighting—I mean the most part of his Army.*

*2,000 prisoners were taken; 300 of whom were massacred in cold blood at the gate of the city. To console Ormond for his defeat, Charles I. sent him the Order of the Garter! Jones said the Royal Army was 18,000 strong’; Ormond repeatedly asserts he had only 8,000.—See Lingard, who quotes his authorities

Of all conduct none is worse than to lose an Army without drawing them to fight and to second one another. Some old Soldiers, especially MacArt, as I was told, was of opinion that that Army would be beaten. His reason was, that there was not Forts or Medaloons made against the Gates to hinder sudden incursions out of the City; so that all the whole within might come out at one Gate, and so fall on some quarter of the Camp of the Besiegers, and likely might be as many in number, if not more, as that quarter they fell on—so as works before the Gates would be security, at least some stop, till that quarter of the Camp charged had gotten a supply and relief from other quarters. But what God decrees the Arm of Flesh cannot withstand.

The Lord Lieutenant acted on his retreat a quick Stratagem—when coming to one of Jones’s Garrisons, called Ballysannon, in the County of Kildare, [he] drew up all those of the Army [that] followed him, and sent a Trumpet toyield the Castle unto him, otherwise he would plant his Cannons against it, and then they should not have Quarters. On which they within, seeing the Lord Lieutenant in Person and Horse and Foot with him, and the Trumpet telling them that Dublin was surrendered, immediately yielded the Castle to the Lord Lieutenant, who gave them good quarters and sent them safe to Dublin.

After this defeat at Dublin the Lord Lieutenant was not idle but very active recruiting his Army, and sent for the Lord of Ardes, then Governor of Ulster for the King, and for the Claneboy’s and all the Forces they could make, which exceeded not one thousand—they having lost most of their Regiments of Foote before at Benburb by MacArt, and withall that many Officers and Soldiers laid down their Arms and would not fight the quarrel for the King against the Parliament.

In the interim that the Lord Lieutenant was thus making up his Army against————, Crumwell lands at Dublin and musters within two days 24 Thousand men, with those he brought over, and those in the City before—being very fatal news to the King’s partie at that time.

At which time MacArt was sent for, to accept of conditions of peace, being then at Ballykelly in the County of Londonderry, with a good Army; to which [making] repetition of how he was formerly used, and casting some reflections on some of the Commissioners, he condescended unto. And after he got his powder and remainder of his Cows from Coote, he marched with his Army (himself being carried in a Horse Litter) to [Cloghouter] in the County of Cavan, being lately fallen sick, where he kept his Army in Camp, and sent his Commissioners————, to meet the Commissioners from the Lord Lieutenant, where they concluded conditions of peace for MacArt, being the same was denied him before. After which he sent his Army to the Lord Lieutenant under the command of his Lieutenant-General, Richard O’Farrell, and Hugh Duff O’Neill, his Major-General, consisting of about Five thousand Foot and four hundred Horse.

They joined with the Lord Lieutenant’s Army, which were not so many more of Foote, at a place called Craignamanack in the County of Kilkenny, who received them with honour; and after viewing them, the Lord Inchiquin said openly he wished this had been done in time; and so we will leave them awhile and see what Crumwell has been doing since he landed. Which was that after he mustered his Army on Oxmantown Green, as foresaid, he marched to Drogheda, wherein was a strong Garrison from the Lord Lieutenant, (that is to say)—one Collonel Wall, one Collonel Warren, one Collonel Fleming, the first two of Foot, and the last of Horse, and one Major Finglass of Horse likewise, and all of them very gallant men at Armes. The forces they had [to resist] were about twenty-five thousand Foot, and two hundred and fifty Horse.

As soon as Crumwell came before it, [he] sent his Trumpet to bid those within surrender the place unto him, but was returned with a resolute Answer, that, till they lost their Lives, they would not yield the King’s Garrison put into their trust, unto him that was a notorious Enemy to his Majesty. On which Crumwell fell to his Batteries with Six pieces of Canon, and within a few days Battered the Walls, and made a long level breach on the South side of the Town and River, where the Mount is that Commands the whole Town, and stormed twice very courageously, but were very manfully beaten back with great loss; at which Crumwell stormed to see his men Knocked down, and of his chief Collonels one Castleton, and then stormed the third time, and himself in the head of them, till he went to their Breach, and then stepped by under the Wall to see his men entered, which after hard fight they did thick and three fold, and were again fought with in the Streets very smartly. But [the Irish] being overpowered, were all hewed down in their Ranks, and no quarters given for Twenty-four hours to Man, Woman, or Child; so that not a dozen escaped out of the Town of Town’s people or soldiers; and the Governor of it, one Sir Arthur Austin,* an old Soldier with a Wooden Leg, was knocked on the head at the Mount, and got no quarters.** He was in the Warrs of England Governor of Oxford for King Charles the First.

*Aston.

**September 11, 1649.

The Town being thus won, Crumwell marched next to Wexford with his Army; but before he left it, he sent one of his chief Collonels, one Robert Venables, a Cheshire man and a Gentleman, with his Regiment of about One thousand foote and about One hundred and fifty Horse, in the month of September, to Command Ulster. Who no sooner left Drogheda but the Lord Lieutenant got news of it, and forthwith commanded Collonel Marcus Trevor, with five hundred Horse from Tierahan, to fall on his quarters in Night time, such Exploits being Trevor’s usual practice,—————and master piece in the Warrs of England, being there a Collonel under King Charles the First. On which he marched through Mountains and obscure ways at Distance, till Venables thought he was out of Danger, [and] not fearing any harm from the Country before him, encamped at Night at Drumore in the County of Downe.

Of which Trevor got notice by his Spies sent before him, and consulted how to fall on Venables in his Camp. On which he ordered his Men to several quarters, and each officer his own charge, to fall on an hour before Day; and amongst others he Commanded one Captain Robert Atkinson, that Commanded [the] Lisnegarvy Horse, to fall on Venables in that way Leading from Drumore to Lisnegarvy as his quarter of the Camp. And so at the Hour appointed Trevor falls on very hott and put them all to confusion, the officers running out of their Tents amongst the soldiers, and some knocked down, and the Horse beaten off their Ground.

But Atkinson, not charging on that quarter he was ordered, gave Venables leisure on that side next Lisnegarvy, and so drew his foote into a close quicksett hedge Park by the River side, and galled Trevor’s Horse who could not charge them where they were drawn up. By this time Venables’ Horse rallied and joined with his Foot; on which Trevor, seeing he could do no good, retired and was followed about One hundred Miles, with the loss of about five or six of his Men, himself keeping the Rear courageously.

Of Venables’ Men, some were lost at the first falling on his Camp, and several wounded. But more had [been] if Atkinson had not turned Tail, and played the Jade instead of charging his Enemies on that quarter he was commanded, and runned straight to Lisnegarvy, and turned their friends; which occasioned the Loosing of that piece of Service

and consequently all Ulster, as Collonel Trevor (late Lord Dungannon) averred one day in the Court of Claims, in the Year ’66, when Atkinson’s Son was claiming his Father’s Arrears to have Lands for it.

Within four days Atkinson appeared in the Field with his Men against the King’s partie, and marched to find out one Collonel John Hamilton, (afterwards killed at————) and Captain Clubfoote Hamilton who had with them about Eighty Horse for the King, and met Atkinson at————, where after a smart encounter, being much of one number, Atkinson was beaten and put to the Route, and himself taken and sent to Colerain prisoner to Sir George Munroe, who afterwards hanged him as a Runaway. Of all Runaways he is the unworthiest, that deserts the partie he serves, at time of Fighting.

Now we will return to Drogheda, into which Crumwell placed a Garrison, and then marched as we said before, to Wexford, wherein was commanded by the Lord Lieutenant, about a fortnight before, the Lord Iveagh’s Regiment of Foot, and Collonel Hugh Boy MacTerlagh MacCavra O’Donnell’s Regiment, both consisting of about One thousand of Ulster men, together with about One hundred Horse, under whose command I had no Account of; where as soon as Crumwell came, he sent them a Trumpet to offer Conditions, which was denyed with great Resolution. On which he fell to his Batteries, and made great Breaches in two several places in the Wall, and then assaulted and [was] beaten off, and assaulted again with courage and fury, and entered the Town; where again the fight was renewed, and continued till those within were hacked down, and some of them, endeavouring to escape, were lost without mercy.

After this Crumwell marched to Ross, where he was smartly fought by a party of the Lord Lieutenant’s Army, who, not being able to maintain their parte, retired into the Town, and most of them Boated over the Water. But those commanded to keep the Town, not being able to withstand Crumwell’s Cannons’ good Success, made their Conditions and so went off. Then Crumwell caused a Bridge of Boates to be made over the river at Ross, being a great broad stream called the Barrow, where his Cannon were drawn over as well as his Army passed it over, and then marched to [Passage ?] which he summoned by his Trumpet. But those within it, one Major Townsley, the Governor of it, would not yield it on any account, on which it was stormed and taken and all put to the Sword.

Here we will leave Crumwell for a time, till we hear what feates he does, and see what Collonel Venables is doing in the North, and Collonel O’Conally, who came over with Crumwell, and was to raise a Regiment at Antrim forthwith (if he lived), where daily he got Allarms of Colonel Hamilton and his small party of Horse to be up and down the quarters next adjacent. On which Conolly went to Belfast and got from Collonel Venables two Troops, consisting of about Eighty Horse, under the Command of one Captain Reaper and Captain Lestrange, who on their march coming by those Hills from Leel, perceived Hamilton and his party near D————, north east of the Bridge, on which they made haste, swearing nothing but that they would not face them.

And so they advanced to them, Collonel O’Conally in the head of the Forlorn, who charged up a Lane, being so narrow they could not draw above half a Dozen in a Breast, and the other drawn so behind a Killn, that Conally could not see them till he had his Flank to their Front, and so he charged them hotly, and Hamilton charged them in their Flank so close that he put [them] to disorder, and to retire, and kept in so close amongst them, and those before Conally of his own party so close to him, that they fell confusedly on one another, that they could not rally or would not till all took the real Route.

And so most of them [were] killed with Captain Reaper, and Conally [was taken prisoner, and got quarters, and a Guard put on him to send him to Coleraine.

But he prevented them, for being suffered to be on his own Fleet Mare, as they thought [he was safe] for the Horseman kept next to him, the rest of the Guard being at some distance, he gave him a Leg and struck him backwards with his hand and tossed him off his Horse; on which he would be away, but there being one on the Guard had an Eye after him, being well mounted, and [named] Hamilton, whose Brother, Conally upon a sudden falling out at Lisnegarvy the Year before, went into the Backside to decide the matter, after the first or second pass killed him, whose name was Captain Hamilton of Sir James Montgomerie’s Regiment—which his Brother revenged, and gave Connally a kick and killed him, which by the Law of Arms he might do, in regard he broke his quarters. Then Conally’s body was carried like a sack on a Horse to that Night, and next Day was sent for and interred at Antrim. The Man was as Stoute as could be desired, but of no more conduct than a Man hot Ire’d.

After Collonell O’Connally and his party were thus lost, immediately Sir George Munroe marches with about One hundred men of his own out of Colerain, and Collonel Mac Donnall and his Regiment, consisting of about four hundred Men, and about three hundred of Sir Phelim O’Neill’s Regiment from Charlemount under the command of his Lieutenant-Collonel, called Thomas Sandford, an Englishman, that all the time of the Warr proved Stoute and honest to Sir Phelim, and four Troops of Horse, viz., Collonel John Hamilton’s Troop before spoken of, Clubfoote Hamilton’s Troop, Garret Irwin’s Troop, now Sir Garret, and Munroe’s own Troop, all the whole about (to the best of my memory) exceeded not six or seven score Horse, who all came before Antrim in October this year, and summoned the Town to yield to the King. But those within the Castle, one of Crumwell’s Captains with his Company, and one Lieutenant Develin with a Troop, returned answer they would not yield the Castle; on which the Town was assaulted and burnt, and some were commanded to fire at the Mount and Castle, but to little purpose, where was lost one Captain Maglaghlin and about Twelve men, without any hopes of getting either Castle or Mount. Being a place that is not for a Running party to attack.

After this Munroe marched with his party to Town, which was surrendered before he went thither, where he left some of his men to keep it. Then he marched the next day to Templepatrick, which submitted on those conditions, viz.—a Certain Minister gave under his hand then in the Castle, that none of Crumwell’s Army should be there received to quarter, which, if fulfilled, was well known within half a year. Here Munroe escaped narrowly: for a Bullet shot out of the Castle, and but one shot in all, saluted and turned his Blew Cap to the wrong side.

Then Munroe marched to Glanavy, kept by Lisnegarvy men, who after they Barricaded the passage into the Village, seeing Munroe advance, fled off. In this place the party quartered all Night, and paid for what they had; though the men were either before killed, or taken with Atkinson when he was taken at————, under whose command they were, or gone into Lisnegarvy the Evening before.

The next day Munroe marched with his party to Lisnegarvy, and sent his Trumpet to advise them to Surrender it to the King; but those within were more Obstinate, who revolted from him a little before, and refused to yield it; on which it was stormed in several places and defended for about an Hour, where was hot work at the Gate, especially at Scollog’s Forde, who, after their Shotts being spent, fell to thrust of Pike, in and out; but those without, being better animated and encouraged by their Officers, got over the Trench and got the Gate open, and then all rushed in but a few killed of them [the besieged] though they went not off without [receiving some Shotts.]

Since Crumwell is thus successful in Leinster, we will see what Munroe is now doing in the North, which is not in the Superlative degree; for about the middle of November he marched with what men he got from Inniskillen and Charlemount—being about two or three hundred foot and One hundred Horse—to Strabane, and summoned the Castle. But those within, a fool-hardy Serjant and about Twenty men, denyed good quarters; on which it was assaulted with Fiery Faggotts, Straw and Smoke, till they leaped out at [the] Windows; of which some were saved, but not the Serjant. And with ado the Lady of Strabane* was gotten safe from being smothered, where she had a kind Reception from Sir Phelimy O’Neill, who would come out before, but the Soldiers within would not suffer her, but kept her in by force.

*She was Jane Gordon, a Scotch lady, daughter of the Marquis of Huntley, and widow of Lord Strabane—one of the Abercorn family. She must have believed Sir Phelim incapable of cruelty. It is now certain that he never encouraged murder, and that he has been foully calumniated. (See Report on Carte Papers by Dr. Russell and Mr. Prendergast.)

After this Munroe marched to Charlemount; and the Lady with Sir Phelim, who married her the same day—after long courting between them by letters, at last they met one another. Then all were sent on quarters up and down those parts amongst the Irish, tillthe two Lords Ardes and Claneboy’s with the few men with them, about seven score foot and about Fifty Horse, came from the Lord Lieutenant’s Army in Leinster—their men having ran home from them before. With these Lords, one Collonel Saunderson came with about two or three hundred foot, and one Captain MacAwly with his Troop out of Athlone. For it seems about this time the Lord Lieutenant, with the advice of his Councell of Warr, considered it better Policy of Warr to disperse his Army, and to send some of them to defend Garrisons in their Country, than to keep them intire and to wait upon Crumwell’s motion to find or draw him to an advantage. But the first Rule of Warr took place, which afterwards fulfilled the old Adage Cum singulares pugnant Vincuntur, for so they were overcome dispersedly, and never gave Crumwell Battle.

After ten days rest about Charlemount those two Lords and Munroe Rendezvoused their men, and Sir Phelemy’s men, under the command of his Lieutenant-Collonel, one Thomas Sandford, an English man, and a Stout man, who from the beginning of the Warrs remained with Sir Phelemy, and was very faithful unto him, till Charlemount was taken. The men under his command upon this Expedition were about three hundred, and Sir Phelemy’s Troop, the whole party of Foot were about One Thousand, and the Horse, with those Collonel Miles Reilly brought with him from the County of Cavan, were about three hundred Horse.

And then all marched to Sir Charles Poines pass, in Frosty weather in December, in order to relieve Carrickfergus commanded by Collonel Deyeale* for the King, who conditioned with Sir Charles Coote and Collonel Venables, when they lay before it, after Munroe left the Country, and after Coleraine was taken, to Surrender it before the Christmas following, if he were not relieved. On which it was advised amongst the chief Officers, as the two Lords, Munroe, Collonel Miles Reilly, and Collonel John Hamilton, Collonel Saunderson and Lieutenant Collonel Sandford, whether it was better to march by Moira way and through————in Night time, and so to Carrickferfergus at the nearest, or to go to those two Lords’ Estates in the County of Downe to refresh the Soldiers and to get some provisions. Upon which the Officers were divided, and the Lords carried it by Vote; not only to refresh the Soldiers, but to raise more men, being the main argument; and so accordingly the whole marched with these two Lords, where they took but two or three days rest, and gathered all to the Lord of Ardes’s Town, called Newtown,* where the Lords’ number rather decreased than increased. Then they marched to Castlereagh, and from thence towards Lisnegarvy, where about a Mile from the Town Sir Theophilus Jones, with his Regiment of Horse, came out, but was quickly put to retire back, with the loss of three or four men in a Lane.

*Perhaps Dalzeele mentioned by Carte.

**Newtownards.

Then the Lords and those Officers before named advised together, whether to march that Night by the way of a Ford at Strandmillis at Ebbwater, and so to pass by Belfast and to Carrickfergus, or to march by the way of Magherlin. On which the Lords Answered, especially Ardes, that he scorned to march away in Night time from his Enemy, and so encamped that Night on those Hills east of a place called Kinmuck, then a House belonging to Lieutenant-Collonel Moses Hill, that deserted the King’s party a little before, when Major Burgh and [the] Lisnegarvy Horse left it. And so next morning early all marched by Kinmuck, where some Officers and Gentlemen left the King’s party very unworthily; for to leave a Heathen party just going to Fight, who can but memorize them with dishonour? Yet I will not name them, for afterwards, after the King’s Restoration, they rejoiced in the highest degree. And so [the Lords went] to a pass at a place called Lisnashuan, where Cootes, Venables and Jones with their Forces came in their Rear out of Lisnegarvy. On which Munroe and Collonel Hamilton, then in the Rere, commanded the Rear Guard, consisting of about One hundred Foot, and One hundred and Fifty Horse, and drew them up on the West Side of the pass; of which about Fifty Horse at the Mouth of the pass commanded by Captain Clubfoot Hamilton, a Stout Officer, and the rest of the Rear Guard of Horse with their Flanks to a Moss on the South side of the pass next the Wood.

On which Coote’s Forlorn of Foote draws on that Moss, and another Moss on the North side of the Pass, and their Forlorne Horse at the Entrance into the same; on which their Foot on the two Mosses began to Gaul and wound both Horses and Men, yet could not charge them where they stood. Then Munroe commanded on Major Donell O’Neill (of whom we made mention before at Drogheda Siege by the Irish) to charge that party on the Moss North of the Pass, commanded by One Captain Arthur Gore. Who accordingly did charge them home to push of Pike, but Gore stood to it so well, and being immediately Seconded by another party, did beat off Major Neill and his men. Then Collonel Jones with his Horse flancked with Foot on both sides of the Pass, charged Clubfoote Hamilton, who stood to it till he was killed. Then their Horse and Foote put the rest of the rear Guard (many of them being wounded by the Foot on both the Mosses) to Retreat. Who retiring to the rest before them drawn up, about half a quarter of a Mile, [the rest,] instead of charging those upon the Execution, took the retreat in a confusion and never charged their Enemy.

Of that party of the two Lords and Munroe’s, then I believe were lost and taken about two hundred; for the Woods and Boggs close to them saved them much; I believe that Day were not killed Twenty men of Coote’s men.

It is observable that, when God is not with men, that conduct is wanting, and also courage from the Soldiers; for none of the King’s party fought that day but the Rear Guard of Horse and Foot, and all the rest never Seconded them—neither were commanded in time to do it; and for courage it cannot be said it was shewn where men takes the Retreat, that did not charge, nor engage. The Retreat of this party was no shorter than to Charlemount; but were not followed above five or six Miles through ways not usual for Horse to take; by which means they escaped well, considering how farr they had to retire. There were taken that day of Note, the Lord of Claneboys and Collonel Hamilton; and Collonel Saunderson killed.

This day was but the prelude of what followed to the King’s party in Ulster afterwards. At Charlemount all dispersed to their own quarters; but Lord of Ardes and Munroe, and those [who] followed them, went to Inniskillen, and myself and men to a place where I was never before, in the Barony of Loghininsolin in the County of Londonderry, which proved good quarters to me according to the times. For of all places in time of Warr no place is so advantageous to men, if they have good Intelligence, than to be near their Enemy’s Garrisons and quarters, provided that they can secure themselves in time of danger, as I used to do amongst those Woods and Boggs, when those of————or Glenaen Garrisons had design to snap us up.

I am of opinion, according to what relation I got and what that day I saw, that the Parliament’s party of Horse and Foote with Coote, Venables and Jones, were double to the King’s party; but I must confess that the third part of them came not to Fight, nor none fought of them but the rear guard of the other party; and Captain Club-foot was the best of the Rear Guard and Major O’Neill that fought.

Seeing now that all is calm in Ulster, and gone to their quarters, and that [the] Ulster Army is returned from the Lord Lieutenant from Leinster, let us see what is doing there and in Munster. As for the latter, it seems most of them of the English is revolted from the Lord Lieutenant and the Lord Inchiquin, and joined with Crumwell’s party, and headed by the Lord Broghill (afterwards made Earl of Orrery by the King at his restoration), and surrendered their Garrisons to Crumwell’s disposing. On which the Lord Lieutenant commanded Major-General Hugh Duff O’Neill* with an Ulster Regiment, of which one Tirlagh Oge O’Neill Mac Henry of the Fews was Collonel, and about One hundred Horse under the command of————, to go and Garrison in Clonmell, a considerable place then as affairs stood, and [it was] much feared that Crumwell had a design upon it—which commands were accomplished by Hugh Duff O’Neill. Then Crumwell, hearing the Lord Lieutenant’s forces [were] dispersed, took his Opportunity of taking Towns and Castles without any great Opposition, and sent two or three Regiments of Horse and foot before him to block up Clonmell at distance. Which was done about a month before himself appeared before it, who, as soon as he came, drew close to it, and then (28th March, 1650.) sent his Summons to Hugh Duff to Surrender it on good quarters and conditions.

*Son of MacArt, (Lingard) or his nephew, (MacGeoghegan). He had served abroad under MacArt, and was deemed an able Captain, and proved himself such here and at Limerick. Scourge of Ireland, p. 87.

To which answer was made, that he was of another Resolution than to give up the Town on quarters or conditions, till he was reduced to a Lower Station, and so wished him to do his best. On which Crumwell fell to his Work, and planted his cannons, at which time and before several resolute Sallies were made out, and sometimes with good success, and sometimes not. At this Play they were like sons of Mars, till a long breach was made near one of the Gates, but proved not level enough when Night fell.

Within two Hours after, the Major General sent out Two hundred chosen Men and Officers, with a Good Guide, through by-ways from a place of the Wall next the River that was neglected by the besiegers, and fell on the backs of those in a fort not fully finished, behind them, and cut them all off before any relief came; on which immediately the next Gate was opened for them, and [they] got in safe with the loss of half a Dozen. The number killed in the Forte was about Sixty, being one of their Companies.

After this Hugh Duff did set all Men and Maids to work, Townsmen and Soldiers, only those on duty attending the Breach and the Walls—to Draw dunghills, Morter, Stones, and Timber, and made a long Lane a Man’s height, and about Eighty yards Length on both sides up from the Breach, with a foot Bank at the back of it; and caused [to be] place [d] Engines on both sides of the Same, and two Guns at the end of it invisible opposite to the Breach, and so ordered all things against a Storm.

Which [Storm] was about eight o’clock inthe morning in the month of January,t and [the English] entered without any opposition; and but few [were] to be seen in the Town till they so Entered, that the Lane was cram’d full with Horsemen Armed with Helmets, back Breast Swords, Musquetoons and Pistols. On which those
entering behind at the breach thought by those words, that all those of the Garrison were running away, and cryed out, “Advance!” “Advance,” as fast as those before cryed, “Halt!” “Halt!” and so advanced till they thrust forwards those before them, till that Pound or Lane was full, and could hold no more.

Then suddenly rushes a resolute party of Pikes and Musquetteers to the Breach, and scoured off and knocked back those entring. At which instance Hugh Duff’s men within fell on those in the Pound with Shotts, Pikes, Scythes, Stones, and casting of great long pieces of Timber with the Engines amongst them; and then two Guns firing at them from the end of the Pound, slaughtering them by the Middle or Knees with chained Bulletts, that in less than an hour’s time* about a thousand* men were killed in that Pound, being a Top one another.

*Lingard says that the conflict lasted four hours.

**MacGeoghegan says Cromwell lost 2,500 of his best soldiers.

At this time Crumwell was on Horse back at the Gate, with his Guard, expecting the Gates to be opened by those entered, untill he saw those in the Breach beaten back, and heard the Cannons going off within. Then he fell off as much Vexed as ever he was since he first put on a Helmet against the King, for such a repulse he did not usually meet with.*

The Siege, at Distance and close, being about five or six Weeks, and by several sallies out and on the Walls several of those within were lost, but many wounded and Sick, on which the Major General consulted with his officers, [and seeing] that their ammunition was gone, concluded to leave the Town without Crumwell’s leave,** and so at Nightfall he imported the same to the Mayor, one Whyte, and advised him after he was gone half a Dozen miles off as he might guess, to send privately out to Crumwell for Licence to speak to him about conditions for the Town; but not to make mention of himself on any account till he had done. After which advice to the Mayor he marches away with his men about two Hours after Night fall, and passed over the River undiscovered by a Guard of Horse that lay at the other side of the Bridge,*** and [he] made no great halt till he reached to a Town called Ballynasack, Twelve Miles from Clonmell, where he refreshed his Men, and then marched to Limerick.

*Cromwell had sent an express to Lord Broghill, stating that he was in a most miserable condition before Clonmel, where his army was suffering from the bloody flux, and had met too severe repulses from the brave garrison. At the Lord General’s order Broghill arrived with his army, was received with acclamations by the besiegers, and was embraced by Cromwell, who congratulated him on his recent victory over Lord Fermoy.—Wills’ Life of Lord Orrery.

**Cromwell attributed his defeat to too great confidence in human arms, and to atone for such impiety had ordered a fast to be observed by the whole army.—MacGeoghegan.

***Lingard says, “The garrison, having expended their ammunition, took advantage of the confusion of the enemy to depart.” Wills, in his Life of Orrery, says, “The failure of provisions determined O’Neill’s departure.”

Then the Mayor, according as he was advised, about Twelve o’clock at night (On the 10th of May, 1650) sent out to Crumwell very privately for a conduct to wait upon his Excellency; which forthwith was sent to him, and an Officer to conduct him from the Wall to Crumwell’s Tent, who after some course compliments was not long capitulating, when he got good conditions for the Town, such in a manner as they desired.

After which Crumwell asked him if Hugh O’Neill knew of his coming out, to which he Answered he did not, for that he was gone two Hours after Night fell with all his Men, at which Crumwell stared and frowned at him, and said, “ You knave, have you served me so, and did not tell me so before.” To which the Mayor replied, if his Excellency had demanded the question, he would tell him. Then he asked him what that Duff O’Neill was; to which the Mayor answered, that he was an over sea Soldier, born in Spain; on which Crumwell said, “G———d————n you, and your over sea!” and desired the Mayor to give the Paper back again. To which the other answered, that he hoped his Excellency would not break his conditions or take them from him, which was not the repute his Excellency had, but to perform whatsoever he had promised. On which Crumwell was somewhat calm, but said in a fury, “By G————above he would follow that Hugh Duff O’Neill where-soever he went.”

Then the Mayor delivered the keys of the Gates to Crumwell, who immediately commanded Guards on them, and next morning himself entered, where he saw his men killed in the Pound, notwithstanding which and his fury that Hugh Duff went off as he did, he kept his conditions with the Town.

This relation I had not only from some Officers and Soldiers of the Besiegers, but also from the Besieged, and that certainly Crumwell lost at the Siege and Storm about Fifteen hundred men, being more than he lost by all the Towns he stormed and took before since he came to Ireland.

*

*Cromwell lost 2,000 of his best men in the storm of Clonmel; and, seeing no good could be done in that way, determined to reduce the town by famine.—Carte.

Yet Mr. Phillips, the Historiographer, in his Continuation of Baker’s History, in his relation of Irish Transactions [in] the last Warrs, has not a word of this Siege or Storm, neither of such a Man as Hugh Duff O’Neill; but passes by him in silence, as he passed by him that defeated the Scottish Army at Benburb, as if he never heard of Owen Roe MacArt O’Neill; but he often names and reiterates the Rebells of Ireland; but never heard of a Rebellion or Rebells in England or Scotland, but all republicans. So—

“Let partiall pens be memorized with shame,
And ne’er deserve a memorable good fame.”

At this Siege Cromwell was sent for by the Parliament of England to repair to them with all haste, to be General of an Army to be raised to go into Scotland, hearing that the King was come or to come thither; and so [he] staid no longer than to get Clonmell.

After the Parliament Hero was gone to them, his Brother-in-Law, Henry Ireton (his Major-General) commanded the Army—a Politician and a great penman reputed, had all the Towns and Garrisons in Munster, but Limerick, surrendered to him, or to such as he commanded, as we said before, and so we will leave them—since they forgot their Allegiance to their King, and deserted the Lord Lieutenant and their own Commander-inChief, the Lord Inchiquin; and we will return to Ulster, where all is in their quarters, till in the Month of March this year, ’49,* a General Convention was at a Town in the County of Cavan, called Belturbet, of all the Officers of the Irish Army—from the Lieutenant-General to the Ensign—and of all the Irish Gentry of Ulster, for Electing a General in MacArt’s Room.

*Old style—i.e., 18th March, 1650.—Carte.

At which Convention those that were in that Election were the Lord of Antrim, Henry Roe O’Neill (Owen MacArt’s Son), Hugh Duff O’Neill (the Major-General), Daniel O’Neill (the King’s favourite), and [Heber] MacMahon the Bishop of Clogher,* about which the Officers and the Gentry also were divided into factions. To which meeting an Agent, one Mr. Humphry Galbraith, a minister and a prudent man, was sent by Sir George Munroe and the Scottish party at Inniskillen, to acquaint them with their inclination and resolution, that if they would elect the Lord of Antrim General, they would join with them in the King’s Service, and obey his commands; but if they made choice of any else, especially the Bishop, or any Bishop, they would not. On which the Bishop played his game privately with such of the Officers and Gentry as he thought would keep his Secret, and shewed them his Commission for being General from the Lord Lieutenant, dated Six Weeks before, and so made himself Cocksure of the Election by Votes, and seemed as nothing concerned at what the Scottish Agent in publick declared.

*General O’Ferral and Sir Phelim are named as candidates by Carte.

So that when the Voting came on, some Voted for the Lord of Antrim, some for Hugh Duff O’Neill,* and the rest for the Bishop, being unexpected and much to their dissatisfaction, especially to those [who] Voted for the Lord of Antrim, who at that instance declared they would have no Election at all, but before the Army drawn up in the field it should be. But before that day came it was publicly known that the Bishop had his Commission, as before said, and so the Lord of Antrim’s expectation (then in Town) was annihilated, and over-voted by a Bishop. But it was not the Bishop, but the Commission over-voted him. But if merits of Gallantry as a Soldier, and deserts had been put in the Scales, neither of them would carry it before the Major General, Hugh Duff O’Neill. As for the Bishop, tho’ he was a great politician, he was no more a Soldier fit to be a General than one of Rome’s Cardinalls.

*Hugh was certainly the fittest man for the post in point of abilities and military skill.—Carte, vol. v. 112.

After whose election, Sir George Munroe and the Scottish party at Inniskillen, as the Grahams and those [who] adhered to them, made their conditions with Sir Charles Coote and surrendered to him Inniskillen, being a strong Garrison, that commands the whole County of Fermanagh, and so situated could trouble the adjacent Countys, as Tyrone and Monaghan. And thus by making the Bishop General, the Scottish party there, who were active and stout men, deserted the King’s service, and was the ruine at last in human apprehensions, of the Ulster Army, as by the Sequel will appear.

The Bishop, pursuant to his Commission of being General, sent abroad his Mandate to the Army to meet and keep their rendezvous in April, at a place called Rillacorrom, near————, with Twenty-four days provision. But before the Bishop or his Army gathered, Sir Charles Coote with his Laggan Army, (for so they were called), and Collonel Robert Venables with his Army from the County of Antrim, met at Dungannon, and resolved that year not to suffer the Bishop-General’s Army to get together into a body; before which time there was a design [of the Irish] for taking of the Forte of————, a considerable passage at the Ban’s Mouth, between the County of Antrim and Counties of Tyrone and Londonderry, and very advantageous as the Station of the Warr then stood, and then seasonable to put in Execution—which accordingly was done—being taken on Mayday morning, and the next day the Forte of Glenaen and Port [were taken] and all without blood but one Drummer at————.

The Alarm of which being posted to Collonel Venables to Dungannon, immediately Coote and he separated; the one fell back to Strabane and the other, Venables, to the County of Antrim. And [they] made no long delay, but getting his Cannons and Bumboes with him to Toome, with which he was working about Eight or Ten days, and the place not being tenable against such powerful Weapons, was surrendered to him by Major Shane O’Hagan, a stout man, who made good quarters, and so marched off with his men, and two Captain Donnellies, and their men—in all about One hundred and Twenty, with their Armes.

In the Interim those two Armies [being] separated at Dungannon, the Bishop’s Army got together, and sent One thousand men and an hundred Horse under the Conduct of Collonel Alexander MacDonnell, a valiant Man in the field, now Lord of Antrim, to relieve Toome, but before he came to a place called Mountjoy, it was surrendered, and so the taking of it was————, only it gave opportunity to the Bishop’s Army to get together. On which he marched to a place in Armagh [called] Savry near Loghgale, Being Mac Art’s darling place to remain in when in Ulster. Where the Bishop had his Councell of Warr [and] advised whether next to march to Claneboys or to [Londonderry.]

I came at the County of Londonderry, on which by means and Corespondency between Sir George Rawdon, always an active prudent man for the welfare of his Country, and a certain Collonel in the Councell of Warr, who voted contrary to his Judgment, that the best way was to march to the County of Londonderry and not to Claneboys. And so, contrary to expectation, the Army marched thither, which was all that O’Cahan and Collonel Miles Sweney was endeavouring to obtain. Where as soon as they came to a Forte called Dungeven, the Bishop set out a declaration, and sent the same in with a Summons to yield the Fort if they would not submit to the King and his Laws. But the Gentleman [who] commanded the Forte, one Captain Michael Beresford with about Sixty men, had special orders from Coote not to Surrender the place on any Account, and so returned Answer that he would not yield the Forte.

On which once or twice more he was sent to, not only by threatenings, but by fair means, there being several Gentlemen in the Army wished him well; but all would not do. On which it was assaulted round, each Soldier having two Wooden pegs about a foot and half long, to stick in the sods; and so entered, where those within were all killed but the Captain wounded, and three more saved. After which the Captain was sent to Charlemount in a Horse-Litter, where he recovered. At this place the [Captain’s?] Lady, the Lady Coote, and several other Gentlewomen, were taken and civilly dealt with, and sent away safe to Leimvady Castle.
The Bishop left a Captain and his Company in this Forte, and marched to Leimvady, which one Major Philips kept (being his own house), a true King’s man, and who, on his promise to make his Tenants send some Meat to the Camp, was passed by and nothing troubled, but what one Soldier did to one of his Tenants, taking from him a Coat and Hat, for which he was hanged in the Conny Warren.

Then the Army marched to Bally Castle, a Garrison commanded by one of Coote’s En-signes, who after summons, without any dispute surrendered it, and had Liberty to go where they pleased with their Armes, their Number being about Thirty; and then a Captain and his Company was left in it. Then the Army marched back through Mountains, till in the Evening they got through a troublesome Moss for Horse, to an unusual passage, rarely frequented, on the River below Liffer, where they passed over unexpected to Coote, that lay there with his Army a little above Strabane, but before the Warrs was over, some women and Boys swam for it, and some [were] carried away by the Tide then flowing.

The Army lay that Night close to the pass where they went over, and in the morning discovers Coote and his forces within half a Mile, and [Coote] took his ground where an old Stoneyard was, and placed men in it. On which the Bishop marched towards him, being about four thousand foot and four hundred Horse at most, and drew up near him where Boggie and Mossy Ground was between them, that further he could not advance with Horse and foot together, so that nothing was done for two Hours but pickeering and odd Shotts by Firelocks. There was killed that morning seven or eight Horses by Pistolls, which is rare, and never a man.

Then the Bishop’s Army, seeing that Coote would not advance, used a little policy to draw on Coote out of his Ground, fell back out of his sight to a field of Champion* Ground, and there drew up fronted towards Coote. Who observing the other’s motion, thought they were marching away, and so commanded two Stout Captains with about three hundred Horse to fall on the Bishop’s Armies’ rear. The Captains were called Taylor (a Minister, as I have been informed,) and the other Killcart, who came down at a trotting, hasty, loose motion to fall on the rere as they thought best. They found them drawn up in good Order, close , I mean the Horse.

*Qu., Champaign.

And so [they] charged the Vanguard of [Irish] Horse and Foot being drawn in one Breast, who received their Fire modestly, and then closed in with them, and so fired in their Rere breasts, that they [the Parliamentarians] yielded some ground, and by sword [were] forced to face about, and then took the Run; and the other [i.e. the Irish Horse] close in amongst them, cross cutting, till a Relief came down of Horse and foot from Coote. And those on the Execution [were] glad to retire, who were wandering to and fro for half an Hour before they could be got in order for want of Horse Collars, which that Day was by some observed to be a great want and loss of time on such Emergent occasions.

At that charge Captain Taylor’s Horse was killed, and himself, and Killcart, a Stout Man, sorely wounded, and his Horse likewise; but both got off and died. He lost that morning two Horses pickeering, and the third carried him off, who, if taken, had not gotten quarters in regard he was not of the Army, but a Country Gentleman, that might look on or stay at home. But it was nothing in those Days to fight against the King or his party; but when the King came home from his Exile, then all Loyalty and allegiance was the Garb in fashion. There was not above twelve or thirteen of Coote’s men dropped, but many wounded, and their Horses.

As soon as Coote got this Affront, [he] immediately marched away at a quick motion over a long narrow Cawsy through a Moss; where, if he had been quickly hotly followed, in all likelyhood he had lost his foot between that and Londonderry, being Nine Miles from him. But his fate was otherwise, and to be the ruin of that Bishop and Army, that did not take advantage when they had it against him. But instead of following Coote, they marched, quite contrary, to Liffer Town, where one Major Perkins was a loyal subject, who yielded the Forts there to the Bishop as soon as he saw the Lord Lieutenant’s Commission with him, where the Bishop put a Captain and his Company.

Then the Army encamped close by the River Side, for five or six days, during which time all the Scottish Gentlemen of the Barony of Rapho frequented the Camp daily, who were received with respect and freedom, and got all protections not to be [injured] or troubled in Person or Goods, on their promise that they would send in an hundred Barrels of Meal to the Soldiers within a certain day, but before the day came,————by Coote’s threatenings sent to them, and their own backwardnessand unwillingness, they all in one Night left their Houses, Bag and Baggage, and never sent again to the Bishop, which made him in Wrath after his civility to them.

Then it was advised where next to march to get provision, which was then scarce; the result of which was to march to the Barony of Kilmacrenan, and [they] encamped by the way about Seven or Eight Miles from Liffer by a Moss Side and a River, where if any witches was then in that country, or if an Army can be bewitched, most sure it was then done, for in the Evening three women came together bare foot with their Plads about their Heads, and came in amongst the Horses, then all Grazing but those on the Guarde; and without any noise in the World all the Horses suddenly took a Fright, and away run with their Tayles up, as if Devils, Witches, or Monkies had rid on them, that nothing could stop them for a whole Mile, till they run into a Moss, and Bogged themselves for the most part, where they were taken at last, all shaking and Trembling, and all the Night after and next Day, and so Wild that their Riders never thought to bring them to their own nature.

As soon as the Horses took the fright and run, the three women took their Run likewise, that none in the Camp could overtake them till they left their sight and lost them.

The next morning the Army marched to a place called in Irish————, being a Forde where an old Castle is on the River,* a Mile above Letterkenny, and encamped on a plane Field amongst the Rocks on the North side of that River close to it. From which place a Collonel, one Miles Sweny, was sent out with his Regiment to bring in Beeves from the Country, with whom went some of every Regiment, without Orders, to the number of about thirteen or fourteen hundred men,** when Coot appears with his own Army of the Laggan and the supply sent to him by Collonel Venables with one Collonel Phenwick, and all the Gentlemen of the Country on Horseback.

*The river Swilley.

**Colonel Swiny was detached with a strong party to make an attempt on Castledoe, in the County of Donegal.— Carte.

Which the Bishop-General valued not, nor considered [it sufficient] to remain where he was safe enough till those abroad would return; but, Csesar-like, forthwith he must fight; and so drew his Army (not then three thousand Foot) over the river towards Coote; and [he] took his ground where no Horse could fight, being a Boggie Ground. On which Coote, knowing well enough (having intelligence) what men was abroad from the Bishop’s Army, was glad of the Opportunity to fight him before they returned; and drew from the Hill where he was drawn up at a great distance, and commanded down with a Brigade, Collonel Phenwick, to charge the Bishop’s Army in the first place; on which Phenwick sent out a Captain with One hundred and Fifty men as his forlorn, and from the Bishop’s Army the like was sent; and both fired close till the Captain [who] led the Irish forlorne dropt, and his men [were] beaten back. On which a Collonel was sent down, (always known a brave fellow in Fight,) with a Brigade, and made that forlorn fly back (asit was no wonder.)

On which Collonel Phenwick advances with his Brigade, who at the first Fire was dropt. When both the Brigades near to push of Pike, comes down another Brigade to second Phenwick’s Brigade after he was dropt; which the Leader of the Irish Brigade seeing those before him seconded and himself not, gave the word of command (in bad time) to retire back over the Ditch behind them over which they came before; thinking to make some advantage of it till he was seconded. On which his men faced about and made to the Ditch, which the other Brigade seeing, falls close in their Rear, and takes the Collonel at the Ditch, and never suffered his men to face about to relieve him, till they put them into confusion, and fell foul on another Brigade of their own before them, and confused them; when at the same instance a Brigade of Coote’s charges them in the Flank, and Phenwick’s charged in the Rear of the other Brigade, that the two Brigades was put to retreat to the Forde, thinking to maintain the same. But instead of that they all run from it. But one Major Hagan happily got into the old Castle with some men, and made his quarters to get them Ballycastle restored.

In this fight none of the Cavalry fought, there being no ground for it. Of the Irish were killed about One thousand Five hundred, and many of their chief Officers: and those [who] got quarters and yielded their Armes and [were] carried before Coote, were shott or hacked down by his Orders: for his Officers and private Soldiers of Horse and Foote had more Mercy than he had. As for instance, when Collonel Henry O’Neill, Owen Mac Art’s Son, was carried before him by some of Collonel Phenwick’s men, English men out of England, that saved his life till then, he bid them take him away. On which the Gentleman pleaded, that when his Father relieved him when he was besieged in Londonderry he would save his Life; to which Coote only answered, that he paid his Fatherhis Wages for that; and so bid them take him away the second time—and so [he] was knocked down with Musquetts—snd so was Collonel Phelim MacTool, Collonel Hugh MacGuire, and Collonel Hugh MacArt Roe MacMahon, and some others inferior to them. As for O’Cahan, he was killed and was not brought before him.*

*Major General O’Cahan, many of his principal officers, and 1,500 soldiers were killed on the spot, and Colonels Henry O’Neill, Phelim MacTool O’Neill, MacGuire, Mac Mahon and others were slain after quarter given.—Carte.

Now the Reader may observe the Sequel of making the Bishop a General that was nothing experienced in that Lesson, nor becoming his Coat to send men to spill Christian Blood; and how that, for want of conduct and prudency in Martiall Affairs, he lost himself, and that Army that never got a Foyle before he led them.*

*The Ulster army was never before beaten or foiled by English, Irish, or Scottish armies.

But God made him sensible of his ambition and folly, when he was wounded and got quarters for life from Major King, late Lord of Kingston, that lay in ambush before him in Glandorrochy, with Horse and Dragoons, and took him on Sunday after he left the defeat of his Army near Twenty Miles from the place, and was kept prisoner half a year in Inniskillen, till his Thigh bone was knitt and sound again with great charges—and then [he] was hanged by Orders of Coote, which Major King could not prevent, though he used his best endeavours.

At whose Execution some were appointed to demand of him some questions; amongst the rest, “If the late King gave Commission or Countenance to the Irish to raise Rebellion?” Which he took solemnly on his Death, as he hoped shortly to see the Divinity, that he never gave any such Commission, and was so farr from giving any such thing, that his Majesty never knew of it.

This defeat was on Friday, the Twentysecond day of June, 1650, where neither conduct or noble Acts appeared.* But what more can I say, when God has a mind to Scourge and make slaves of men, he will take away their hearts and courage, as this day I observed.

Sir Charles Coote, then so stiled, having got the Victory, thought himself no small person then in the Parliament of England’s Eyes; so made use of his Victory and prosecuted it, having made not above fourteen days delay before he came to Charlemount—whereCollonel Robert Venables, with all the forces he had in the ————of the County of Antrim and Down, met him in the Beginning of July this year. And presently [they] fell to their Works and Batteries, where the Bumbos were not idle, nor their Canons, till they spent about five or six Weeks; and then having made a long Breach in the east side of the Wall, with Ladders [they] stormed the same with resolution and courage; but was so paid by Shots, Scalding Urin Water, and burning Ashes, that after two or three Hours fighting at a hot rate, the Attackers were beaten off, and not only by the Men within, but by Women, who more appeared like fighting Amazons than Civilized Christians.

At which encounter of Sir Phelimy O’Neill’s men, who then commanded the Forte, were left then and before of Seven Score, but thirty that was able to handle Armes, but wounded or killed, and their Ammunition near spent. On which Sir Phelimy seeing his weak posture, and expecting no relief, sent out to Sir Charles in order to make Conditions. On which two Hostages were sent in, viz., Sir Audley Mervin, then Collonel, and who the year before, 1649, was one of those [who] Besieged Coote in Londonderry for the King, but now turned chief Cannoneer to him against Sir Phelemy, that held the Garrison for the King since he adhered to the peace made in 1648. But in those days it was no thing in Ireland to desert the King’s party, and to submit and bear Armes with Crumwell and Coote, which my Lord Duke of Ormond knows by sad Experience in ’49 and ’50, now [i.e. when] the English left him and sided with Crumwell for the most part, and many of the Irish sided with the Pope’s Nuncio.

The other Hostage was Major King, afterwards Lord Kingston. After these two Hostages were received in by Sir Phelimy, he went out to Coote where he was all Night till next Day before they could agree; which in short was, that Sir Phelemy was to march with his men with their Armes and Baggage, and Surrender the place, and within three months to transport himself beyond Sea, to which Coote was to furnish him with a Vessel. But he did not, it was his fate, till one of his own followers of the Surname of the O’Hugh’s discovered where he was—whether by fear of their Altering of the Lord Caulfield s, or wittingly I cannot avouch which—but taken he was, as hereafter in its due year we [shall see.]

This Garrison of Clarlamount belonged to the Lord Caulfield when the Warrs began; at which time Sir Phelimy O’Neill Surprised it, and kept it till this time; being so advantageously placed that it commands Tyrone, Monaghan and Ardmagh, and so convenient to offend by Water, to make incursions into the County of Antrim and Londonderry, having Boats and Accoutrements, that it might much trouble them if [they were] Enemies. Tis now the King’s Garrison, he having paid for it to the Lord Caulfield three thousand pounds.

Tis most certain that Coote lost at this Storm and Siege about five hundred men, some of which were Officers and Gentlemen of merit and worth—where Collonel Venables escaped narrowly with the loss of his During which Storm Coote was all the time as a Spectator, smoaking of Tobacco at distance. After Charlamount was taken, and Sir Phelemy retired to the Island of Kinard, one Major Reed with his Company (a meer knave) was made Governor [of Charlamount, and] the Lord Caulfield’s Lieutenant, one————, an honest, true-hearted Gentleman, was left and his Troop; and Coote’s returned to Londonderry, and Venables to Carrickfergus.

In August this year, one Bishop Sing’s Son was sent from the King as an express to the Gentry of Ireland willing them not to submit to the Parliament’s power; and that he hoped that God would ere long face so affairs, that they should be backed; in the mean time to go on vigorously. Which Messenger was joyfully welcomed by the Irish, though a little before offers were sent them by Ireton, Crumwell’s Major-General, and chief Commander of the Parliament’s Army in Crumwell’s absence, knowing that the King was in Scotland, or to come thither, to take conditions for their personal or real Estates, before Limerick was taken, which was his Argument.

But the Irish was of another mind since the King’s Express came to them; and by the hopes they had of the Duke of Lorrain’s arrival daily with forces, according to conditions between them; but he came not; but sent about Two thousand Pounds in Cobs, and a considerable quantity of Arms, as Firelocks, Pistols and Sadles. Of which Crumwell hearing, [he] sent an express to him, and————by threats [and by] paying for what he sent to the Catholicks of Ireland, the Duke was stopt. After which and [the] King’s two Breaches at Dunbar and Woster the Irish was slighted and villified by the English of England and Ireland of the Parliament’s party, especially when Limerick and all the Towns of Munster and Leinster was in [their hands, and having no fear that the King or any other Prince would relieve them; so as the old Adage was then verrified, viz., “He that will not when he may, When he would shall have [no] pay.”

As for Ireton, he died of the plague, as did many of his Men at Limerick Siege, of which Major-General Hugh Duff O’Neill was Governor. But at last [O’Neill] was betrayed by some of the Town, and Ireton’s men let into it, and Hugh Duff taken in a manner upon mercy, and miraculously saved.*

*On the 11th of June, 1651, Hugh O’Neill with 3,000 men undertook to defend the town. Though outside the walls Lord Muskerry was beaten by Lord Broghill; though time, in October before, Collonel Alexander MacDonnell, now Earl of Antrim, was taken prisoner near [Tecroghan] by Sir Theophilus Jones endeavouring to relieve the place then besieged—where Collonel Manus Roe O’Cahan was killed and about three hundred Foot. And Hugh Duff O’Neill being then Prisoner, both the Collonel and he were sent with Ireton’s Corpse in Lead to the Parliament, as a great trophy, where with much ado they escaped Tyburn, and [were] saved from Bradshaw’s sentence of Blood, who was the same [wretch that] gave sentence of death on the best of kings, Charles the 1st. Clanrickard and Castlehaven were outmanoeuvred by Coote and Ireton; though opposed by a powerful party within the walls, the “Black” Northern harassed the besiegers by repeated sorties, repelled every assault, destroyed on the 15th of July a whole corps which they had landed on the Island. The English being reinforced by 3,000 men and a battery of heavy cannon, made a wide breach in the wall; and Black Hugh was going to handle them as roughly as he treated Cromwell at Clonmel, when the Mayor and Colonel Fennell seized Sir John’s Gate, turned the cannon on the city, and admitted the besiegers. The reader will learn with pleasure that these besiegers hanged the Mayor and Fennell. Lord Orrery says that there was little chance of taking Limerick by storm.—(See his Letters.) See Lingard; and also Lenihan’s “Limerick.”

Before this time, in October before, Collonel Alexander MacDonnell, now Earl of Antrim, was taken prisoner near [Tecroghan] by Sir Theophilus Jones endeavouring to relieve the place then besieged-where Collonel Manus Roe O’Cahan was killed and about three hundred Foot.

And Hugh Duff O’Neill being then Prisoner, both the Collonel and he were sent with Ireton’s Corpse in Lead to the Parliament, as a great trophy, where with much ado they escaped Tyburn, and [were] saved from Bradshaw’s sentence of Blood, who was the same [wretch that] gave sentence of death on the best of kings, Charles the Ist.

But Crumwell was the man saved the Major-General, and sent him as to the King of Spain, then at peace with England, to Extoll his own actions. But most certain it is that he writt to the King of Spain with Hugh Duff, that he met in Ireland with one of his Subjects, meaning Hugh, and recommended him to him for a good Soldier.*

*”After the surrender of Limerick O’Neill was doomed to die; but the officers who formed the court-martial, in admiration of his gallantry, pronounced in favour of their bravebut unfortunate captive.”—Lingard. “Whitelocke has heard that they found in Clonmel the stoutest enemy this army had ever met in Ireland, and that there never was seen so hot a storm of so long continuance, and so gallantly defended, either in England or Ireland.”—Whitelocke, p. 441. Mr. Carlyle quotes this, and adds: “The Irish Commander was Hugh O’Neil, a kinsman of Owen Roe’s:—Vain he, too, this new brave O’Neil!”

In this year,in December(7th December, 1650), the Marquiss of Ormond, having no good Success, and some parties slighting of him out of an Apprehension he was no Friend to Catholicks of the Roman Church, neither a man of good Conduct orsuccess at Armes in the Field, left Ireland, and made Ulick Bourke, Marquis of Clanrickard and Earl of Saint Albans, his Deputy.

He lived some time at Loghreogh, some time at Portetumny,* and at [Galway ?] He was a person the Irish was well satisfied with, in respect that [as] he was true to the King, so he was true to his Religion, being a good Roman Catholick. The Lord Deputy, in June following, rendezvoused his Army, consisting of Conaught and Ulster men about three thousand, and marched to a place called Ballyshannon on the River between both these Provinces, and took it by a hot Storm, and left a Warde in it; but forthwith Coote, with his Lagan Army, as his Army was so called, and Venables, with his forces from Claneboy’s, advanced towards the Lord Deputy, who, having good Intelligence, retired and left the Province, not being able to fight them both. Neither, indeed, was he ever practised in that Trade, though a very fine, devout, Liberal Hospitable Gentleman as any so in Ireland in his time, as I have heard many averr. On which retiring, the Garrison was surrendered on quarters to Coote and Venables, which the latter saw punctually performed; and then, seeing the Lord Deputy with his men to leave Ulster, they returned to their quarters.

*Loughrea, Portumna.

After this the Lord Deputy sent his forces, then declining, under the Command of Lieutenant-General Farrell, to a place called Lushmach, in the County of————, where they were encamped a Fortnight, expecting more forces daily, and where they expected no enemy without notice. When on a sudden, in an Evening, falls on their out-guards a strong party of Horse and foot of Crumwell’s Army, under the command of Sir Jerom [Sankey], and one Collonel Axtel, Governor then of Kilkenny; where after a smart opposition, the Irish having no Horse there, were disordered and Routed, but not above Eighty killed; making their Escape by Boates and Cotts they had near the place, and some by swimming over the River called the Turk.

Of the few Officers [who] were killed, one Major Shane O’Hagan was the chiefest, who at the first charge dropt, and who was known to be a good Soldier and a Stout Man, that Escaped several Brushes before—as at Glannaquin; at the Passage near Waterford, where a considerable party of the Ulstermen were lost; at Dundalk, where he was taken prisoner; and Letterkenny fight, where he was taken also, but released by the Surrender of Bally Castle to Coote, which he promised for his Life, and [had Life] granted with difficulty and persuasion of some Officers of that Army.

This Axtell was he that commanded the Foot Guard that day the good King Charles the First was murdered at his own Pallace Gate, the 30th of January, 1648. And after this King’s restoration, was Executed at Tyburn the year ’62, with other Regicides, who at his death said, that he repented nothing more he did in his Days, than some unhappy act fell into his hands in Ireland. Which by Inquiry we found out afterwards, that he being Governour of Kilkenny, as before said, he killed or caused to kill sixteen or seventeen poor countrymen on protection in that country, and took away their Goods, as in those days it was nothing to kill an Irishman, or send them to America for Ten Pounds apiece, if he had not about him to produce a certificate of taking the Oath of Engagement, as it was co called, which Oath was in hcec verba: “I, A. B., Do hereby declare that I renounce the pretended Title of Charles Stuart and the whole line of late King James, and of every other Person pretending to the Government of the Nations of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the Dominions and Territories thereunto belonging; and that I will by the Grace and Assistance of Almighty God, be true and faithful to this Commonwealth, against any King, Single Person and house of peers, and every of them, and hereunto I subscribe my name.”

Who took not this Covenanting Oath was not to have (English or Scottish) the Benefit of the Law, nor the Irish, protection of their Lives, as many of them Suffered inhumanely.

In April this year [Galway] that Was besieged three quarters of a year, of which General Preston was Governour, was surrendered to Sir Charles Coote on honourable conditions. During the time of the Siege there was many Sallies out with good success, and sometimes the contrary. But that storming the trenches of the Besiegers, being three, was notably and manfully attacked, and one of them taken, and likewise the rest had been if a relief came not timeously to assist them, that made the attacks to retire with no great loss; but there was great loss on both sides before.

At this Seige he that commanded the Horse of the Town, (being one Troop), called Lieutenant Farrell, deserved High praise. As for Preston, he was as brave a Soldier to keep a Town or to take a Town as any was in the three Kingdoms, as those that knew him to me and others affirmed.

This year in April Colonel Robert Venables, Governour of Ulster for Crumwell, marched out from the County of Antrim and Down with all his Forces, being about Two thousand, if not more, to the County of Cavan, where all those [who] were in Armes of Ulster for the King, was heartless and comfortless, expecting no help or relief from the King or Duke of Lorraine, nor could get conditions from the Parliament of England for their Real or Personal Estates, because they refused it from them before,* the King being broak at Dunbarr in Scotland, and [Worcester] in England the first, the third of September, 1650, and the other the 3rd of September, 1652.

*On the 10th of January the Parliament offered terms to the Irish, which the Irish were prevailed on to refuse. This opportunity of saving the lives and properties of the Irish was sacrificed by Clanricarde and Castlehaven to the mere chance of gaining a victory for the Scots, their implacable enemies. What calamities flowed from this wrong step!

On Colonel Venables’ advance to Belturbet the Irish forces retired to the Mountains of————, Leaving the pass of Beolaconnuil behind them, after whom Sir Theophilus Jones was commanded out by Venables with all his forces to a few where the Irish Horse, commanded by one Colonel Miles Reilly about three hundred, advanced towards Jones’s Horse, and after the first fire closed on to Sword, and fought vigorously till Jones’s reserve of Horse advanced up and charged them in the Flank, and having no reserve to second them, through inconsiderate conduct, broak them.

In the mean time the Foot was firing at each other Smartly, till Jones’s Horse was making towards them, on which the Irish took the retreat, and several killed, in the whole about Two hundred, and of Jones’s party about Sixty, who several times related that the Irish Horse that day, Fought that last bout as well as ever they did since the Warr.

This Little Fight being in the Month of June, the heat was so scorching and Drying that it took Fire from the Shotts, and burn’t many of the corps that day. This Collonel Jones was a gallant Man, not blood-thirsty, and’saved the present Lord of Antrim when he took him Prisoner, his party retiring near [Tecroghan?], when they came to raise the Seige about it in ’51, but could not.

There were but few of them killed, when Colonel Manus Roe O’Cahan keeping the rear, on their retreat was shott and fell. And the party just entering into a Moss, and the Lord of Antrim at some distance, with some Gentlemen about him, behind the Rear, Collonel Jones with some Horse whips up on a sudden and struck in between the Lord and his Men, and so took him, and those [who] stuck to him, and gave them honourable quarters. At this time the Lord was but a Collonel, and a stout man, as he well proved at Letterkenny defeat—on his retreat he kept off two Horsemen with Carrabines, with his own Carrabine; yet never shot till it was my fate to Escape, and knowing his Horse, called Strawberry, made to him, and then he shot one of the Horsemen, and so both run back to meet their own men close to them following; and so God brought us both off, till we overtook our own party retiring with the General Bishop.

How Sir Phelim O’Neill came to be taken in the Island in the Loch of Ruchan in Tyrone, in February, 1652. His Lady being then kept as prisoner in Charlamount, Governed by the Lord Caulfield, he with one Tirlagh Grome O’Quin, a Gentleman of that County, and Captain Cormack MacBryen O’Neill, with about Twenty Soldiers, went into the Island on no other design but to correspond with his Lady, and to use means to get her released, as if he were at further distance. To which end he sent one of his followers of the name of O’Hughs, who frequented that Garrison as being one of those protected by it. By whom it was found out that he was in the Island, Seven or Eight Miles from Charlamount; on which the Lord Caulfield drew some Horse and Foot, and some Foot from Dungannon, and surrounded the Logh; at which those in the Island saw themselves betrayed, especially when they saw two or three Boats put on the Logh, yet made no shotts, being mute for a day or two on both sides.

At last they came to a parly, on which one Captain Forster, Lieutenant of Horse to the Lord Caulfield, was sent in to Capitulate; who within half an Hour came out, and gave an Account he did not see Sir Phelim within, and that he was gone out before. On which he was sent in again to make search for them —who appeared as soon as Foster entered the House; who forthwith returned and gave the account of his being there, who could get no other conditions [but on discretion, neither indeed could they make better against that party about them; for the Island was within a Pike’s Length to the Land, and no kind of work to defend them, but an old House, so as they might be killed through the House with only Musquetts.

So at length they came out and were guarded as prisoners at Warr, and so sent to Charlemount, where they were all released within few days; but Sir Phelim sent to Carrickfergus to Collonel Venables, and O’Quin. Whose salutation [of Venables] to him, that he was glad to see him well there, to which [Sir Phelim] returned that he hoped to find it so by his Welcome. With such civil courtly Expressions between them [they spoke,] till at last Sir Phelim begged no more of him, but to be civil and kind to his Lady and Children, and next to cause his Guard to be civil to himself.

To both which the other replied that he would, and that his Guards should be civil to him; on which he called for a Glass of Wine and Drank to Sir Phelemy, and made him Drink the Glass twice, and sent him to a Chamber with a Guard, and within two days sent him to Dublin on a little paced Nag—where he was sentenced to be quartered. After which he was demanded, If King Charles the First gave them [Commission to raise that Warr; which, if he would avouch, he should have his Life. To which he made manly Answer, that the King was so farr from giving them Commission that he did not know of their rising. On which he was forthwith Executed half alive, and quartered; one of which [quarters] was sent to be put up in Lisnegarvy,* as a Memorial of his Burning that Town at the Beginning of the Warr, in November, ’41; another quarter set up in Dundalk, for taking that Town then’; another quarter in Drogheda, for besieging the same with forces the same Winter; and the other quarter, and his head, in Dublin, as being the Chief man [that] contrived and plotted to take it on Friday night, the 23rd of October, ’41, who was not there the same Night but at Charlamount.

*Lisburn.

He was a well bred Gentleman, three years at Court, as free and Generous as could be desired, and very complaisant; stout in his Person; but, not being bred anything of a Soldier, wanted the main art, that is, policy in Warr, and good conduct.*

*Sir Phelim showed his horror of murder by causing to be hanged his own foster-brother. and three others, for assassinating his prisoner, Lord Caulfield. In this he is entitled to more respect than Sir Robert Stewart, who simply scolded a minister for killing a prisoner, who had got quarter. (See p. 30.) Dr. Russell and Mr. Prendergast, in their Report on the Carte Papers, declare O’Neill to be innocent of the murder of Lord Caulfield. Was Caulfield’s successor as innocent of O’Neill’s murder?

This year there was nothing of action worth relating, But the Irish Officers could get no other conditions, but to be transported with their men to Spain: which was done accordingly. As for those [who] had real Estates, and Officers, [who] staid in the Kingdom [and] had Estates, all were to be transplanted into Connaught, and to have the third part of their own (August 12, 1652.) And a proclamation set forth to that Effect, and not one Officer of the Irish Army to remain in Ireland out of Connaught, and not to come out of it without Lycence or pass, and armless. This year that new invented packed Courte [was] first set up in England by Crumwell, styled the High Court of Justice, rather injustice, to take away the King’s life as they did, which I leave to the Account of the Chronicle of England. Which Court made way through the four Provinces of the Kingdom, and in Ulster made a great Scrutiny and Inquiry. By which Twenty Gentlemen of it suffered, for matters at the Beginning of the Warr, of which some suffered Innocently, as then it was said where some of those [who] were Judges were their Enemy in the Warr time. It was then that Gentleman named before, Terlagh [Groome] O’Quin suffered, and his head [was] set up on the West Gate of Carrickfergus.

And so ended that unhappy Warr to the Nation, and profitable to the Crummelians and those officers called ’49 men; being some of those Officers [who were] of the British Army, and laid down their Armes in that year, and fought not against the Parliament of England for King Charles the Second. Who got Debenture Lands as well as Crumwell’s men or Officers, though their Soldiers got none. And [these lands were] confirmed to them by the Act of Settlement in Dublin after the King’s Restoration by the Parliament held there in Anno 1663, when the Duke of Ormond was Lord Lieutenant, and present at passing that Act.

Men of Estates of the Irish attributed to the noble Duke that he leaned much to the Crummelians, and that he got Thirty Thousand Pounds per Annum of Estate then, that he never had before, and most of it from his own name. The King afterwards being informed of the proceedings of that Parliament, most of the House of Commons being Crummelians, sent over Commissioners to judge by a Court of Claims in ’65 and ’66, and redressed much of those proceedings, and restored several to their Estates. On whichsome Officers formerly of Crumwell’s Army combined and plotted amongst themselves and some others, [who] were not of that Army, but well-Wishers to their design as adventurers, to take Arms and by power to turn all upside Turvey.

But [they] were happily discovered, and some apprehended, but being so numerous, no more suffered but three of their contrivers, viz., one Collonel Warren, Collonel Jephson and Collonel Pompson—who confessed the matter.

Since we have given an account in brief of the most material actions during the Warr of ’41, that I heard of or saw, I will here insert the motives induced the Irish to raise it, as I saw it written with Collonel Philip O’Rielly of Ballymacargue, the chiefest man in those days in the Warr in the County of Cavan, a copy of which I took.

First that the Lecture [which was] set up and stood in the College of Dublin since it was first founded in Anno 1591, in favour of the Irish Nation for teaching their youth, was taken down and nulled in the year 1637, by Mandate of Doctor Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, Chancellor of it then; when he sent there Mr. William Chapell to be provost of it, being contrary to the pious intention of those [who] contributed to that College, whose names are there on Record.

The next is, [that] those Gentlemen [who] were pattentees from King James, in the fourth year of his Reign, for their Lands, were decreed by an Act at the Councell Table at Dublin the 13th of July, 1637, to be defective and void only on the account of their Tenures from that King, and offices found accordingly in the Counties of Sligo [and Galway], and Town and County of the same, in the County of Roscommon, the County of Mayo and County of Clare to invest them in the King, till they were necessitated to pass new patents, and pay a fine with great charges about the same, and other unjust proceedings of plantation from time to time [attempted] by those [who] Governed the Kingdom.

That at general Parliaments they have been barred by the Governors to send their Committee to the King to present their Grievances before him. That the Councell Table too often judged matters against them by Arbitrary Laws, and [did] not allow them the benefit of the Law in the King’s Courts. That the penal Laws was over their heads, to barr them from the freedom of their religion.

That where the Catholicks had built Houses in Cities or Towns for the Exercise of their Religion, they were suppressed and bestowed upon the College or sold away. That in the Parliament at Dublin, 1639, it was in Agitation to pass an Act to force the Roman Catholicks to turn from their Ancient Religion to be Protestants, or to want the Benefit of the Laws of the Kingdom.

That Lastly, they thought to [imitate the attempt of] the Scottish Nation to obtain the freedom of their Religion, who raised an Army and advanced with a Petition in one hand, and their swords in the other hand to the River of Neweburne in the year 1640, where they were opposed by forces under the Command of the Lord of Strafford. But theScottish Cannons made way, and after some hot disputes they got over and marched toNewcastle and had it surrendered unto them, upon which the King sent to them Commissioners and pacified the matter, and the Scots got freedom of their Religion, and returned out of England.

THE END.

APPENDIX.

—Clotworthy’s Regiment.

Payne Fisher, an officer in Clotworthy’s regiment, composed four poems about these northern wars. He writes to Clotworthy from prison in England.

“When shall we meet again, Sir, and restore
Those pristine pastimes we found heretofore?
When shall we again unkennel up these men,
Or rather Hydras, from their hell-deep den?. . . .
Fatal Glencontain too, though cursed by some,
To this place sure was an Elysium.”

Owen O’Connally was Lieutenant Colonel of that regiment. “The Cries of Ulster.” To my much-honoured friend and Colonel, Sir J. C. [Clotworthy.]

“Up, sad Melpomene, up and condole
The ruins of a realm! Attire thy soule
In sorrow’s Dresse. . . .

“Thy stately woods, whose beauty did excite
In the spectator wonder and delight,
Proved but thy funereal faggots to consume
Thee in cinders, and to exaggerate thy doom,
And all thy blazing territories have
But torches been to light thee to thy grave….
As for the Rebells, they keepe off,
And seldom come within ye loughe;
Yet now and then we at distance see
A Kearne stalking cap-a-Pe.”

Clotworthy declared in the English Parliament that the Irish should be converted with the Bible in one hand, and the sword in the other. Clotworthy’s soldiers murdered 80 unoffending people, tenants of Mr. MacNaghten. But perhaps this is the same case as Mr. Upton’s, mentioned.

—Julianstown.

Ormond to King, 30th Nov. 1541—”The rebels are grett noumbers, verei meanly arrmid with sutch wapines as wold sho them to be a toumoultuarey rable than anything like an armey. Drohedach is faesid by att lest faure or faeiv thousand of them. 600 foote and 50 horse, which we sent to Drogheda, as we understand, laett last nichtt, waer encounterid by 1500 of the enemie. The fortes were for the most paertt of those Ingleishe that had been pilladged by them, and had, I doubt, with their goods lost their courage. They betduk themselvis to their heels upon sichtt of the enimey, not onse shouting one shott or streeyking one stroke. The men had as maeney aerms as all the rebells in the kingdoume, and waer as well trenid as they. The horse were part of our own troop, and waer commanded by Sir Patrick Weimis. The foute, when I saw them in the field, I thothtt they had not souldeiours faesis; and now itt appiris they hadd not souldeiours’ hurtts. In shortt, our men rann awaey and left the aermis a welcome prey to the enimei.”

Sunday, 28.—In the afternoon Tichcourne drew out of Drogheda to meet them, but did not, as the officers could not prevail on them to go farther than Balrudery, as they were informed the enemy lay in their way, and intended to fall on them that night. On Monday morning Lord Gormanstown sent Sir P. Wemyss word that the Irish were at St. Julianstown bridge; but Sir Patrick’s scouts told him no enemy was there The foot lost only 100 on account of the fog, and Major Roper, and Captains Cadogan and Townsley made a shift to get to Drogheda. If the rebels had followed their blow, and instead of loitering about at Drogheda had gone to Dublin, they would in all probability have became masters of the city, and in a short time, of the castle.”—(Carte.)

—Death of Lord Moore.

Moore was shot on the 7th of August, according to Lodge, on the 15th of August, according to Burke’s Peerage, or on the 12th of September, according to Carte. When he was shot, Monk, the future restorer of the Stewarts, who was the second in command, ordered a retreat. The Rev. Alexander Clogie, Bedell’s friend and biogragher, was chaplain of horse in Moore’s army, and he tells us that he “saw the cannon bullets taken out of his lordship’s body on the nth of September, 1643.”

*Perhaps this Scotch minister was the ‘camping chaplain’ who recorded Moore’s death in the following droll distich:—

“Contra Romanos mores, res mira, Dynasta
Morus ab Eugenio canonizatus erat!”

Rome’s ancient rites are now but lightly prized,
Since Moore by Owen Roe was canonized!

It is likely that Owen MacArt was really sorry at hearing of the death of Moore, for he was a brave young nobleman, was a foster-brother of the O’Neills, was the son of a friend of the great Hugh O’Neill, and when a child had received that chieftain’s blessing after the Irish fashion.

—The Creachts or Keyriachts.

The poet, Gerald Griffin, thus speaks of the ‘Creates’: —

“Along the sunny highland, pacing slow,
The Keyriaght lingers with his herd the while,
And bells are tolling faint from far St. Simon’s isle.”

—Cursing one another.

The Author speaks of the Nuncio’s excommunication and interdict. The real and true history of this sad business has still to be written. Suffice it to say here, that in defiance of the remonstrances made by the Nuncio and eight of the Bishops, the Kilkenny Council agreed to an armistice proposed by Inchiquin, who had lately declared against the Parliament. The Nuncio condemned a peace made with “ Morogh of the Burnings,” who had murdered the priests and was constantly changing sides; moreover, this peace was unfavourable to the interests of the Catholics, and especially of the Old Irish of Ulster, whom the Leinster men seemed to fear and dislike more than the English. Rinnuccini tried to break that treaty by excommunicating its abettors and placing under interdict the towns in which it should be admitted. The Council and fourteen Bishops appealed from his censures to Rome; the Leinster, Munster, and Connaught generals sided with the Council; and O’Neill took the part of the Nuncio.

—Knockanoss.

Cnoc-na n-os means the Hill of the Fawns. In this battle some of the Irish ran away like frightened deer. Four thousand of their countrymen were slain. The English lost Sir W. Bridges, Sir R. Travers, Colonel Grey and Major Brown. One account says that Purdon had given quarters to Mac Donnell, and that Inchiquin ordered him to be shot. Mac Donnell had been knighted by Montrose for his bravery in Scotland. With his regiment of Ulstermen he landed in Scotland in 1644; marched to Badenoch, inflicting severe injuries on the Covenanters, and took the Castle of Blair; on the 1st of September he overthrew 8000 horse and 800 foot, at St. Johnstown; on the 13th he defeated 3000 foot and 500 horse at Aberdeen, and then beat Argyle and Aghenbracke at Glengarry and at Inverlochy Castle. O’Donovan thought he was Coll-Cibagh, but O’Curry speaks of him as the son of Collkitto, i.e. MacColl-Citeagh.

—Wexford.

Some authors, such as Carte, say Wexford was betrayed by Rochford and Stafford; and the slaughter, says Borlase, was almost as great as at Drogheda. Lingard accuses Cromwell of putting men, women, and children to the sword, after having granted quarter and favourable conditions. Page g2—Defence of Kilkenny. The Author omits to speak of the defence of Kilkenny. We abridge Carte’s account of it.—

“Sir Walter Butler commanded its garrison of 300 men. On 23rd March, 1650, Cromwell was beaten off; on the 25th he made a breach and assaulted, but was beaten off twice, and could not get his men to attack again. The breach was repaired, and Cromwell was on the point of raising the siege, when the Mayor and townsmen sent word they would let him in. Then he attacked on the 26th and 27th two places which were defended only by citizens, and he got in; but the garrison beat him out at the Franciscan wall and at St. John’s bridge, killing many of his officers and men.

“On the 28th he was joined by 1,500 fresh troops under Ireton; and Sir W. Butler finding his men reduced in numbers, and weak from want of rest, and seeing no hope of relief, surrendered on honourable terms.

“When Sir Walter and the officers marched out, they were complimented by Cromwell—who said that they were gallant fellows; that he had lost more men in the storming of that place than he had in the taking of Drogheda; and that he should have gone away without it had it not been for the treachery of the townsmen.”—(Carte.) Cromwell says—”Our men fell on upon the breach, which indeed was not performed with usual courage nor success, for they were beaten off with the loss of one Captain and about twenty or thirty men killed and wounded. The enemy had made two counter works, and indeed it was a mercy we did not contend further for an entrance; it being probable that if we had, it would have cost us dear. We got the Irish Town, and sent eight companies to seize (Englishtown) and lost as much as in the other enterprize. The officer who commanded in chief attempted to pass over the bridge, but had 40 or 50 men killed and wounded— which was a sore blow to us.”—(Cromwell’s Letters.)

—The Storm of Clonmel.

Mr. Carlyle writes—”Cromwell has still one storm to do in Ireland—that of Clonmel—where two thousand foot, all Ulstermen, are gathered for the last struggle—the deathagony of this war. A very fierce storm and fire-whirlwind of last agony; whereof take this solid account of an eyewitness and hand-actor. The date is 10th May, 1650.

“Worthy Sir,—Yesterday, Thursday, 9th of May, we stormed Clonmel: in which work both officers and soldiers did as much and more than could be expected. We had with our guns made a breach in their works; where, after an hot fight, we gave back a little, but presently charged up the same ground again. But the enemy had made themselves exceedingly strong by double works and traverse, which were worse to enter than the breach; when we came up to it they had cross-works, and were strongly flanked from the houses within their works. The enemy defended themselves against us that day until towards evening; our men all the while keeping up close to their breach; and many on both sides were slain.”

“The fierce death-wrestle, in the breaches here, lasted four hours; so many hours of hot storm and continuous tug of war, and “many on both sides were slain. At night the enemy drew out on the other side, and marched away undiscovered to us.” Whitelocke has heard by other Letters, ‘ That they found in Clonmel the stoutest enemy this army had ever met in Ireland; and that there was never seen so hot a storm, of so long continuance, and so gallantly defended, either in England or.Ireland.’ “The Irish Commander here was Hugh O’Neill, a Kinsman of Owen Roe’s; vain he, too, this new brave O’Neill! It is a lost cause Fiery fighting cannot prosper in it! Let the O’Neill go else whither with his fighting talent.”—(Mr. Carlyle’s Cromwell.)

It is a pity that the Confederate Council did not use “the fighting talent” of Owen Roe and his nephew, instead of employing such military mediocrities as Taafe, Muskerry, Ormond, Clanrickard, Preston and Castlehaven.

—Relief of Tecroghan Castle.

“About the middle of May, 1650, the Castle of Tecroghan was besieged by Reynolds, one of Cromwell’s commanders, and it was very bravely defended by Sir Robert Talbot. Clanrickard advanced with 2000 foot and 700 horse torelieve it, as it was in want of provisions. Reynolds had called Colonel Axtel to his assistance, and possessed all the passages leading to Tecroghan. Clanrickard had to march nine miles through bogs where he could not use his horse, while Reynolds could use his foot, horse and dragoons; yet the foot officers said they would go, and Castlehaven offered to dismount some of his troopers and put himself at their head.

On June 19, at 11 a.m., 1400 foot marched from Tirrelspass, some of the enemy’s horse attending on them and viewing them for the last four miles. When they arrived at Togher Gearr, they found 1400 foot and 1200 horse of the enemy in battalia. Half an hour before night the Irish left, under Burke, fell on the English right wing of horse and beat them from their ground; then the forlorn hope of 150 men, under Hugh O’Kelly, forced their passage over the Togher, though raked by the enemy’s cannon; and then being seconded by Burke, routed those on the Togher and cleared the passage.

The Irish right, under Sir J. Dillon, were ordered to attend the English left wing of horse and foot; but seeing their companions victorious over the enemy’s right, and over those on the Togher, they could not be stayed but advanced on to the rear of their battaile.

Castlehaven seeing the English reserve of foot on the left ready to fall on their flank, ran back and called to them to stop and face the enemy coming in their flank; but they still continued advancing in the rear of the battaile, till Castlehaven meeting Captain Brassil Fox ordered him to face with his men to the enemy. Instead of that Fox ordered his men to follow, and ran clear away; and his ill example was followed by others.

If the rear and reserve had done their duty, the Irish would in all probability have obtained an entire victory over the enemy’s horse, foot, and cannon. The two divisions of Burke and Kelly got into Tecroghan; but Castlehaven, with a few gentlemen, got back to Tirrell’s-Pass. The Irish loss was 40 men, and the English very considerable. Fox was shot by sentence of a Council of War.

Burke and Kelly having got with about 1000 men into the place, sallied out that night and demolished the enemy’s works and approaches. They sallied every day in the same manner, making great slaughter of the besiegers, till the 25th of June, when having spent all ammunition and provisions, they surrendered on honourable terms—one of which was, that they should carry off half the artillery, throwing lots for the first piece; but Reynolds and Ireton, by a shameful breach of faith, did not allow this condition to be carried out. All parties, even the enemy, allowed this to be the gallantest action since the beginning of the war.”—(Carte.)

Source: Google Books